LIBRARY  OF  PRINCETON 


DEC  I  ^  '^^^^ 

THEOLOGICAiiL  ■, ;:mRY 


BS  1171  .D78  1891 
Driver,  S.  R.  1846-1914. 
An  introduction  to  the 
literature  of  the  Old 


^t  International  iljcoiosiral  lilrrarg. 


EDITORS'    PREFACE. 

Theology  has  made  great  and  rapid  advances  in  recent 
years.  New  lines  of  investigation  have  been  opened  up, 
fresh  light  has  been  cast  upon  many  subjects  of  the  deepest 
interest,  and  the  historical  method  has  been  applied  with 
important  results.  This  has  prepared  the  way  for  a  Library 
of  Theological  Science,  and  has  created  the  demand  for  it. 
It  has  also  made  it  at  once  opportune  and  practicable  now 
to  secure  the  services  of  specialists  in  the  different  depart- 
ments of  Theology,  and  to  associate  them  in  an  enterprise 
which  will  furnish  a  record  of  Theological  inquiry  up  to 
date. 

This  Library  is  designed  to  cover  the  whole  field  of  Chris- 
tian Theology.  Each  volume  is  to  be  complete  in  itself, 
while,  at  the  same  time,  it  will  form  part  of  a  carefully 
planned  whole.  One  of  the  Editors  is  to  prepare  a  volume 
of  Theological  Encyclopaedia  which  will  give  the  history 
and  literature  of  each  department,  as  well  as  of  Theology 
as  a  w^iole. 

The  Library  is  intended  to  form  a  series  of  Text-Books 
for  Students  of  Theology. 

The  Authors,  therefore,  aim  at  conciseness  and  compact- 
ness of  statement.     At  the  same  time,  they  have  in  view 


ii  EDITORS'    PREFACE. 

that  large  and  increasing  class  of  students,  in  other  depart- 
ments of  inquiry,  who  desire  to  have  a  systematic  and  thor- 
ough exposition  of  Theological  Science.  Technical  matters 
will  therefore  be  thrown  into  the  form  of  notes,  and  the 
text  will  be  made  as  readable  and  attractive  as  possible. 

The  Library  is  international  and  interconfessional.  It 
will  be  conducted  in  a  catholic  spirit,  and  in  the  interests 
of  Theology  as  a  science. 

Its  aim  will  be  to  give  full  and  impartial  statements  both 
of  the  results  of  Theological  Science  and  of  the  questions 
wiiich  are  still  at  issue  in  the  different  departments. 

The  Authors  will  be  scholars  of  recognized  reputation  in 
the  several  branches  of  study  assigned  to  them.  They  will 
be  Lissociated  with  each  other  and  with  the  Editors  in  the 
effort  to  provide  a  series  of  volumes  which  may  adequately 
represent  the  present  condition  of  investigation,  and  indi- 
cate the  way  for  further  progress. 

CHARLES  A.  BRIGGS. 
STEWART  D.  F.  SALMOND. 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  THEOLOGICAL  LIBRARY. 


In  connection  with  this  Series,  the  Publishers  have 
pleasure  in  announcing  that  the  following  Volumes  are  al- 
ready arranged  for  : — 

By  S.  R.  Driver,  D.D.,  Regius  Pro- 
fessor of  Hebrew,  and  Canon  of 
Christ  Church,  Oxford. 

{Now  ready.) 


1.  An  Introduction  to  the  Litera- 

ture of  the  Old  Testament. 

2.  Theology  of  the   Old   Testa- 

ment. 

3.  An  Introduction  to  the  Litera- 

ture of  the  New  Testament. 


By  A.  B.  Davidson,  D.D.,  LL.D., 
Professor  of  Hebrew,  New  College, 
Edinburgh. 

By  S.  D.  F.  Salmond,  D.D.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Systematic  Theology  and 
New  Testament  Exegesis,  Free 
Church  College,  Aberdeen. 


4.  Contemporary  History  of  the    By  Francis  Brown,  D.D.,  Professor 
Old  Testament.  f.  "^^rew  and  Cognate  Languages. 

Union  1  heological  Seminary,  New 
York. 


5.  History  of  Christian  Doctrine. 

6.  Apologetics. 

1.  Comparative  Religion. 

8.  Symbolics. 

9.  Philosophy  of  Religion. 

10.  Christian  Ethics. 

11.  Christian  Institutions. 

12.  The  Apostolic  Church. 


By  G.  P.  Fisher,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Ecclesiastical  History, 
Yale  University. 

By  A.  B.  Brucb,  D.D.,  Professor 
of  New  Testament  Exegesis,  Free 
Church  College,  Glasgow. 

By  A.  M.  FairbaiRiN,  D.D.,  Principal 
of  Mansfield  College,  Oxford. 

By  Philip  Schaff,  D.D..  LL.D.. 
Professor  of  Church  History,  Union 
Theological  Seminary,  New  York. 

By   Robert   Flint,    D.D.,    LL.D., 

Professor  of  Divinity  in   the   Uni- 
versity of  Edinburgh. 

By  Newman  Smyth,  D.D.,  Pastor 
of  the  First  Congregational  Church, 
New  Haven,  Conn. 

By  A.  V.  G.  Allen,  D.D.,  Professor 
of  Ecclesiastical  History,  Episcopal 
Theological  School,  Cambridge, 
Mass. 

By  Arthur  C.  McGiffert,  Ph.D., 
Professor  of  Church  History,  Lane 
Theological  Seminary,  Cincinnati, 
Ohio. 


New  York  :  CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS,  743-745  Broadway. 
Edinburgh  :  T.  cSc  T.  CLARK,  38  George  Street 


Zhc  5nternatlonal  ^beological  Xibrar?. 


EDITED    BY 

CHARLES   A.  BRIGGS,  D.D„ 

Edward  Robinson  Professor  of  Biblical  Theology^  Union  Theological 
Seminary,  New   York  ;     >■ 

AND 

STEWART  D.   F.  SALMOND,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Systematic  Theology  and  Neiv  Testament  Exegesis, 
Free  Church   College,  Aberdeen. 


1.  AN  INTEODUCTION  TO  THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 
By  Prof.  S.  R.  DRIVER,  D.D. 


r— ■    9     ]947     ^ 
International  Theological  vib.rary 

AN    INTEODUGTION 

TO   THE 

LITEEATUEE     OF    THE 
OLD    TESTAMENT 


BY 


S.    E.    DEIVEE,    D.D., 

REGIUS  PROFESSOR  OF  HEBREW,  AND  CANON  OF  CHRIST  CHURCH,  OXFORD; 
FORMERLY  FELLOW  OF  NEW  COLLEGE,  OXIORD. 


NEW  YORK 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'8    SONS 

1891 


{The  Rights  o,  Translati<m  and  of  Reproduction  are  Reso-ved.) 


PREFACE. 


More  than  three  years  have  elapsed  since  I  undertook  to  pre- 
pare an  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Although  the  more  important  parts  of  the  ground  were  already 
famihar  to  me,  other  occupations  prevented  my  being  able  to 
complete  it  until  now.  I  ought,  in  the  first  instance,  to  guard 
against  any  misapprehension  as  to  the  scope  of  the  work.  It  is 
not  an  Introduction  to  the  Theology,  or  to  the  History,  or  even 
to  the  Study,  of  the  Old  Testament :  in  any  of  these  cases,  the 
treatment  and  contents  would  both  have  been  very  different.  It  is 
an  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament;  and  what 
I  conceived  this  to  include  was  an  account  of  the  contents  and 
structure  of  the  several  books,  together  with  such  an  indication 
of  their  ^i?;?^/-^/ character  and  aim  as  I  could  find  room  for  in  the 
space  at  my  disposal.^  For  it  is  not  more  than  just  to  myself 
that  I  should  state  that  by  the  terms  of  my  agreement  I  was 
limited  in  space :  I  had  to  do  the  best  that  I  could  within  an 
average,  for  the  longer  books,  of  20-25  pages.  There  have  been 
many  matters  on  which  I  would  gladly  have  given  fuller  par- 
ticulars :  there  have  been  opinions  which  I  should  often  have  been 
glad  to  notice,  or  discuss  more  fully  than  I  have  done,  if  only 
out  of  respect  for  those  who  held  them  :  but  my  limits  have 
forbidden  this,  and  I  have  repeatedly  omitted,  or  abbreviated, 
^  what  I  had  originally  written — sometimes,  no  doubt,  to  the 
reader's  advantage,  though  not  perhaps  always  so.  Hence,  while 
I  am  prepared  to  accept  full  responsibility  for  what  I  have  said, 
for  what  I  have  not  said  I  must  put  in  a  plea  to  be  judged 
leniently. 

^  The  Theology  of  the  Old  Testament  forms  the  subject  of  a  separate 
volume  in  the  present  series,  which  has  been  entrusted  to  the  competent 
hands  of  Professor  A.  B.  Davidson,  of  the  New  College,  Edhiburgh. 

V 


vi  PREFACE. 

A  perfectly  uniform  treatment  of  the  material  has  not  been 
aimed  at.  The  treatment  has  varied  with  the  character  of  the 
different  books.  The  contents  of  the  prophetical  and  poetical 
books,  for  instance,  which  are  less  generally  known  than  the 
history,  properly  so  called,  have  been  stated  more  fully  than  those 
of  the  historical  books  :  the  legislative  parts  of  the  Pentateuch 
have  also  been  described  with  tolerable  fulness.  The  relation  to 
one  another  of  the  parallel  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  has  been 
explained  in  some  detail,  as  these  have  often  an  important  bear- 
mg  upon  the  structure  and  authorship  of  the  books  concerned. 
Much  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  lists  of  expressions  charac- 
teristic of  the  style  of  particular  writers.  These  have,  in  most 
cases  been  drawn  up,  and  in  all  cases  independently  tested  and 
verified,  by  myself;  and  care  has  been  taken  to  exclude  from 
them^  words  of  slight  or  no  significance.  Distinctive  types  of  style 
prevail  in  different  parts  of  the  Old  Testament ;  and  it  is  hoped 
that  at  least  the  more  important  of  these  types  may  thus  be 
brought  before  the  notice  of  students  :  though  naturally  the  full 
significance  of  such  lists  and  their  mutual  bearing  upon  one  another 
will  only  be  apprehended  by  one  familiar  with  the  whole  of  the 
Old  Testament,  and  able  to  view  its  parts  in  their  true  perspec- 
tive. It  was  impossible  to  avoid  altogether  the  introduction  of 
Hebrew  words ;  nor  indeed,  as  the  needs  of  Hebrew  students 
could  not  with  fairness  be  entirely  neglected,  was  it  even  desir- 
able to  do  so ;  but  an  endeavour  has  been  made,  by  translation, 
to  make  the  manner  in  which  they  are  used  intelligible  to  the 
English  reader. 

Completeness  has  not  been  attainable.  Sometimes,  indeed, 
the  grounds  for  a  conclusion  have  been  stated  with  approximate 
completeness ;  but  generally  it  has  been  found  impossible  to 
mention  more  than  the  more  salient  or  important  ones.  This 
is  especially  the  case  in  the  analysis  of  the  Hexateuch.  A  full 
statement  and  discussion  of  the  grounds  for  this  belongs  to  a 
Commentary.  Very  often,  however,  it  is  believed,  when  the 
relation  of  different  passages  to  each  other  has  been  pointed  out 
briefly,  a  comparative  study  by  the  reader  will  suggest  to  him 
additional  grounds  for  the  conclusion  indicated.  A  word  should 
also  be  said  on  the  method  followed.  A  strict  inductive  method 
would  have  required  a  given  conclusion  to  be  preceded  by  ,an 
*  With  the  limitation  noted  on  p.  167,  n.  2. 


PREFACE.  vii 

enumeration  of  all  the  facts  upon  which  it  depends.  This  would 
have  been  impossible  within  the  limits  at  the  writer's  disposal,  as 
well  as  tedious.  The  method  pursued  has  thus  often  been  to 
assume  (on  grounds  not  fully  stated,  but  which  have  satisfied  the 
author)  the  conclusion  to  be  established,  and  to  point  to  particu- 
lar salient  facts,  which  exemplify  it  or  presuppose  its  truth.  The 
argument  in  the  majority  of  cases  is  cumulative — a  species  of 
argument  which  is  both  the  strongest  and  also  the  one  which  it 
is  most  frequently  impossible  to  exhaust  within  reasonable 
compass. 

In  the  critical  study  of  the  Old  Testament,  there  is  an  im- 
portant distinction,  which  should  be  kept  in  mind.  It  is  that  of 
degrees  of  probability.  The  probabiHty  of  a  conclusion  depends 
upon  the  nature  of  the  grounds  on  which  it  rests ;  and  some 
conclusions  reached  by  critics  of  the  Old  Testament  are  for 
this  reason  more  probable  than  others  :  the  facts  at  our  disposal 
being  in  the  former  case  more  numerous  and  decisive  than  in  the 
latter.  It  is  necessary  to  call  attention  to  this  difference,  because 
writers  who  seek  to  maintain  the  traditional  view  of  the  structure 
of  the  Old  Testament  sometimes  point  to  conclusions  which, 
from  the  nature  of  the  case,  are  uncertain,  or  are  propounded 
avowedly  as  provisional,  with  the  view  of  discrediting  all,  as 
though  they  rested  upon  a  similar  foundation.  But  this  is  very 
far  from  being  the  case.  It  has  been  no  part  of  my  object  to 
represent  conclusions  as  more  certain  than  is  authorized  by  the 
facts  upon  which  they  depend  ;  and  I  have  striven  (as  I  hope 
successfully)  to  convey  to  the  reader  the  differences  in  this 
respect  of  w^hich  I  am  sensible  myself.  Where  the  premises 
satisfy  me,  I  have  expressed  myself  without  hesitation  or  doubt ; 
where  the  data  do  not  justify  (so  far  as  I  can  judge)  a  confident 
conclusion,  I  have  indicated  this  by  some  qualifying  phrase.  I 
desire  what  I  have  just  said  to  be  applied  in  particular  to  the 
analysis  of  the  Hexateuch.  That  the  "  Priests'  Code  "  formed 
a  clearly  defined  document,  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the  Hexa- 
teuch, appears  to  me  to  be  more  than  sufficiently  established  by 
a  multitude  of  convergent  indications ;  and  I  have  nowhere 
signified  any  doubt  on  this  conclusion.  On  the  other  hand,  in 
the  remainder  of  the  narrative  of  Gen. -Numbers  and  of  Joshua, 
though  there  are  facts  which  satisfy  me  that  this  also  is  not 
homogeneous,  I  believe  that  the  analysis    (from  tlie  nature  of 


Yin  PREFACE. 

the  criteria  on  which  it  depends)  is  frequently  uncertain,'  and 
will,  perhaps,  always  continue  so.  Accordingly,  as  regards 
"JE,"  as  I  have  more  than  once  remarked,  I  do  not  desire  to 
lay  equal  stress  upon  all  the  ])articulars  of  the  analysis,  or  to 
be  supposed  to  hold  that  the  line  of  demarcation  between  its 
component  parts  is  at  every  point  as  clear  and  certain  as  it  is 
between  P  and  other  parts  of  the  Hexateuch. 

Another  ])oint  necessary  to  be  borne  in  mind  is  that  many 
results  can  only  be  approximate.  Even  where  there  is  no  ques- 
tion of  the  author,  we  can  sometimes  only  determine  the  date 
within  tolerably  wide  limits  {e.g.  Nahum) ;  and  even  where  the 
limits  are  narrower,  there  may  still  be  room  for  difference  of 
opinion,  on  account  of  the  different  aspects  of  a  passage  which 
most  strongly  impress  different  critics  {e.g.  in  some  of  the 
acknowledged  prophecies  of  Isaiah).  Elsewhere,  again,  grounds 
may  exist  sufficient  to  justify  the  negative  conclusion,  that  a 
writing  does  not  belong  to  a  particular  age  or  author,  but  not 
definite  enough  to  fix  positively  the  age  to  which  it  does  belong, 
except  within  broad  and  general  limits.  In  all  such  cases  we 
must  be  content  with  approximate  results. 

It  is  in  the  endeavour  to  reach  definite  conclusions  upon  the 
basis  either  of  imperfect  data,  or  of  indications  reasonably  sus- 
ceptible of  divergent  interpretations,  that  the  principal  disagree- 
ments between  critics  have  their  origin.  Language  is  sometimes 
used'  implying  that  critics  are  in  a  state  of  internecine  conflict 
with  one  another.^  This  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  facts. 
There  is  a  large  area  on  which  the  data  are  clear,  and  critics  are 
agreed.  And  this  area  includes  many  of  the  most  important 
results  which  criticism  has  reached.  There  is  an  area  beyond 
this,  where  the  data  are  complicated  or  ambiguous ;  and  here  it 
is  not  more  than  natural  that  independent  judges  should  differ. 
Perhaps  future  study  may  reduce  this  margin  of  uncertainty.  I 
ma-ke  no  claim  to  have  admitted  into  the  present  volume  only 
those  conclusions  on  which  all  critics  are  agreed  ;  for  naturally 

^  See  pp  14,  17  f.,  36,  109  f.,  etc.  The  same  admission  is  constantly 
made  by  Wellhausen,  Kuenen,  and  other  critics— most  recently  by  Kaut/sch 
and  Socin  in  the  second  edition  (1891)  of  the  work  named  on  p.  12,  \>.  \'\. 

-  It  may  not  be  saj)ernuous  to  observe  that,  from  allii>ions  to  the  subject  in 
contemporary  literature,  no  accurate  opinion  can  commonly  be  formed  as  to 
either  the  principli^s  cir  the  results  of  the  ciiiica!  .stud)'  of  the  Old  Testament. 


PREFACE.  ix 

I  have  followed  the  guidance  of  my  own  judgment  as  to  what 
was  probable  or  not ;  but  where  alternative  views  appeared  to 
me  to  be  tenable,  or  where  the  opinion  towards  which  I  inclined 
only  partially  satisfied  me,  I  have  been  careful  to  indicate  this  to 
the  reader.  I  have,  moreover,  made  it  my  aim  to  avoid  specula- 
tion upon  slight  and  doubtful  data ;  or,  at  least,  if  I  have  been 
unable  absolutely  to  avoid  it,  I  have  stated  distinctly  of  what 
nature  the  data  are  {e.g.  p.  209  f ). 

Polemical  references,  with  very  few  exceptions,  I  have  avoided  : 
in  this  case,  the  limitation  of  space  coincided  with  my  own  in- 
clinations. It  must  not,  however,  be  thought  that,  because  I  do 
not  more  frequently  discuss  divergent  opinions,  I  am  therefore 
unacquainted  with  them.  I  have  been  especially  careful  to 
acquaint  myself  with  the  views  of  Keil,  and  of  other  writers 
on  the  traditional  side.  Upon  no  occasion  have  I  adopted  what 
may  be  termed  a  critical  as  opposed  to  a  conservative  position, 
without  weighing  fully  the  arguments  advanced  in  support  of  the 
latter,  and  satisfying  myself  that  they  were  untenable. 

Naturally  a  work  like  the  present  is  founded  largely  on  the 
labours  of  previous  scholars.  Since  Gesenius,  in  the  early  years 
of  this  century,  inaugurated  a  new  epoch  in  the  study  of  Hebrew, 
there  has  been  a  succession  of  scholars,  of  the  highest  and  most 
varied  ability,  who  have  been  fascinated  by  the  literature  of 
ancient  Israel,  and  have  dedicated  their  lives  to  its  elucidation. 
Each  has  contributed  of  his  best :  and  those  who  come  after 
stand  upon  the  vantage-ground  won  for  them  by  their  pre- 
decessors. In  exegesis  and  textual  criticism,  not  less  than  in 
literary  criticism,  there  has  been  a  steady  advance.^  The  historical 
significance  of  different  parts  of  the  Old  Testament — the  aim  and 
drift  of  individual  prophecies,  for  instance,  or  the  relation  to  one 
another  of  parallel  groups  of  laws — has  been  far  more  carefully 
observed  than  was  formerly  the  case.  While  in  fairness  to 
myself  I  think  it  right  to  state  that  my  volume  embodies  the 
results  of  much  independent  work, — for  I  never  accept  the 
dictum  or  conclusion  of  any  critic  without  satisfying  myself,  by 
personal  study,  that  the  grounds  alleged  in  its  support  are 
adequate, — I  desire  at  the  same  time  to  acknowledge  my  in- 

^  The  progress  in  the  two  former  may  be  measured  approximately  by  the 
Revised  Version,  or  (in  some  respects,  more  adequately)  by  the  notes  in  the 
"  Variorum  Bible  "  of  Eyre  &  Spottiswoode. 


X  PREFACE. 

debtedness  to  those  who  have  preceded  me,  and  facilitated  m\ 
labours.  The  references  will  generally  indicate  who  the  aulhor- 
iiies  are  that  have  been  principally  of  service  to  me;  naturally 
they  vary  in  different  parts  of  the  Old  Testament. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  present  volume  to  deal 
with  either  the  Theology  or  the  History  of  the  Old  Testament,  as 
such  :  nevertheless  a  few  words  may  be  permitted  on  them  here. 
It  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  main  conclusions  of  critics 
with  reference  to  the  authorship  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment rest  upon  reasonings  the  cogency  of  which  cannot  be 
denied  without  denying  the  ordinary  principles  by  which  history 
is  judged  and  evidence  estimated.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that 
the  same  conclusions,  upon  any  neutral  field  of  investigation, 
would  have  been  accepted  without  hesitation  by  all  conversant 
with  the  subject :  they  are  only  opposed  in  the  present  instance 
by  some  theologians,  because  they  are  supi)Osed  to  conflict  with 
the  requirements  of  the  Christian  faith.  But  the  history  of 
astronomy,  geology,  and,  more  recently,  of  biology,^  sui)plies  a 
warning  that  the  conclusions  which  satisfy  the  common  unbi- 
assed and  unsophisticated  reason  of  mankind  prevail  in  the  end. 
The  price  at  wliich  alone  the  traditional  view  can  be  maintained 
is  too  high.-  Were  the  difficulties  which  beset  it  isolated  or 
occasional,  the  case,  it  is  true,  would  be  different :  it  could  then, 
for  instance,  be  reasonably  argued  that  a  fuller  knowledge  of  the 
times  might  afford  the  clue  that  would  solve  them.  But  the 
l)henomena  which  the  traditional  view  fails  to  explain  are  too 
numerous  for  such  a  solution  to  be  admissible ;  they  recur  so 
systematically,  that  some  cause  or  causes,  for  which  that  view 
makes  no  allowance,  must  be  postulated  to  account  for  them. 
'I'hc  hypothesis  of  glosses  and  marginal  additions  is  a  superficial 
remedy  :  the  fundamental  distinctions  uj^on  which  the  main  con- 
clusions of  critics  depend  remain  untouched.^ 
.The  truth,   however,  is  that  apprehensions   of  the  character 

'  Comp.  the  ]uiiiinf)us  and  able  treatment  of  this  subject,  on  its  theologiml 
side,  l)y  the  late  lamented  Aubrey  L.  Moore  in  Science  and  the  Failh  (1889), 
e>^p.  pp.  xi-xlvii,  ai-.d  pp.  163-235. 

-  Of  course  there  are  many  points  at  which  tradition  is  not  affected  by 
criticism.      I  alkidc  naturally  to  those  in  wliicli  the  case  is  difTerent. 

■'  These  distinctions,  it  ought  to  be  understood,  in  works  written  in  defence 
of  the  traditional  position,  are,  as  a  rule,  very  imperfectly  stated,  even  \vhere 
ihcy  are  not  ignored  altogether. 


PREFACE.  XI 

just  indicated  are  unfounded.     It  is  not  the  case  that  critical 
conclusions,  such  as  those  expressed  in  the  present  volume,  are 
in  conflict  either  with  the  Christian  creeds  or  with  the  articles 
of  the  Christian  faith.     Those  conclusions  affect  not  the  fact  of 
revelation,  but  only  \isform.     They  help  to  determine  the  stages 
through  which  it  passed,  the  different  phases  which  it  assumed, 
and  the  process  by  which  the  record  of  it  was  built  up.     They 
do  not  touch  either  the  authority  or  the  inspiration  of  the  Scrip- 
tures of  the  Old  Testament.     They  imply  no  change  in  respect 
to   the   Divine  attributes  revealed   in    the   Old  Testament;   no 
change  in  the  lessons  of  human  duty  to  be  derived  from  it ;  no 
change  as  to  the  general  position  (apart  from  the  interpretation 
of  particular  passages)  that  the  Old  Testament  points  forward 
prophetically  to  Christ.^     That  both  the  religion  of  Israel  itself, 
and  the  record  of  its  history  embodied  in  the  Old  Testament,  are 
the  work  of  men  whose  hearts  have  been  touched,  and  minds 
illumined,  in  different  degrees,^  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  is  manifest :  ^ 
but  the  recognition  of  this  truth  does  not  decide  the  question  of  the 
author  by  whom,  or  the  date  at  which,  particular  parts  of  the  Old 
Testament  were  committed  to  writing ;  nor  does  it  determine  the 
precise  literary  character  of  a  given  narrative  or  book.     No  part 
of  the  Bible,  nor  even  the  Bible  as  a  whole,  is  a  logically  articu- 
lated system  of  theology  :  the  Bible  is  a  "  library,"  showing  how 
men  variously  gifted  by  the  Spirit  of  God  cast  the  truth  which  they 
received  into  many  different  literary  forms,  as  genius  permitted  or 
occasion  demanded,— into   poetry  of  various  kinds,  sometimes 
national,  sometimes  individual,  sometimes  even  developing  a  truth 
in  a  form  approaching  that  of  the  drama ;  into  prophetical  dis- 

1  Comp.  Prof.  Sanday's  words  in  The  Oracles  of  God  {i2,^i),  p.  7— a  volume 
which,  with  its  counsels  of  wisdom  and  sobriety,  I  would  gladly,  if  I  might, 
adopt  as  the  Preface  to  my  own. 

2  I  say,  in  different  degrees  ;  for  no  one  would  attribute  to  the  authors  of 
some  of  the  Proveibs,  or  of  the  Books  of  Esther  or  Ecclesiastes,  the  same 
degree  of  spiritual  perception  displayed,  for  example,  by  Deutero- Isaiah, 
or  in  the  Psalms. 

2  So,  for  instance,  Riehm,  himself  a  critic,  speaking  of  the  Pentateuch  as  a 
record  of  revelation,  remarks  on  the  ''immediate  impression  "  of  this  char- 
acter which  it  makes,  and  continues  :  "  Every  one  who  so  reads  the  Penta- 
teuch as  to  allow  its  contents  to  work  upon  his  spirit,  must  receive  the 
impression  that  a  consciousness  of  God  such  as  is  here  expressed  cannot  be 
derived  from  flesh  and  blood  "  {EinUi/ung,  §  28,  "  Der  Pentateuch  als  Offen- 
barungsurkunde  ") 


xii  PR  K  FACE. 

courses,  suggested  mostly  by  some  incident  of  the  national  life; 
into  proverbs,  prompted  by  the  observation  of  life  and  manners; 
into  laws,  prescribing  rules  for  the  civil  and  religious  government 
of  the  nation  ;  into  narratives,  sometimes  relating  to  a  distant  or 
a  nearer  past,  sometimes  autobiographical ;  and  (to  include  the 
New  Testament)  into  letters,  designed,  in  the  first  instance,  to  ^ 
meet  the  needs  of  particular  churches  or  individuals.  It  is 
probable  that  every  form  of  literary  composition  known  to  the 
ancient  Hebrews  was  utilised  as  a  vehicle  of  Divine  truth,  and  is 
represented  in  the  Old  Testament.^  Hence  the  character  of  a 
particular  part  of  the  Old  Testament  cannot  be  decided  by  an  ' 
a  priori  argument  as  regards  what  it  must  be ;  it  can  only  be 
determined  by  an  application  of  the  canons  of  evidence  and 
probability  universally  employed  in  historical  or  literary  investi- 
gation. None  of  the  historians  of  the  Bible  claim  supernatural 
enlightenment  for  the  materials  of  their  narrative:^  it  is  reasonable, 
therefore,  to  conclude  that  these  were  derived  by  them  from  such 
human  sources  as  were  at  the  disposal  of  each  particular  writer ; 
in  some  cases  from  a  writer's  own  personal  knowledge,  in  others 
from  earlier  documentary  sources,  in  others,  especially  in  those 
relating  to  a  distant  past,  from  popular  tradition.  It  was  the 
function  of  inspiration  to  guide  the  individual  writer  in  the 
choice  and  disposition  of  his  material,  and  in  his  use  of  it  for  the 
inculcation  of  special  lessons.  And  in  the  production  of  some 
parts  of  the  Old  Testament  different  hands  co-operated,  and  have 
lel't  traces  of  their  work  more  or  less  clearly  discernible.  The 
whole  is  subordinated  to  the  controlling  agency  of  the  Spirit  of 
God,  causing  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament  to  be  profitable 

Tpo^^TUis,  Ileb.  I,  I.  On  the  manifold  Voice  of  God  as  heard  in  the  Old 
Testament,  the  writer  may  be  permitted  to  refer  to  a  sermon  preached  by  him  at 
Cambritiye  on  April  27,  1890,  and  printed  in  the  suppleme  it  to  the  Cajubridgt 
Kevieiv,  May  r,  1890.  See  also  the  Contemporary  Revie-ro,  Feb.  1 890,  p.  229  f. 
"2  The  preface  to  St.  Luke's  Gospel  (Luke  I,  I-4)  is  instructive  in  this 
respect.  St.  Luke  only  claims  for  his  narrative  that  he  has  used  in  its  com- 
position the  care  and  research  of  an  ordinary  historian.  Comp.  Sanday,  I.e. 
PP-  72-75:  "1"  al'  'hat  relates  to  the  Revelation  of  God  and  of  His  Will,  the 
writers  [of  the  Bible]  assert  for  themselves  a  definite  inspiration  ;  they  claim 
to  speak  with  an  authority  higher  than  their  own.  But  in  regard  to  the 
narrative  of  events,  and  to  processes  of  literary  composition,  tliere  is  nothing 
so  exceptional  about.them  as  to  exempt  them  from  the  conditions  to  which 
other  works  would  be  exposed  at  the  same  place  and  time." 


PREFACE.  Xlll 

*'f'>i  teaching,  for  reproof,  for  correction,  for  instruction,  which  is 
in  righteousness  : "  but  under  this  presiding  influence  scope  is  left 
for  the  exercise,  in  different  modes  and  ways,  of  the  faculties 
ordinarily  employed  in  literary  composition.  There  is  a  human 
factor  in  the  Bible,  which,  though  quickened  and  sustained  by 
the  informing  Spirit,  is  never  wholly  absorbed  or  neutralized  by 
it ;  and  the  limits  of  its  operation  cannot  be  ascertained  by  an 
arbitrary  a  priori  determination  of  the  methods  of  inspiration  ; 
the  only  means  by  which  they  can  be  ascertained  is  by  an 
assiduous  and  comprehensive  study  of  the  facts  presented  by  the 
Old  Testament  itself.^ 

1  Two  principles,  once  recognized,  will  be  found  to  solve  nearly  all  the 
difficulties  which,  upon  the  traditional  view  of  the  historical  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  are  insuperable,  viz.— (i)  that  in  many  parts  of  these  books  we 
have  before  us  traditions,  in  which  the  original  representation  has  been 
insensibly  modified,  and  sometimes  (especially  in  the  later  books)  coloured  by 
the  associations  of  the  age  in  which  the  author  recording  it  lived  ;  (2)  that 
some  freedom  was  used  by  ancient  historians  in  placing  speeches  or  dis- 
courses in  the  mouths  of  historical  characters.  In  some  cases,  no  doubt, 
such  speeches  agreed  substantially  with  what  was  actually  said  ;  but  often 
they  merely  develop  at  length,  in  the  style  and  manner  of  the  narrator,  what 
was  handed  down  only  as  a  compendious  report,  or  what  was  deemed  to  be 
consonant  with  the  temper  and  aim  of  a  given  character  on  a  particular 
occasion.  No  satisfactoiy  conclusions  with  respect  to  the  Old  Testament 
will  be  arrived  at  without  due  account  being  taken  of  these  two  principles. 
Should  it  be  feared  that  the  first  of  these  principles,  if  admitted,  might 
imperil  the  foundations  oi  the  Christian  faith,  it  is  to  be  pointed  out  that  the 
records  of  the  New  Testament  were  produced  under  very  different  historical 
conditions;  that  while  in  the  Old  Testament,  for  example,  there  are 
instances  in  which  we  can  have  no  assurance  that  an  event  was  recorded 
until  many  centuries  after  its  occurrence,  in  the  New  Testament  the  interval 
at  most  is  not  more  than  30-50  years.  Viewed  in  the  light  of  the  unique 
personality  of  Christ,  as  depicted  both  in  the  common  tradition  embodied  in 
the  Synoptic  Gospels  and  in  the  personal  reminiscences  underlying  the  fourth 
Gospel,  and  also  as  piesupposed  by  the  united  testimony  of  the  Apostolic 
writers  belonging  almost  to  the  same  generation,  the  circumstances  are  such 
as  to  forbid  the  supposition  that  the  facts  of  our  Lord's  life  on  which  the 
fundamental  truths  of  Christianity  depend  can  have  been  the  growth  of  mere 
tradition,  or  are  anything  else  than  strictly  historical.  The  same  canon  of 
historical  criticism  which  authorizes  the  assumption  of  tradition  in  the  Old 
Testament,  forbids  it — except  within  the  narrowest  limits,  as  in  some  of  the 
divergences  apparent  between  the  parallel  narratives  of  the  Gospels — in  the 
case  of  the  New  Testament. 

It  is  an  error  to  suppose,  as  seems  sometimes  to  be  done,  that  topographical 
exploration,  or  the  testimony  of  Inscriptions,  supplies  a  refutation  of  critical 


xiv  PREFACE. 

It  is  objected,  however,  that  some  of  the  conclusions  of  critics 
respecting  the  Old  Testament  are  incompatible  with  the  authority 
of  our  blessed  Lord,  and  that  in  loyalty  to  Him  we  are  pre- 
cluded from  accepting  them.  That  our  Lord  appealed  to  the 
Old  Testament  as  the  record  of  a  revelation  in  the  past,  and  as 
pointing  forward  to  Himself,  is  undoubted  ;  but  these  aspects  of 
the  Old  Testament  are  perfectly  consistent  with  a  critical  view  of 
its  structure  and  growth.  That  our  Lord  in  so  appealing  to  it 
designed  to  pronounce  a  verdict  on  the  authorship  and  age  of  its 
different  parts,  and  to  foreclose  all  future  inquiry  into  these 
subjects,  is  an  assum|)tion  for  which  no  sufficient  ground  can  be 
alleged.  Had  such  been  His  aim,  it  would  have  been  out  of 
harmony  with  the  entire  method  and  tenor  of  His  teaching. 
In  no  single  instance  (so  far  as  we  are  aware)  did  He  anticipate 
the  results  of  scientific  inquiry  or  historical  research.  The  aim 
of  His  teaching  was  a  religious  one;  it  was  to  set  before  men 
the  pattern  of  a  perfect  life,  to  move  them  to  imitate  it,  to  bring 
them  to  Himself  He  accepted,  as  the  basis  of  His  teaching, 
the  opinions  respecting  the  Old  Testament  current  around  Him  : 
He  assumed,  in  His  allusions  to  it,  the  premises  which  His 
opponents  recognised,  and  which  could  not  have  been  questioned 
(even  had  it  been  necessary  to  question  them)  without  raising 
issues  for  which  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe,  and  which,  had  they 
been  raised,  would  have  interfered  seriously  with  the  paramount 
purpose  of  His  life.^  There  is  no  record  of  the  question, 
whether  a  particular  portion  of  the  Old  Testament  was  written 
by  Moses,  or  David,  or  Isaiah,  having  been  ever  submitted  to 


conclusions  respecting  the  books  of  the  OM  Testament.  The  Biblical  records 
possess  exactly  that  decree  of  historical  and  topographical  accuracy  which 
wovdd  be  expected  from  the  circumstances  under  which  all  reasonable  critics 
hold  that  they  were  composed.  The  original  sources  of  Samuel  and  Kings, 
for  instance,  being  the  work  of  men  familiar  with  Palestine,  describe  localities 
there  with  precision  :  the  chronology,  being  (in  many  cases)  adiled  subse- 
([uently,  is  in  several  respects  in  irreconcilable  conflict  wiih  contemporary 
Inscriptions  (cf.  Sanday,  I.e.  p.  9  ;  or  the  note  in  the  writer's  Isaiah,  p.  13). 
Mr.  (iirdlcstone,  in  The  Foundations  of  the  Bible  (1890),  partly  from  an  in- 
exact knowledge  of  the  facts,  partly  through  misapprehension  of  what  critics 
really  hold,  employs  himself  largely  in  beating  the  air. 

'  On  Ps.  1 10,  see  the  nt^te,  p.  362  f.  ;  and  especially  the  discussion  of  our 
Lord's  reference  to  this  Psalm  in  the  seventh  of  Mr.  G<jre*s  "  Bampton 
Lecture^."     It  does  n  jt  sccni  rctiuisite  for  the  present  purpose,  as,  indeoil, 


PREFACE.  XV 

Him ;  and  had  it  been  so  submitted,  we  have  no  means  of 
knowing  what  His  answer  would  have  been.  The  purposes  for 
which  our  Lord  appealed  to  the  Old  Testament,  its  prophetic 
significance,  and  the  spiritual  lessons  deducible  from  it,  are  not, 
as  has  been  already  remarked  above,  affected  by  critical 
inquiries.  Criticism  in  the  hands  of  Christian  scholars  does  not 
banish  or  destroy  the  inspiration  of  the  Old  Testament ;  it/rt?- 
supposes  it ;  it  seeks  only  to  determine  the  conditions  under  which 
it  operates,  and  the  literary  forms  through  which  it  manifests 
itself;  and  it  thus  helps  us  to  frame  truer  conceptions  of  the 
methods  which  it  has  pleased  God  to  employ  in  revealing  Himself 
to  His  ancient  people  of  Israel,  and  in  preparing  the  way  for 
the  fuller  manifestation  of  Himself  in  Christ  Jesus. 


S.  R.  D. 


Jiine  i8,  189 1. 


within  the  limits  of  a  Preface  it  would  not  be  possible,  to  consider  whether 
our  Lord,  as  man,  possessed  all  knowledge,  or  whether  a  limitation  in  this,  a.s 
in  other  respects, — though  not,  of  course,  of  such  a  kind  as  to  render  Him 
fallible  as  a  teacher, — was  involved  in  that  gracious  act  of  condescension,  in 
virtue  of  which  He  was  willing  "in  all  things  to  be  made  like  unto  His 
brethren"  (Heb.  2,  17).  On  this  subject  a  reference  to  the  sixth  of  the 
Lectures  just  mentioned  must  suffice.  The  questions  touched  upon  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  preceding  Preface  are  also  thoughtfully  handled  by  Bishop 
Moorhouse  in  his  volume  entitled,  The  Teaching  of  Christ  {i^gi),  Sermons 
i.  and  ii.  And  since  this  note  was  in  type,  there  have  appeared  two  essays, 
one  by  A.  Plummer,  D.  D.,  in  iYve  Expositor  for  July  1891,  on  **  The  Advance 
of  Christ  in  ^oip'ia.p  the  other  An  Inqtiiry  into  the  Nature  of  our  Lord's 
kno7chdge  as  man,  by  the  Rev.  W.  S.  Swayne,  with  a  Preface  by  the  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,  each  meriting  calm  and  serious  consideratioa. 


v 


CONTENTS. 


FAGB 

Addenda,  «.....••   xxiii 

Corrigenda,     .,.,,...   xxvi 
Abbreviations,  .....  .  .    xxvi 

Introduction  (The  origin  of  the  Books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 

the  growth  of  the  Canon,  according  to  the  Jews),    .  .  .  xxvii 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Hexateuch, 
§  I.  Genesis, 
§  2.  Exodus, 
§  3.   Leviticus, 
§  4.   Numbers, 
§  5.   Deuteronomy, 
§  6.  Joshua, 

§  7.  The  Prophetical  Narrative  of  the  Hexateuch  (character  and 
probable  date),  .  .  .       '      . 

The  Priestly  Narrative  of  the  Hexateuch  (character  and  prob- 
able date),      ....... 

Synopsis  of  the  Priests'  Code,  ..... 

CHAPTER  H. 
Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings,  ...... 

§1.  The  Book  of  Judges,     ...... 

§  2.   1-2  Samuel,      ..,,... 
§  3.   1-2  Kings,         ....... 

Isaiah,  .  • 

Jeremiah,         • 

Ezekiel,  • 


CHAPTER  HI. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


CHAPTER  V. 


I 

4 
20 

39 

55 

65 
96 

109 

118 
150 


151 

151 

162 

175 


194 


232 


i6o 


xvii 


XVlll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Tjie  Minor  Prophets, 
§    I .   riosea, 
§    2.  Joel,    . 
§    3.  Amos, 
§    4.   Obadiah, 
t    5.  Jonah, 
§    6.   Micah, 
§    7-   Nahum, 
§    S.   Habakkuk, 
§    9.  Zephaniah, 
§  10.   Haggai, 
§  II.  Zechaiiah, 
§  12.  Malachi, 


The  Psalms,      .  , 

The  Book  of  Proverbs, 
The  Book  OF  Job, 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CHAPTER  VHI. 
•  •  • 

CHAPTER  IX. 
CHAPTER  X. 


The  Five  Megilloth, 

§  I.  The  Song  of  Songs, 

§  2.  Ruth,    . 

§  3.  The  Lamentations, 

§  4.   Ecclesiastes  (Qohcleth), 

§5.  Esther, 


Daniel, 


CHAPTER  XI. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
Chuonicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  . 
§  I.   Chronicles,        .  , 

§  2.   Ezra  and  Nehemiah,     ,  , 

Index,  . 


PACH 
2S0 
281 

2S7 

297 
300 

314 
316 
318 

320 
322 

■  J  -1  T 
6OJ 


337 


409 
409 


425 
428 

436 
449 


45S 


484 
4  84 
507 

5-1 


ADDENDA. 


p.  I,  add  :  Fr.  Tuch,  Commentar  iiber  die  Genesis^  zweite  Aufl.,  6  i^orgt 
von  Prof.  Dr.  A.  Arnold  nehst  emem  NacJnoort  von  A.  Merx  (1871) ;  G.  J. 
Spurrell,  Notes  on  the  Hebrezv  Text  of  Genesis,  Orford  1887.  On  the 
Cosm(»gony  of  Gen.  i,  see  an  article  by  the  present  writer  in  the  Expositor, 
Jan.  1886,  where  other  literature  on  the  subject  is  referred  to,  and  his  criti- 
cism of  Prof.  Dana's  theory  in  the  Andover  (U.S.A.)  Reviezu,  1887,  p.  639  ff. ; 
Prof.  C.  Pritchard,  Occasional  Notes  of  an  Astronomer,  1890,  p.  257  ff. 

P.  2,  add  :  W.  W.  Graf  Baudissin,  Die  Gesch.  des  Alttest.  Friesterthnms 
(1889),  to  be  compared  witli  Kautzsch's  review  in  the  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1890, 
pp.  767-786,  or  Kuenen's  in  the  Theol.  Tijdschrift,  1890,  pp.  1-42  ;  and  the 
discriminating  article  of  C.  G.  Montefiore  in  the  Jewish  Quarterly  Revie^v, 
Jan.  1891,  entitled  "Recent  Criticism  upon  Moses  and  the  Pentateuchal 
Narratives  of  the  Decalogue."  Reuss'  Gesch.  dcr  heil.  Schr.  AT.s  appeared 
in  a  2nd  ed.  1890;  vol.  ii.  of  Riehm's  Einleitung  was  published  in  1890. 

It  may  be  of  assistance  to  the  reader  who  desires  to  pursue  further  the 
critical  study  of  the  historical  Books,  to  state  that  of  the  works  here 
mt-ntioned,  the  two  most  important  for  his  purpose  are,  for  the  Hexateuch, 
Wellh.'s  Cojuposition  and  the  Commentaries  of  Dillmann  ;  and  for  Judges 
and  Samuel,  Wellh.'s  Composition  and  Budde's  Richter  iind  Savncd  (see  p. 
xx).  A  discriminating  study  of  these  works,  and  judgment  on  the  points  upon 
which  they  differ,  are  the  necessary  foundation  of  all  further  progress. 

The  grounds  for  the  principal  critical  conclusions  respecting  the  Hexateuch 
are  stated,  lucidly  and  moderately,  and  with  greater  fulness  than  was  possible 
in  the  present  volume,  in  a  series  of  papers  by  Prof.  H.  Vuilleumier  in  the 
Revue  de  Theologie  et  de  Philosophie  (Lausanne),  1882  (Jan.  May,  July, 
Sept.  Nov.),  1883  (Jan.  Mar.),  1884  (May).  It  is  understood  that  an  English 
translation  of  these  papers  is  likely  to  appear  shortly. 

On  the  Text  and  Versions  of  the  OT.,  the  most  recent  information  is  to  be 
found  in  Wellhausen's  edition  of  Bleek's  Einleitung,  1878,  p.  563  ff. ;  1886, 
p.  523  ff.^     See  also  the  present  writer's  Notes  on  Samuel,  p.  xxxvi  ff.,  with 

1  In  the  1878  edition  of  this  work,  parts,  esp.  those  relating  to  Judges, 
Samuel,  and  Kings,  were  rewritten  by  Wellhausen ;  the  1886  edition, 
except  p.  523  ff.,  is  a  reprint  of  Bleek's  work  (which  the  editor — see  p.  v. — • 
still  regards  as  a  useful  introduction  to  the  critical  study  of  the  OT.),  Well- 
hausen's contributions  to  the  previous  edition  being  now  incorpc  rated  in  his 
Composition  des  Hexateuchs,  u.s.w. 

xix 


XX-  ADDENDA. 

the  references.  Much  infonnation,  especially  bibliographical,  for  which  no 
space  could  be  found  in  the  present  volume,  is  also  contained  in  Dr.  C.  H. 
H.  Wright's  Int7-oJuctio7i  to  the  Old  Testament^  published  in  the  "Theo- 
logical Educator "' (ed.  2,  1891).  And  C.  A.  Briggs'  Biblical  Study,  its 
principles,  methods,  and  history,  together  luith  a  Catalogue  of  books  of  reference 
(ed.  3,  1891),  will  be  found  a  comprehensive  and  valuable  guide  to  the  subject 
with  which  it  deals. 

P.  9,  1.  I ;  p.  12,  lines  9,  10.  To  obviate  misunderstanding,  K  should  have 
been  stated  explicitly  that  it  is  the  absohtte  use  of  "  Elohim  "  (God)  which 
is  here  referred  to  as  characteristic  of  P  and  (largely)  of  E.  The  term,  as 
qualified  by  a  genitive,  or  possessive  pronoun  [e.g.  "  God  of  Israel,"  "  thy 
God,"  "  your  God  "),  is  used  quite  freely  by  J ;  the  personal  name,  Jehovah, 
— or  rather,  as  it  should  stiictly  be  represented  in  English,  Yah  we, — as  is  well 
known,  not  admitting  of  being  so  qualified. 

P.  12,  note:  Ed.  2,  1891. 

P.  20,  add  :  B.  W.  Bacon  in  the/^//;vz.  of  Bibl.  Lit.  1890,  p.  161  fF. 

P.  36  f.     vSee  also  Monteliore,  as  cited  above,  pp.  276-291. 

P.  151,  add  (chiefly  on  the  text  of  Judges):  K.  Budde,  in  the  Theol. 
Literaturzeitung,  1884,  col.  211-16. 

Pp.  151,  162,  add:  K.  Budde,  Die  Bikher  Richter  tend  Samuel,  ihre 
Quellen  jind  ihr  Aifbati,  1890  (a  reprint  of  the  essays  here  referred  to, 
together  with  additional  matter,  completing  the  author's  critical  analysis  of 
these  two  Books). 

P.  182,  1.  4  ff.  The  passage,  as  restored  with  closer  adhesion  to  the  existing 
Hebrew  text,  may  be  seen  also  in  Cheyne's  Origin  and  Religions  Contents  of 
the  Psalter  {\?,()i),  pp.  193,  212.  The  contrast  between  the  ancient  poetic 
fragment  and  the  noble,  but  much  later  prayer,  couched  in  a  flowing  Deutero- 
nomic  style,  with  which  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Kings  has  unittd  it,  is 
very  noticeable. 

P.    194.     The  translation  of  Dclitzsch's  Jesaia  referred   to  is  that  of  the 

fourth  edition,  published  by  T.  &  T.  Clark.     The  translation  published  by 

Plodder  &   .Stoughton   is  from  the  third  edition,  and  does  not  contain  the 

alterations  and  additions  introduced  by  the  author  into  his  fourth  edition. — 

See  also  Cheyne's  article,  "Isaiah,"  in  the  Encyclopicdia  Britannica  (1881). 

P.  195,  1.  4:  translated  (T.  &  T.  Clark,  1891).  Of  Schultz's  compre- 
hensive work,  mentioned  in  1.  6,  a  translation  is  also  announced  as  in  prepara- 
tion.    Add  :  1^(1.  Riehm,  Alttcstanienlliche  Tlieologie,  1890. 

P.  223  ff.  See  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Book  of  Jsaiah,  ii.  pp.  1-25,  where  it  is 
shown  in  particular  that  the  early  successes  of  Cyrus  are  implied  by  the 
prophet's  argument  to  be  already  historical  facts. 

P.  231,  note.  On  the  figure  of  "Jehovah's  servant,"  see  also  Riehm, 
Alttest.  Theol.  §  84. 

P.  301.  '•D':?  "»L*'?<3  Jon.  I,  8  was  not  cited,  as  the  clause  "for  whose 
cause  this  evil  is  upon  us  "  is  omitted  in  codd.  B  N  of  LXX,  and  is  regarded 
by  some  modern  scholars  as  a  gloss  explanatory  of  '')oi'L*Q  in  v.  7.  If  it  be 
genuine,  it  mnterially  strengthens  the  argument  of  p,  301  (see  p.  445,  n.). 

P.  in,  add:  A.  V.  Kirkpatrick,  The  Psalms  (Book  i. ),  in  the  Cambridge 


ADDENDA.  Xxi 

Bible  for  Schools  (1891).  The  appearance,  as  I  am  revising  these  Addenda, 
of  Prof.  Cheyne's  "  Bampton  Lectures"  on  the  Psalms,  makes  me  regret  that 

1  had  not  the  advantage  of  having  his  volume  before  me  while  writing 
chapter  vii.  At  the  same  time,  I  hope  that  what  I  have  there  said  may  not 
be  deemed  unsuitable  as  an  "  introduction  "  to  the  more  complete  discussion 
of  the  problems  presented  by  the  Book  of  Psalms. 

P.  341,  1.  9  from  bottom,  add  :  Ps.  92,  10.  93,  3.  94,  3.  113,  i ;  cf.  67,  4.  6. 

P.  351,  bottom.  It  is  observable  that  the  verl)  PlSiJ  (whence  VC^yO  "pre- 
centor"— only  in  the  titles  to  Psalms,  and  Hab.  3,  19 — is  derived)  is  used 
otherwise  only  by  the  Chronicler — most  often  in  the  general  sense  of  preside 
over,  superintend  i^\  Chr.  23,  4.  2  Chr.  2,  2.  18  [H.  I.  17].  34,  12.  13.  Ezr,  3, 
8  9t),  once  with  special  reference  to  music,  to  lead  (i  Chr.  15,  21  f).  It  is 
remarkable,  if  the  word  had  been  in  use  earlier,  that  it  should  not  have 
occurred,  at  least  in  its  more  general  sense,  in  pre-exilic  writings  ;    but  in 

2  Chr.  2,  2^.  18"  [Heb.  i''.  17'']  it  is  stibstituted  iox  the  older  word  XTTs  used 
in  I  Ki.  5,  16  [Heb.  30].  See  more  fully  the  writer's  note  in  Prof.  Sanday's 
Oracles  of  Cod,  ed.  2,  p.  146  ff. 

P.  385,  add:  A,  Dillmann,  "  Textkritisches  zum  Buche  Ijob"  in  the 
Sitzungsberichte  der  Kon.-Pi'euss.  Akad.  der  Wiss.  1890,  p.  1345  ff.  [an 
elaborate  criticism  of  Dr.  Hatch's  Essay]. 

P.  437,  n.  4.     So  also  Dr.  W.  Wright,  Arab.  Gr.  i.  §  233,  Rem.  c,  who 

compares     i  i\i     ^  deep  investigator. 
J'  ■ 

P.  447,  n.  1.  2.  The  Rabbinical  quotations  from  Ben-Sira  have  been 
re-edited,  with  greater  completeness,  by  S.  Schechter  in  the  Jewish  Quarterly 
Review,  July  1 89 1. 

P.  449,  add  :  B.  Jacob,  "Das  Buch  Esther  bei  den  LXX,"  ZATIV.  1890, 
p.  241  ff. 

P.  458,  add  :  A.  Bludau,  De  Alex.  Interpr.  Libri  Dan.  indole  critica 
et  hernieneutica,  1 89 1. 

P.  461.  The  "abomination  of  desolation"  of  I  Mace.  I,  54.  59,  as  seems 
clear  from  the  terms  used,  was  a  small  heathen  altar  :  of  the  expression 
D?^"t^  ppti>  in  Dan.  12,  1 1  (cf  9,  27.    II,  31),  a  not  improbable  explanation 

has  been  suggested  by  E.  Nestle,  ZATIV.  1884,  p.   248  (see  also  Cheyne, 
Origin  of  the  Psalter,  p.  105). 

P.  483.  It  may  interest  the  philological  student  to  know  that  the  pron. 
'r]>'X  (Dan.  Ezr.)  occurs  in  the  Corp.  Inscr.  Seni.  ii.  I,  No.  145  B  j  S'QT\  (Ezr.) 

//;.  Nos.  137  B  (as  a  suffix),  145  B,  149  A  :  "ipn  ib.  Nos.  137  A,  B,  appears  to 
be  a  variant  of  v^5  (Dan.).     The  inscriptions  quoted  are  all  from  Egypt. 

P.  498  f.  In  view  of  the  style  of  the  additions  in  Chronicles,  Mr.  Girdle- 
stone's  theory  of  their  origin  {Foundations  of  the  Bible,  pp.  31,  32,  34,  1 19, 
120)  will  be  seen  to  be  an  ill-considered  one. 


CORRIGENDA. 


p.  10,  1.  10 :  {qx  Joseph  xe^id  Jacob. 

P.  12,  I.  4  from  bottom  :  for  can  seldom  claim  7'cad  can  in  many  cases  not 
claim.  (The  Editor,  deeming  this  sentence  ambiguous  as  it  oriL;inalIy  stood, 
altered  it  after  it  had  been  marked  for  press,  and  inadvertently  introduced  a 
sense  not  intended  by  the  writer.) 

P.  28,  1.  2  :  insert  7  at  the  extreme  end  of  the  J  line. 

P.  29,  1.  12  from  bottom  :  for  the  Ark  i-ea(f  Aaron. 

P.  31,  1.  20  :  for  12,  15.  28,  22  read  12,  25.  28.  22,  7. 

P.  35,  1.  14  from  bottom  :  for  7-14  read  9-14. 

P.  249,  1.  6  :  for  is  read  it  is. 

P.  255,  1,  5  :  for  I  f.  read  i,  I  f. 

P.  279,  1.  6 :  for  23,  10  read  29,  10. 

P.  320,  1.  16  :  yi?;- accomplished.     The,  r^ar/ accomplished,  the. 

P.  445,  ].  3  :  for  5,  16  }-ead  10,  16. 

^    505,  No.  Z3>  1.  4 :  for  8,  23  r^a^/  9,  23. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


/CA7,  =  (Eb.  Schiader)  Die  Keilinschriften  iind  das  AT., — trans!ated 
under  the  title  The  Ctineiforvi  Inscriptions  and  the  Old  Testament,  London 
1885,  1 888  (the  standard  work  on  the  subject). 

OTJC.  =  (W.  R.  Smith)  The  Old  Testament  in  the  Jewish  Church. 

QPB^.  — Queen's  Printers'  Bible  (otherwise  called  the  Variorum  Bible), 
ed.  3.  1889,  published  by  Eyre  &  Spottiswoode  :■ -the  OT.  edited  by  the 
present  writer  and  Prof.  T.  K.  Cheyne. 

RV.=  Revised  Version  of  the  Old  Testament  (1885). 

ZATJV.  =  Zeitschi-ift  filr  die  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft ,  edited  by  B. 
Stade. 

ZDMG.  =  Zeitschrift  der  Detitschen  Morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft. 

The  symbol  P  is  explained  on  p.  9  ;  J,  E,  and  JE  on  p.  12  ;  II  on  p.  45  ; 
D=  on  p.  97- 

The  citations  of  Biblical  passages  are  accommodated  throughout  to  the 
English  version,  except  sometimes  where  the  reference  is  more  particularly 
to  a  Hebrew  term.  (As  is  well  known,  the  division  of  chapters  is  in  certain 
places  not  the  same  in  the  Hebrew  as  in  the  English  Bible  ;  and  the  title  to 
a  Psalm,  where  it  consi>ts  of  more  than  two  words,  is  reckoned  generally  in 
the  Hebrew  as  v.  i.) 

The  dagger  (t),  attached  to  a  list  of  passages,  indicates  thnt  it  includes  all 
instances  of  the  word  or  phrase  referred  to,  occurring  in  the  OT. 

xxii 


INTRODUCTION. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT,  AND 
THE  GRO  WTH  OF  THE  CANONy  ACCORDING  TO  THEJE  WS. 

It  is  sometimes  supposed  that  conclusions  such  as  those 
expressed  in  the  present  volume  on  the  age  and  authorship 
of  certain  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  are  in  conflict  with  trust- 
worthy historical  statements  derived  from  ancient  Jewish  sources. 
This,  however,  is  not  the  case.  On  the  authorship  of  the 
Books  of  the  OT.,  as  on  the  completion  of  the  Canon  of  the 
OT.,  the  Jews  possess  no  tradition  worthy  of  real  credence  or 
regard,  but  only  vague  and  uncertain  reminiscences,  intermingled 
often  with  idle  speculations. 

Of  the  steps  by  which  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament  was 
formed,  little  definite  is  known.^  It  is,  however,  highly  probable 
that  the  tripartite  division  of  the  books,  current  from  antiquity 
among  the  Jews,  has  an  historical  basis,  and  corresponds  to 
three  stages  in  the  process ;  and  it  has  accordingly  been  adopted 
in  the  present  volume.  It  ought  only  to  be  stated  that,  though 
the  books  belonging  to  one  division  are  never  (by  the  Jews) 
transferred  to  another,  in  the  case  of  the  Prophets  and  the 
"  Kethubim  "  (Hagiographa),  certain  difl'erences  of  arrangement 
have  sometimes  prevailed.  In  the  Talmud  {Bdba  bathra  14'') 
the  arrangement  of  the  "  Latter"  Prophets  is  Jer.  Ez.  Is.  the  XII; 
and  this  order  is  commonly  observed  in  German  and  French 

^  For  further  information  on  the  subject  of  the  following  pages,  the  reader 
is  referred  to  the  learned  and  elaborate  article  by  Strack,  "  Kanon  des  Alten 
Testaments,"  in  Herzog's  ^wo'c/.  (ed.  2)  vol.  vii.  (1880).  See  also  Dillmann, 
"Ueber  die  Bildung  u.  Sammlung  heiliger  Schriften  des  AT.,"  in  the 
Jahrb.  f,  Deutsche  Tlieol.  1858,  pp.  419-91  ;  and  Jul.  Fiirst,  Der  Kanoii  des 
AT.  nach  den  Ueberlieferungen  im  Tabmid  u.  Midrash  (1868).  The  most 
recent  work  on  the  subject  is  G.  Wildeboer,  Die  EvtsteJuing  des  Alttestament- 
lichen  Kanons,  1 891. 

xxiii 


xxiv  GROWTH   OF   THE  CANON 

MSS.  The  Massoretic  scholars  (7-9  cent.)  placed  Isaiah  first; 
and  the  order  sanctioned  by  them  is  adopted  in  the  ancient 
MS.,  now  at  St.  Petersburg,  and  bearing  a  date  =  a.d.  916,  in 
Spanish  MSS.,  and  in  the  printed  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Bible. 
The  Talmudic  arrangement  of  the  Hagiographa  is  Ruth,  Ps.  Job, 
Prov.  Eccl.  Song,  Lam.  Dan.  Est.  Ezra,i  Chr. ;  and  this  order  is 
found  in  MSS. ;  the  Massorites,  followed  (as  a  rule)  by  Spanish 
MSS.,  adopted  the  order  Chr.  Ps.  Job,  Prov.  Ruth,  Song,  Eccl. 
Lam.  Est.  Dan.  Ezr.  :  German  MSS.  have  generally  the  order 
followed  in  printed  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  (and  in  the 
present  volume),  Ps.  Prov.  Job,  the  5  Megilloth^^  Dan.  Ezr.  Chr. 
Other  variations  in  the  arrangement  of  the  Hagiographa  are  also 
to  be  found  in  MSS.  The  following  are  the  earliest  and  principal 
passages  bearing  on  the  subject : — 

1.  The  Proverbs  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach  {c.  200  B.C.),  were 
translated  into  Greek  by  the  grandson  of  the  author,  c.  130  b.c, 
who  prefixed  to  them  a  preface,  in  which  he  speaks  of  "  the 
law  and  the  prophets,  and  the  others,  who  followed  upon  them  " 
{k(xi  t(s)V  dkkuiv  ToJv  Kar  avTOv<i  rjKoXovOrjKOTiov),  to  the  study  of 
whose  writings  his  grandfather  had  devoted  himself,  "  the  law 
and  <-he  prophets,  and  the  other  books  of  our  fathers  (Kat  ra 
aAA.a  TTOLTpLa  /?t'/?Xia),"  "  the  law,  the  prophets,  and  the  rest  of 
the  books  (/cat  ra  Xonra  twv  /Sl/SXlwv)."  This  passage  appears 
to  recognise  the  threefold  division  of  the  Jewish  Canon,  the 
indefinite  expression  following  "the  prophets"  representing 
(presumably)  the  miscellaneous  collection  of  writings  known 
nosv  as  the  Hagiographa.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  tripartite 
division  was  alterwards  generally  recognised  by  the  Jews,  and 
that  two  of  the  names  are  the  same,  it  may  be  taken  as  a 
tolerably  decisive  indication  that  this  division  was  established 
c.  130  B.C.,  if  not  in  the  days  of  the  translator's  grandfather  him- 
self. It  does  not,  however,  show  that  the  Hagiographa  was 
already  completed,  as  we  now  have  it;  it  would  be  entirely  con- 
sistent with  the  terms  used,  for  instance,  if  particular  books,  as 
Esther,  or  Daniel,  or  I^cclesiastes,  were  only  added  to  the  collec- 
tion subsequently. 

2.  The  2nd  Book  of  Maccabees  opens  with  two  letters  (i,  i — 2. 

^  Including;  "  Neheniiah  "  (p.  4S4). 

'  In  the  onler  in  which  they  are  read  in  the  synagogue  (p.  409),  viz.  Su^^g, 
Ruth,  Lam.  Eccl.  Ebt. 


ACCORDING  TO  THE  JEWS.  xxv 

1 8),  purporting  to  have  been  sent  by  the  Palestinian  Jews  in 
B.C.  144  to  their  brethren  in  Egypt.  The  second  of  these  letters, 
after  the  mention  of  certain  apocryphal  anecdotes  connected  with 
Jeremiah  and  Nehemiah,  continues  as  follows  : — 

"  The  same  things  were  also  reported  in  the  public  archives  and  in  the 
records  relating  to  Nehemiah  ;  and  how,  founding  a  library,  he  gathered 
together  the  things  concerning  the  kings  and  prophets,  and  the  (writings)  of 
David,  and  letters  of  kings  about  sacred  gifts. ^  And  in  like  manner  Judas 
also  gathered  together  for  us  all  those  writings  that  had  been  scattered  (t« 
tia-rt'TrTux.oTa.)  by  reason  of  the  war  that  we  had  ;  and  they  remain  with  us. 
If,  therefore,  ye  have  need  thereof,  send  some  to  fetch  them  unto  you " 
(2,  13-15)- 

These  letters,  whether  they  were  prefixed  to  what  follows  by 
the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  book,  or  by  a  later  hand,  are  allowed 
on  all  hands  to  be  spurious  and  full  of  untrustworthy  matter ;  ^ 
and  the  source  referred  to  in  the  extract  just  cited— probably 
some  pseudepigraphic  writing  —  is  in  particular  discredited  by 
the  legendary  character  of  the  other  statements  for  which  it  is 
quoted  as  an  authority.  The  passage  may^  however,  contain 
an  indistinct  reminiscence  of  an  early  stage  in  the  formation  of 
a  canon, — "the  things  relating  to  the  kings  and  prophets" 
being  a  general  designation  of  the  writings  (or  some  of  them), 
now  known  as  the  "Former"  and  "Latter"  Prophets,  ra  rov 
AauciS  being  some  part  of  the  Psalter,  and  the  "  letters  of  kings 
respecting  offerings"  being  (possibly)  documents,  such  as  those 
excerpted  in  the  Book  of  Ezra,  respecting  edicts  issued  by  the 
Persian  kings  in  favour  of  the  Temple.  But  even  though  the 
statement  be  accepted  as  historical,  manifestly  the  greater  part 
of  the  Hagiographa  would  not  be  included  in  Nehemiah's  collec- 
tion. And  from  the  expression  "founding  a  library,'"  \t  ^\o\l\(^ 
naturally  be  inferred  that  Nehemiah's  aim  was  the  collection  and 
preservation  of  ancient  national  literature  generally,  rather  than 
the  determination,  or  selection,  of  such  books  as  deserved  the 
authority  which  we  now  express  by  the  term  "canonical."  The 
utmost  that  follows  from  the  passage  is  that,  according  to  the 

ii,yiyouvro  o\  kcc)  iv  tk7;  rcva,ypa.(pot.7i  x.a)  iv  roi;  ii'roiu.vri//.UT;trf/,o7i  ro7;  KOtTO.  to* 
'Hiif^ta.v  TO,  cti/Ta,  y,ou  ug  }ca,Ta[la.XXofjc%yo;  lii[iXio^r,Kr,v  iTKrvvriyccyi  to.  Tspi  Tut 
PxtffiXiuv  KBti  TpotpriTuv  xeci  ra,  tov  ^a.vii'h  xcc)  i-rfffToXas  (ha.(Tt7.ia>v  'Xipi  a,va,^y,fji.a.r6,tv, 

'^  The  speaker's  Comm.  on  the  Apocrypha,  ii.  p.  541  ;  cf.  Schiirer,  Gesch^ 
desjild.  Volkes  ini  Zeitalter  [esu  Ch7-isti,  ii.  p.  741. 


xxvi  GROWTH   OF   THE   CANON 

unknown  author  of  the  documents  quoted,  the  books  (or  some  of 
them)  now  constituting  the  second  division  of  the  Canon  (the 
"  Prophets "),  and  certain  writings  attributed  to  David,  were 
collected  together  under  Nehemiah,  and  that  they  formed  part 
of  a  larger  collection  founded  by  him.  But  the  origin  of  the 
statement  is  too  uncertain,  and  its  terms  are  too  indefinite,  for 
any  tar-reaching  conclusion  to  be  founded  upon  it. 

3.  The  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra.  In  this  apocryphal  book,  written, 
as  is  generally  agreed,  towards  the  close  of  the  ist  cent,  a.d.,^ 
Ezra,  shortly  before  his  death,  is  represented  as  lamenting  to 
God  that  the  Law  is  burnt,  and  as  craving  from  Him  the  ability 
to  re-write  it,  in  order  that  after  his  decease  men  may  not  be  left 
destitute  of  Divine  instruction — "  But  if  I  have  found  grace  in 
Thy  sight,  send  the  Holy  Ghost  into  me,  and  I  shall  write  all 
that  hath  been  done  in  the  world  since  the  beginning,  even  the 
things  which  were  written  in  Thy  law,  that  men  may  find  Thy 
path,  and  that  they  which  will  live  in  the  latter  days  may  live" 
(14,  21  f.).  God  grants  Ezra's  request:  he  prepares  writing 
materials  and  five  skilled  scribes ;  the  next  day  he  hears  a  voice 
saying  to  him,  *'  Ezra,  open  thy  mouth,  and  drink  that  I  give 
thee  to  drink"  [cf.  Ezek.  i,  3],  after  which  we  read  :  — 

•'Then  opened  I  my  mouth,  and,  behold,  He  reached  me  a  full  cup,  which 
was  full,  as  it  were,  with  water,  but  the  colour  of  it  was  like  fire.  And  I 
took  it  and  drank:  and  when  I  had  drunk  of  it,  my  heart  uttered  under- 
standing, and  wisdom  grew  in  my  heart,  for  my  spirit  strengthened  my 
memory  ;  and  my  mouth  was  opened,  and  shut  no  more.  The  Highest  gave 
understanding  unto  the  five  men,  and  they  wrote  by  course  the  things  that 
were  told  them,  in  characters  which  they  knew  not,-  and  they  sat  forty  days  ; 
they  wrote  in  the  daytime,  and  at  night  they  ate  bread.  As  for  me,  I  spake 
in  the  day,  and  by  night  I  held  not  my  tongue.  In  forty  days  they  wrote 
94"''  book<.     And  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  forty  days  were  fulfilled,  that  the 


^  Speakey's  Comni.  on  the  Apocrypha,  i.  p.  81  ;  Schiirer,  ii.  656  f. 

-  So  the  Syriac  Version  (the  original  text  of  4  Ezr.  is  not  extant) :  similarly 
the  Ethiopic,  Arabic,  and  Armenian  (Hilgenfeld,  ylA-j^/rw  y«y^r(7r«;//,  1S69, 
pp.  260,  321,  376,  432).  The  allusion  is  to  the  change  of  character,  from 
rlie  old  type,  known  from  the  Siloam  inscription  and  Phoenician  inscriptions, 
to  the  so-called  "square"  type,  which  was  attributed  by  tradition  to  Ezra. 
In  point  of  fact,  the  transition  was  a  gradual  one,  and  not  completed  till 
long  after  Ezra's  time.     Sec  the  writer's  Notes  on  Samuel,  p.  ix.  fT. 

'So  the  Syr.   Eih.   Arab,    Arm.     The  Vulgate  has  "204."     Comji.  ,W 
R.  Smith,  OTJC.  p.  407. 


ACCORDING   TO   THE  JEWS.  XXvii 

Highest  spake,  saying,  The  first  that  thou  hast  written^  publish  openly,  that 
the  worthy  and  the  unworthy  may  read  it  :  but  keep  the  70  last  that  thou 
mayest  deliver  them  only  to  such  as  be  wise  among  the  people  ;  for  in  them 
is  the  spring  of  understanding,  the  fountain  of  wisdom,  and  the  stream  of 
knowledge.     And  I  did  so  "  {ib.  vv.  39-48). 

The  same  representation  is  frequently  alluded  to  by  the 
Fathers,^  being  derived  in  all  probability  from  the  passage  of 
Ezra  just  quoted.  The  point  to  be  observed  is  that  it  contains 
no  statement  respecting  either  a  completion  of  the  Canon,  or 
even  a  collection,  or  redaction,  of  such  sacred  books  as  were 
extant  in  Ezra's  time  :  according  to  the  re])resentation  of  the 
writer,  the  books  were  actually  desti'oyed,  and  Ezra  re -wrote 
them  by  Divine  inspiration.  Moreover,  not  only  did  he  re-write 
the  24  canonical  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  he  re-wrote  70 
apocryphal  books  as  well,  which  are  placed  upon  an  equal,  or, 
indeed  {v.  46  f.),  upon  a  higher  level  than  the  Old  Testament 
itself!  No  argument  is  needed  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that 
this  It  gend  is  unworthy  of  credit :  the  crudely  mechanical  theory 
of  inspiration  which  it  implies  is  alone  sufificient  to  condemn  it. 
Nor  can  it  be  determined  with  any  confidence  what  germ  of  fact, 
if  any,  underlies  it.  It  is,  however,  observable  that  there  are  traces 
in  the  passage  of  a  twofold  representation  :  according  to  one  {vv. 
20-32),  Ezra  is  regarded  only  as  the  restorer  of  the  Law ;  accord- 
ing to  the  other  {v.  44),  he  is  regarded  as  the  restorer  of  the 
entire  Old  Testament  (and  of  the  70  apocryphal  books  besides). 

^  I.e.  the  24  canonical  Books  of  the  OT. ,  according  to  the  regular  Jewish 
computation  (Strack,  p.  434),  viz.  Gen.  Ex.  Lev.  Num.  Dt.  Josh.  Jud.  Sam. 
Kings,  Jer.  Ez.  Is.  the  XII,  Ruth,  Ps.  Job,  Prov.  Eccl.  Song,  Lam.  Dan. 
Est.  Ezr.  Chr. 

'  E.g.  Iren.  adv.  hcer.  iii.  21,  2  (a/.  Euseb.  5,  8) ;  Clem.  Al.  i.  21,  p.  392. 
See  other  references  in  Strack,  p.  415.  That  the  passage  in  Irenceus  has  no 
reference  to  a  completion  of  the  Canon  by  Ezra,  and  is  based  upon  no  inde- 
pendent source,  is  shown  clearly  by  Strack,  p.  415,  from,  the  context :  after 
speaking  of  the  marvellous  manner  in  which,  according  to  the  legend,  the 
LXX   translators,  working  independently,  agreed  verbally  in  their  results, 

uiffri   KKi    T«    'Ttt.povrot,   s^vt]    yvuvKi    oti   xcct     iTi'Tveia.v   tov   Siov  ilffiv  t}p/^'/iviv//.tvon  ai 

ypeiipKi,  Irenosus  continues,  "Nor  is  there  anything  remarkable  in  God's 
having  thus  acted  ;  for,  af/er  the  sacred  writings  had  been  destroyed  {hoe.(p&ccp- 
tiffuv  T&iv  'ypa(puv)  in  the  exile  under  Nebuchadnezzar,  when  the  Jews  after  70 
years  had  returned  to  their  own  country.  He,  in  the  days  of  Artaxerxes, 
inspired  Ezra  the  priest,  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  to  rearrange  (ava-a^air^a/)  all 
the  words  of  the  prophets  who  had  gone  before,  and  to  restore  (a^o;t«T«- 
TTiistui)  to  the  people  the  legislation  of  Moses." 


xxviii  GROWTH   OF   THE   CANON 

The  first  of  these  representations  agrees  with  a  tradition  recorded 
elsewhere  in  Jewish  Hterature,  though  expressed  in  much  less 
extravagant  language  {Sticcah  20*}:  "The  Law  was  forgotten  out 
of  Israel :  Ezra  came  up  [Ezr.  7,  6],  and  established  it."  ^ 
Whether  this  statement  is  simply  based  upon  the  phrase  in  Ezr. 
7,  6,  that  Ezra  was  "a  ready  scribe  in  the  law  of  Moses"  (cf. 
vv.  xi.  21),  or  whether  it  embodies  an  independent  tradition, 
may  be  uncertain  :  there  exists  no  ground  whatever  for  questioning 
the  testimony  of  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Ezra,  which  britigs 
Ezra  into  co7inexion  with  the  Law.  This,  no  doubt,  is  the  historical 
basis  of  the  entire  representation  :  Ezra,  the  priest  and  scribe,  was 
in  some  way  noted  for  his  services  in  connexion  with  the  Law, 
the  recollection  of  which  was  preserved  by  tradition,  and  (in 
4  Ezr.)  extended  to  the  entire  Old  Testament.  What  these 
services  were,  we  do  not  certainly  know  :  they  may  have  been 
merely  directed  towards  promoting  the  observance  of  the  law 
(cf.  Neh.  8-10);  but  the  term  "scribe,"  and  the  form  of  the 
representation  in  4  Ezr.  (in  so  far  as  this  may  be  supposed  to 
rest  upon  a  historical  foundation),  would  suggest  that  they  were 
of  a  literary  character :  it  would  not,  for  instance,  be  inconsistent 
with  the  terms  in  which  he  is  spoken  of  in  the  OT.  to  suppose 
that  the  final  redaction  and  completion  of  the  Priests'  Code,  or 
even  of  the  Pentateuch  generally,  was  his  work.  But  the  passage 
supplies  no  historical  support  for  the  supposition  that  Ezra  had 
any  part  either  in  the  collection  (or  editing)  of  the  OT.  books 
generally,  or  in  the  completion  of  the  OT.  Canon. 

4.  The  Talmud.  Here  the  celebrated  passage  is  in  the  Baba 
bathra  14^  which,  after  describing  the  order  of  the  books  of 
the  OT.,  as  cited  above,  continues  thus  \-^ 

"  And  who  wrote  them?  Moses  wrote  his  own  book  and  the  section  con- 
cerning Balaam,-  and  Job.  Joshua  wrote  his  own  book  and  eight  verses  of 
the  Law.^  Samuel  wrote  his  own  book  and  Judges  and  Ruth.  David  wrote 
the  Book  of  Psalms,  at  the  direction  of*  ten  elders,  viz.  Adam,^  Mclchizedek,^ 


^  Comp.  Delitzsch,  Z.  fiir  Luth.   Theol.  1877,  p.  446. 

-  Nu.  22,  2 — 25,  9.  Named  specially,  as  it  seems,  on  account  of  its  not 
being  directly  connected  with  the  subject  of  the  law  (so  Rashi  [nth  cent.]  in 
his  commentary  on  the  passage). 

3  Dt.  34,  5-12.  *  n^  fjy.     See  p.  505,  No.  34. 

'  The  Jews  a>cribe  Ps.  139  to  Adam  !  •  Ps.  no. 


ACCORDING   TO   THE  JEWS.  xxix 

Abraham,^  Moses,  Heman,  Jeduthun,  Asaph,  and  the  three  sons  of  Korah. 
Jeremiah  wrote  his  own  book  and  the  Book  of  Kings  and  Lamentations. 
Hezekiah  and  his  college  wrote  Isaiah,  Proverbs,  the  Song  of  Songs,  and 
Qoheleih  (Ecclesiastes).  The  Men  of  the  Great  Synagogue  wrote  Ezekiel, 
the  XII  (Minor  Prophets),  Daniel,  and  Esther.  Ezra  wrote  his  own  book 
and  the  genealogies  of  the  Book  of  Chronicles  as  far  as  himself."  ^ 

By  the  college,  or  company  (nyc),  of  Hezekiah,  are  meant, 
no  doubt,  the  literary  associates  of  the  king  mentioned  in  Prov. 
25,  I.  The  "Great  Synagogue,"  according  to  Jewish  tradition, 
was  a  permanent  council,  established  by  Ezra,  which  continued 
to  exercise  authority  in  religious  matters  till  about  B.C.  200.  But 
the  statements  respecting  it  are  obscure  and  vague  :  already 
critics  of  the  last  century  doubted  whether  such  a  permanent 
body  ever  really  existed ;  and  in  the  opinion  of  many  modern 
scholars  all  that  is  told  about  it  is  fiction,  the  origin  of  which  lies 
in  the  (historical)  narrative  in  Neh.  8 — 10  of  the  convocation 
which  met  at  Jerusalem  and  subscribed  the  covenant  to  observe 
the  law.3  Into  the  further  discussion  of  this  question  it  is  not 
necessary  for  our  present  purpose  to  enter.  The  entire  passage 
is  manifestly  destitute  of  historical  value.  Not  only  is  it  late  in 
date ;  it  is  discredited  by  the  character  of  its  contents  themselves. 

1  Ps.  89.  Jewish  exegesis  understood  (falsely)  the  "  righteous  man  from 
the  East  (n~iTDD)  "  in  Is.  41,  2  of  Abraham  :  Ps.  89  is  ascribed  by  the  title  to 
Ethan  the  Ezrahite  (TntXH);  and  upon  the  supposition  that  the  word  '^TVAVs 
is  connected  with  niiD  "east"  in  Is.  41,  2,  the  Jews  identified  Ethan  with 
Abraham!  Ps.  89,  i  Taig. :  "Spoken  by  Abraham,  who  came  from  the 
east."  (There  are  other  slightly  different  enumerations  of  the  supposed 
authors  of  Psalms :  see  the  Midrash  on  Qoheleth,  7,  19,  p.  105  f.  of 
Wunsche's  translation,  or  on  Cant.  4,  4  (substantially  the  same  passage), 
ap.  Neubauer,  Siudia  Biblica,  vol.  ii.  p.  6f.,  where  Melchizedek  is  not  named, 
and  Ezra  is  included.) 

^  V  iy-  Supposed  to  mean  as  far  as  the  genealogies  in  i  Ch.  6  (which 
recites  Ezra's  ancestors,  v.  15,  though  not  including  himself).  According  to 
another  view,  as  far  as  the  word  p  in  2  Ch.  21,  2. 

^SeeJ.  E.  Rau,  Diatribe  de  Synagoga  I\/agna,  1726;  and  esp.  Kuenen, 
"  Over  de  Mannen  der  Groote  Synagoge,"  in  the  Verslageii  en  Medcdeelingen 
der  Kon.  Akademie  van  Wetenschappen  {Afdeeling  Letterktinde),  Amsterdam 
1876,  pp.  207-248;  W.  R.  Smith,  OTJC.  pp.'  156  f  408  f.  ;  and  on  the 
other  side,  J.  Derenbourg,  Essai  sur  Vhistoirg  et  la  g^ographie  de  la  falestine 
dapres  les  Thalmuds,  etc.  (1867),  p.  29  ff.;  C.  H.  H.  Wright,  Ecclesiastes, 
pp.  5  ff.,  475  ff.  Comp.  also  C.  Taylor,  Sayings  of  the  Jewish  Eat  has 
(the  Mishnic  treatise  flUS  '•plS),  1877,  p.  124  f. 


XXX  GROWTH   OF   THE   CANON 

What  are  we  to  think  of  the  statement  respecting  the  authorship 
of  the  Psahns  ?  What  opinion  can  we  form  of  the  judgment  ot 
men  who  argue  that  because  a  person  (Melchizedek)  happens  to 
be  mentioned  in  a  particular  poem,  he  was  therefore  in  some  way 
connected  personally  with  its  composition  ?  ^  or  of  the  reasoning 
by  which  Abraham  is  brought  into  relation  with  Ps.  89  ?  More- 
over, the  word  "  wrote "  ^  (nn^)  must  plainly  bear  the  same 
meaning  throughout ;  what  sense  then  is  to  be  attached  to  the 
statements  about  the  college  of  Hezekiah  and  the  Men  of  the 
Great  Synagogue  ?  In  what  sense  can  it  be  said  that  they 
"wrote"  different  books  of  the  Old  Testament?  The  fact  of  so 
much  of  the  passage  being  thus  unworthy  of  regard,  discredits  the 
whole.  It  is  an  indication  that  it  is  not  the  embodiment  of  any 
genuine  or  trustworthy  tradition.  In  so  far  as  the  passage 
yields  an  intelligible  sense,  it  merely  expresses  inferences  of  the 
most  superficial  order :  it  assigns  books  to  prominent  characters 
living  at,  or  shortly  after,  the  times  with  which  they  deal.  The 
origin  of  the  statements  about  the  other  books  is  uncertain.  If 
any  book  bears  the  impress  of  its  author's  hand,  both  in  matter 
and  in  arrangement,  it  is  the  Book  of  Ezekiel ;  and  yet  it  is  said 
here  to  have  been  "written"  by  the  members  of  a  body  which 
(ex  hyp.)  (lid  not  come  into  existence  till  a  century  after  its 
author's  death.  If  some  tradition  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
books  referred  to  were  edited,  or  made  generally  available,  for 
popular  use  underlies  these  statements,  its  character  and  source 
are  far  too  doubtful  for  any  weight  to  be  attached  to  it,  where  it 

^  It  is  right,  however,  to  mention  that,  according  to  some  scholars  (see 
Wright,  I.e.  p.  453  ;  Dalman,  Dcr  Gottesnante  Adonaj,  1889,  p.  79),  "»1^  "jy 
means  here  on  behalf  of ;  but  even  so,  it  will  still  be  implied  that  the  persons 
n:\mcd  were  in  some  sense  the  inspirers  of  the  Psalms  in  question  :  for  the 
Jewish  view,  absurd  as  it  may  seem  to  be,  is  that  the  Psalms  were  composerl 
(lit.  "spoken")  by  ten  authors  (D^^HD  "ISD  11DN  DIX  'J3  mC^V),  though 
in  some  undefined  way  David  j^ave  form  to  their  words  (see  the  passages 
cited  on  p.  xxix,  note.,  and  el>ewhere). 

"  Not  "arranged,"  or  "edited,"  or  even  "inserted  in  the  Canon."  Rashi's 
explanation  (Strack,  p.  418;  Wright,  p.  455  f.)  is  anything  but  satisfactory. 
The  supposition  that  the  term  means  "wrote  down  "  or  "reduced  to  writing 
what  had  previously  been  transmitted  orally"  is  not  probable,  considering 
the  nnture  of  the  books  referred  to  ;  such  a  sense  might  l.'e  suitable  in  con- 
nexion with  a  body  of  law,  or  a  system  of  traditional  exegesis,  perpetuated  in 
a  scluol,  but  hardly,  for  instance,  with  reference  to  a  volume  of  prophecies. 


ACCORDING   TO   THE  JEWS.  XXXI 

conflicts  with  the  irrefragable  testimony  supplied  by  the  books 
themselves  respecting  their  authorship  or  date.^ 

For  the  opinion,  often  met  with  in  modern   books,  that  the 
Canon  of  the  OT.  was  closed  by  Ezra,  or  in  Ezra's  time,  there  is 
no  foundation  in  antiquity  whatever.     As  has  been  shown  above, 
all  that  can  reasonably  be  treated  as  historical  in  the  accounts  of 
Ezra's  literary  labours  is  limited  to  the  Law.     The   Men  of  the 
Great  Synagogue— in  so  far  as  their  services  to  Biblical  literature 
may  be  accepted   as  historical— were  a  permanent  body,  which 
continued  to  act  for  more  than  two  centuries  after  Ezra's  time. 
The  opinion  referred  to  is  not  a  tradition  at  all :  it  is  a  conjecture, 
based  no  doubt  upon  the  passages  that  have  been  just  cited,  but 
inferring  from  them  more  than  they  actually  express  or  justify. 
This   conjecture    was   first   distinctly   propounded    in    the    i6th 
century  by  Elias  Levita,  a  learned  Jew,  the  author  of  a  work  on 
the  origin  and  nature  of  the  Massorah,  entitled  Massoreth  ha- 
Massoreth,  written   in   1538.2      The  reputation  of  Elias   Levita 
caused  this  opinion  to  be  adopted  by  the  Protestant  divines  of 
the  17th  and  i8th  centuries,  Hottin^^er,  Leusden,  Carpzov,  &c. ; 
and  it  has  thus  acquired  general  currency.     But  it  is  destitute 
of  historical  foundation ;  and  the  authority  of  Ezra  cannot,  any 
more  than  that  of  the  Great  Synagogue,  he  invoked  against  the 
conclusions   of  critical   investigation.     The   Canon   of  the  Old 
Testament,  in  Loescher's  words  (quoted  by  Strack,  p.  424),  was 
"  non  uno,  quod  dicunt,  actu  ab  hominibus,  sed  paulatim  a  Deo, 
animorum    temporumque   rectore,    productus."      The    age   and 
authorship  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  can  be  determined 
(so  far  as  this  is  possible)  only  upon  the  basis  of  the  internal 
evidence  supplied  by  the  books  themselves,  by  methods  such  as 
those    followed    in    the    present  volume:  no   external  evidence 
worthy  of  credit  exists. 

1  It  should  never  be  forgotten  that,  with  regard  especially  to  antiquity,  the 
Talmud  and  other  laie  Jewish  writings  abound  with  idle  conjectures  and 
unauthenticatcd  statements. 

-  Edited,  with  an  English  translation  and  notes,  by  C.  D.  Ginsburg, 
London  1867.  See  p.  120  :  "  In  Ezras  time  the  24  books  of  the  OT.  were 
not  yet  united  in  a  single  volume  ;  Ezra  and  his  associates  united  them 
together,  and  divided  them  into  three  parts,  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the 
Hagiographa."     See  further,  Strack,  p.  416. 


AN    INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE 


LITERATURE  OF  THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  HEXATEUCH. 

(Pentateuch  and  Joshua.) 

Literature.^— a.  Commentaries  :—F.  Delitzsch,  h'euer  Comvientar  iiher  die 
Genesis,  1887  (translated  :  T.  &  T.  Clark) ;  A.  Dillmann  (in  tlie  Ktirzge- 
fasstes  ExegetiscJies  Handbuch  ztwi  AT.),  Die  Genesis  (ed.  3),  1S86  ;  F.x.  und 
Lev.  1880;  Numeri  Deut.  und  Josua,  1S86  (based  on  the  orii^anal  commen- 
taries of  A.  Knohel  in  the  same  series,  but  largely  or  entirely  re-written) ; 
C.  F.  Keil  (m  the  Biblischer  Commentar  iiber  das  AT.,  edited  by  himself 
atid  Delitzsch),  Gen.  und  Ex.  (ed.  3)  1878  ;  Lev.  Num.  und  Deut.  (ed.  2) 
\%-,0 ',  Josua,  Richter  und  Ruth  (ed.  2),  1874;  M.  Kalisch,  Historical  and 
Critical  Commentary  on  the  OT.,  viz.  Gene  As,  1858;  Exodus,  1855; 
L.eviticus,  1867,  1872  (with  much  illustration  from  Jewish  sources).        CStX  p/K^i^.") 

/'.  Criticism  :— II.  Hupfeld,  Die  Quellen  d.r  Genesis,  1853;  H.  Ewald, 
IJistory  of  Israel  {ei\.  3,  i864ff.  :  translated,  Longmans,  iJ<69ff.),  i.  j,p. 
63-132;  K.  H.  Graf,  Die  gesehichtlichen  Biicher  des  AJ.s,  1S66  ;  Th. 
Noideke,  Die  Alltestaiuentliche  Literatur,  j868  ;  Untersuchungen  %ur  Krilik 
des  AT.s,  1869  (on  the  limits  and  characteristics  of  the  document  now 
generally  styled  P) ;  J.  Wellhausen,  Die  Composition  des  Hexateuchs  in  tl  g 
J ahrbiicher  fiir  Deutsche  Ihcologie,  xxi.  (1S76)  pp.  392-450  (on  Genesis); 
531-602  (on  the  narrative  of  Ex. —Josh.)  ;  xxii.  (1877)  pp.  467-479  (on  the 
la7vs  in  Ex.— Dt.)  [reprinted  I.  in  Skizzen  und  I  orarbeiten,  ii.  (1885) ;  2.  (to- 
gether with  matter  contributed  by  the  same  writer  to  his  edition  of  Bleek's 
Einleittin^  published  in  1878,  on  the  structure  of  Judges,  Samuel,  and 
Kings)  in  Die  Cotnposition  des  LLcxateuchs  und  der  historisehen  Biicher  des 
AT.s  (1889)];  J.  Wellhausen,  GeschicJite  Israels,  i.  (1878),  reprinted  (sub- 
stantially unaltered,  but  with  improvements  in  detail)  under  the  title  Frole- 
gomena  zur  Geschichte  Israels  (1S83  :  ed.  3,  1886),  and  translated  under  the  title 
History  of  Israel  {\.  &  C.   Black),  1885;  Ed.  Reuss,  La  Bible  (translation 

^  Only  the  more  important  works  can  be  named.  The  older  literature, 
which  has  been  largely  superseded  by  more  recent  works,  is  of  necessity 
omitted  altogether. 

A 


3  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

\vith  notes  and  Introductions),  vol.  i.  1S79,  PP-  1-271  ;  F.  Delitzsch,  12  rent.- 
kritische  Stiidien  in  the  Zeiisdtr.  fiir  Kirchl.  IVisseirschafl  u.  KircliL  Lehen, 
1880,  and  UrmoiiiiscJies  itn Pent.,  ih.  1882,  p.  113^".  (onNu.  6,  22-7),  p.  226  ft". 
(Nu.  10,  33-36),  p.  281  ff.  (the  Decalogue),  p.  337  fT.  (Nu.  21.  I4f.),  p.  449  ff. 
(Nu.  21,  17  f.),  p.  561  fif.  (Nu.  21,  27-30)  ;  al^o^7^.  188S,  p.  iiQff.  (Balaam) ;  A. 
Kuenen,  B'ljdragen  tot  de  critiek  van  I\)it.  enjosna  in  the  '1  Jieol.  Tijdschrift 
xi.-xviii.  (1877-84)  [see  the  titles  in  Weilh.  Loinp.  p.  312];  W.  R.  Smith, 
7  he  OT.  in  the  Jewish  Church  (18S1),  esp.  Lectures  viii.-xii.  ;  W.  IL  Green, 
Moses  and  the  Prophets  (New  York),  1883  ;  I'he  Hehre7v  Feasts  in  their  rela- 
tion  to  recent  critical  liypotheses  conceining  the  PcntatcHcJi  (Lontlon),  1S86; 
David  Casielli,  La  Legge  del  Popolo  Ehreo  nel  sno  svolginiento  storico,  1SS4  (a 
well-written  semi-popular  exposition  of  the  growth  of  Hebrew  law,  substan- 
tially from  Wellhausen's  point  of  view) ;  R.  Kitiel,  Geschichte  der  Hebrder,  i. 
(Quellenkunde  u.  Geschichte  der  Zeit  bis  zum  Tode  Josuas  [follows  Dillmann 
largely]),  1SS8 ;  Prof.  W.  R.  Harper  in  the  American  journal  IJchraica 
(New  Haven,  Conn.),  i.  Oct.  1888,  pp.  18-73  [on  Gen.  i  — 12,  5] ;  ii.  July  1889, 
pp.  243-291  [Gen.  12,  6 — y],  i] ;  iii.  Oct.  1S89,  PP-  1-48  [Oen.  37,  2— Ex.  12, 
51],  with  Prof.  Green's  criticism  on  No.  i. ,  ib.  Jan. — Apr.  1S89,  p.  137  'ii., 
on  No.  ii.,  Jan. — Mar.  1890,  p.  109  fif.,  on  No,  iii.,  Apr.  p.  161  ff.  ;  the 
commentaries  of  Delitzsch  [pjn  1-3S  on  the  llexateuch  generally]  and 
Dillmann,  mentioned  above;  and  the  following  "Introductions":  Eb. 
Schrader's  edition  (the  8th)  of  De  Welte's  Einleitung,  1869  ;  Keil's  Ein- 
leitung,  1873  ;  Ed.  Reuss,  Die  Geschichte  der  Heiligen  Schriften  A7\s,  1881  ; 
A.  Kuenen,  Hist.-crit.  Onderzock  naar  he.t  Outstaan  en  de  I'erzameling  van 
de  Bocken  des  Oudeji  Verbonds  (ed.  2),  i.  I,  18S5  (translated  under  the  title 
The  Hexateuch,  Macmillan,  1886);  E.  C.  Bissell,  The  Pentateuch,  its  origin 
and  stnutjire,  1885;  ^^-  Riehm,  Einleitung  in  das  AT.  (published  post- 
humously) i.  (1889).      C^^f  *«^) 

Books  or  articles  dealing  with  special  parts  of  the  Hexateuch  will  be  re- 
ferred to  as  occasion  arises.  Of  the  works  named,  the  most  important  (even 
for  those  who  but  partially  accept  its  conclusions)  is  Wellhausen's  essay  On 
the  Composition  of  the  Hexateuch,  partly  on  nccount  of  its  lucid  exposition  of 
the  subject,  and  partly  on  account  of  its  forming  the  basis  of  all  subsequent 
investigation  and  discussion.  Next  in  importance  come  the  writings  of  Dill- 
mann, Delitzsch,  and  Kuenen.  In  Dillmann's  commentaries,  especial!}-, 
details  and  refeiences  wid  usually  be  found,  for  which  it  has  been  imjios- 
sible  to  find  place  in  the  present  volume.  Kittcl's  book  contains  a  uscfui 
.synopsis  and  comparison  of  different  vie\\s.  The  style  and  characteri>iics 
of  the  various  sources  of  which  the  Hexateuch  is  composed  are  most  abund- 
antly illustrated  in  the  papers  (s.o  far  as  they  at  present  [May  1890]  reach) 
of  Prof.  Harper.  The  chief  (lutstion  in  dispute  among  critics  concerns, 
not  the  limits  of  the  several  sources,  but  their  relative  dates  (see  below,  §  7). 
Keil,  Green,  and  Bissell  represent  the  traditional  view  of  the  origin  and 
structure  of  the  Hexateuch.  The  reason  why  this  cannot  be  maintained  is, 
stated  briefly,  the  pre.-ence  in  the  Hexateuch  (and  in  other  parts  of  the  Old 
Testament)  of  too  many  facts  which  conflict  with  it. 

The  historical  hooks  of  the  Old  Tcstnment  form  two  series  ; 


THE   HEXATEUCH.  3 

one,  consisting  of  the  books  from  Genesis  to  2  Kings,i  embracing 
the  period  from  the  creation  to  the  release  of  Jehoiachin  from  his 
imprisonment  in  Babylon,  B.C.  562,  the  other,  comprising  the 
Books  of  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  beginning  with  Adam 
and  ending  with  the  second  visit  of  Nehemiah  to  Jerusalem  in 
B.C.  432.2  Though  differing  from  each  other  materially  in  scope 
and  manner  of  treatment,  these  two  series  are  nevertheless  both 
constructed  upon  a  similar  plan  ;  no  entire  book  in  either  seriei 
consists  of  a  single,  original  work;  but  older  writings,  or  sources 
have  been  combined  by  a  compiler  in  such  a  manner  that  tlK- 
points  of  juncture  are  often  plainly  discernible,  and  the  sources 
are  in  consequence  capable  of  being  separated  from  one  another. 
The  authors  of  the  Hebrew  historical  books — except  the  shortest, 
as  Ruth  and  Esther — do  not,  as  a  modern  historian  would  do, 
re-write  the  matter  in  their  own  language ;  they  excerpt  from  the 
sources  at  their  disposal  such  passages  as  are  suitable  to  their 
purpose,  and  incorporate  them  in  tkeir  work,  sometimes  adding 
matter  of  their  own,  but  often  (as  it  seems)  introducing  only  such 
modifications  of  form  as  are  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  fitting 
them  together,  or  accommodating  them  to  their  plan.  The 
Hebrew  historiographer,  as  we  know  him,  is  essentially  a  compiler 
or  arranger  of  pre  -  existing  documents,  he  is  not  himself  ar 
original  author.  Hebrew  writers,  however,  exhibit,  as  a  rule^ 
such  strongly  marked  individualities  of  style  that  the  documents, 
or  sources,  thus  combined  can  generally  be  distinguished  from 
each  other,  and  from  the  comments  of  the  compiler,  without 
difficulty.  The  literary  differences  are,  moreover,  frequently 
accompanied  by  differences  of  treatment  or  representation  of  the 
history,  which,  where  they  exist,  confirm  independently  the 
conclusions  of  the  literary  analysis.  Although,  however,  the 
historical  books  generally  are  constructed  upon  similar  principles, 
the  method  on  which  these  principles  have  been  applied  is  not 
quite  the  same  in  all  cases.  The  Books  of  Judges  and  Kings,  for 
instance,  resemble  each  other  in  their  mode  of  composition  :  in 
each  a  series  of  older  narratives  has  been  taken  by  the  compiler, 
and  fitted  into  a  framework  supplied  by  himself,  the  framework 
in  both  cases  being,  moreover,  composed  of  similar  elements  and 

Exclusive  of  Ruth,  which,  at  least  in  the  Hebrew  Canon,  is  treated  as 
part  of  the  D'^^^ins  or  Hagiographa. 

^  Though  the  genealogies  are  brought  down  to  a  later  date. 


4  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

designed  from  the  same  point  of  view.  The  Books  of  Samuel 
are  Hkewise  constructed  from  pre-existing  sources,  but  the  com- 
piler's hand  is  very  much  less  conspicuous  than  is  the  case  in 
Judges  and  Kings.  The  Pentateuch  includes  elements  homo- 
geneous, at  least  in  large  measure,  with  those  of  which  the  Book 
of  Joshua  is  composed  ;  and  the  literary  structure  of  both  is  more 
complex  than  that  of  either  Samuel,  or  Judges  and  Kings.  It 
will  be  our  aim,  in  the  following  pages,  to  exhibit  the  structure 
of  these  different  books  by  discovering,  so  far  as  this  is  possible, 
their  component  parts,  and  determining  the  relation  which  these 
parts  hold  in  regard  to  each  other. 


§  I.  Genesis. 

The  Book  of  Genesis  is  so  called  from  the  title  given  to  it  in 
the  Septuagint  Version,  derived  from  the  Greek  rendering  of  2,  4^ 
avTTj  rj  f3il3ko<i  ycv€0"€ajs  ovpavov  /cat  y^9.  By  the  Jews  it  is 
termed,  from  its  opening  word,  JT^C'S^n  B'reshiih.  It  forms  the 
first  book  in  the  Hexafeuch, — as  the  literary  whole  formed  by  the 
Pentateuch  and  Book  of  Joshua  may  conveniently  be  termed, — 
the  general  object  of  which  is  to  describe  in  their  origin  the 
fundamental  institutions  of  the  Israelitish  Theocracy  {i.e.  the  civil 
and  ceremonial  law),  and  to  trace  from  the  earliest  past  the  course 
of  events  which  issued  ultimately  in  the  establishment  of  Israel 
in  Canaan.  The  Book  of  Genesis  comprises  the  introductory 
period  of  this  history,  embracing  the  lives  of  the  ancestors  of 
the  Hebrew  nation,  and  ending  with  the  death  of  Joseph  in 
Egypt.  The  aim  of  the  book  is,  however,  more  than  merely  to 
recount  the  ancestry  of  Israel  itself ;  its  aim  is,  at  the  same 
time,  to  define  the  place  occupied  by  Israel  among  other  nations, 
and  to  show  how  it  gradually  emerges  into  separate  and  distinct 
existence.  Accordingly  the  line  of  its  ancestors  is  traced  back 
beyond  Abraham  to  the  first  appearance  of  man  upon  the  earth ; 
and  the  relation,  both  to  each  other  and  to  Israel,  of  the  nations 
descended  from  the  second  father  of  humanity  —  Noah  —  is 
indicated  by  a  genealogical  scheme  (c.  10).  'J'he  entire  book 
may  thus  be  divided  into  two  parts,  of  which  the  first,  c.  I7— n, 
presents  a  general  view  of  the  Early  History  of  Mankind, 
explaining  the  presence  of  evil   in   the  world  (c.  3),  sketching 


GENESIS.  5 

the  beginnings  of  civilisation  (c.  4),  accounting  for  the  existence 
of  separate  nations  (c.  10  :  11,  1-9),  and  determining  the  position 
occupied  by  Israel  among  them  (10,  i.  21-22;  11,  10-26); 
while  the  second,  c.  12 — 50,  comprehends  in  particular  the 
History  of  Israel's  immediate  ancestors^  the  Patriarchs. 

The  narrative  of  Genesis  is  cast  into  a  framework,  or  scheme, 
marked  by  the  recurring  formula,  These  are  the  generations 
(lit.  beget  tings)  of  .  .  .  This  phrase  is  strictly  one  proper  to 
genealogies,  implying  that  the  person  to  whose  name  it  is  pre- 
fixed is  of  sufficient  importance  to  mark  a  break  in  the  genea- 
logical series,  and  that  he  and  his  descendants  will  form  the 
subject  of  the  record  which  follows,  until  another  name  is 
reached  prominent  enough  to  form  the  commencement  of  a  new 
section.  By  this  means  the  Book  of  Genesis  is  articulated  as 
follows : — 

C.  I — 4^  (Creation  of  heaven  and  earth,  i,  i — 2,  4*  :  second  account  of 
the  ori^nn  of  man  upon  earth,  followed  by  the  story  of  the  Fall, 
2,  4^ — 3,  24  ;  growth  of  sin  in  the  line  of  Cain,  and  progress  of  inven- 
tion, 4,  1-24  ;  beginning  of  the  line  of  Seth's  descendants,  4,  25  fJ. 

5,  I — 6,  8  {Adam  and  his  de-^cendants,  through  Seth,  to  Noah,  c.  5  ; 
the  increasing  wickedness  of  ihe  earth,  6,  1-8). 

6,  9 — 9,  29  (History  of  Noah  and  his  sons  till  their  father's  death, 
including,  in  particular,  the  narrative  of  the  Flood,  6,  9—8,  22  ;  and 
the  new  covenant  made  by  God  with  humanity  in  the  person  of  Noah, 

10,  I — II,  9  {Sons  of  Noah  and  nations  sprung  from  tkem,  c.  10;  the 
dispersion  of  mankind  over  the  earth,  ii,  1-9). 

11,  10-26  (Line  of  Shem  to  Terah,  the  father  of  Abraham). 

II,  27 — 25,  II  {Terah,  with  the  his-tory  of  his  descendants,  Abram  and 

Lot,  ending  with  the  death  of  Abram). 
25,  12-18  {Ishmael,  with  list  of  Arab  tribes  claiming  descent  from  him). 
25,  19 — 35,  29  (Life  of  Isaac^  with  history  of  Esau  and  Jacob,  until  the 

time  of  Isaac's  dvath). 

^  The  formula  is  here  applied  metaphorically  to  '*  heaven  and  earth,"  and 
stands  at  2,  4*.  By  analogy  it  will  introduce  an  account  of  heaven  and 
earth,  and  of  that  which  sprang  from  either,  or  could  be  regarded  as  its 
progeny.  This  agrees  with  what  is  narrated  in  c.  i,  but  not  with  what 
follows  in  2,  4^  ff.  (for  the  narrative  here  is  silent  respecting  the  heavens,  the 
subject  being  the  formation  of  man,  and  the  preparation  of  the  earth  to 
receive  him).  The  formula  must  here,  therefore,  contrary  to  usual  custom, 
refer  to  what  iDiecedes.  It  is  a  plausible  conjecture  that  originally  it  stood 
as  the  superscription  to  I,  I.  (Dr.  Green,  Hebraica,  v.  l43-5»  omits  to 
observe  that  the  formula  introduces  some  account  of  the  person  himself  naLmtd 
in  it,  as  well  as  of  his  descendants. ) 


6  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

C.  36  [see  vv.  i.  9]  {Esati  and  his  descendants,  the  rulers  of  the  Edomites, 
wiih  a  digression,  vv.  20-30,  on  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Edom). 

C.  37  [see  z*.'  2] — 50  (Life  oi  Jacob  subsequently  to  Isaac's  death,  and 
history  of  his  sons  till  the  death  of  Joseph).^ 

With  which  of  the  component  parts  of  Genesis  this  scheme 
was  originally  connected,  will  appear  subsequently.  The  entire 
narrative,  as  now  disposed,  is  accommodated  to  it.  The  atten- 
tion of  the  reader  is  fixed  upon  Israel,  which  is  gradually  dis- 
engaged from  the  nations  with  which  it  is  at  first  confused ;  at 
each  stage  in  the  history,  a  brief  general  account  of  the  collateral* 
branches  having  been  given,  they  are  dismissed,  and  the  narrative 
is  limited  more  and  more  to  the  immediate  line  of  Israel's 
ancestors.  Thus  after  c.  10  (the  ethnographical  Table)  all  the 
descendants  of  Noah  disappear  except  the  line  of  Shetn, 
II,  10  {i.\  after  25,  12-18  Ishmael  disappears  and  Isaac 
alone  remains ;  after  c.  36  Esau  and  his  descendants  disappear, 
and  only  Jacob  is  left.  The  same  method  is  adopted  in  the 
intermediate  parts  :  thus  19,  30-38  the  relation  to  Israel  of  the 
collateral  branches  of  Moab  and  Amnion  is  explained:  22,  20-24 
(sons  of  Abraham's  brother  Nahor),  and  25,  1-4  (sons  of 
Abraham's  concubine  Keturah),  the  relation  to  Israel  of  certain 
Aramaic  and  Arabian  tribes  is  explained. 

The  unity  of  plan  thus  established  for  the  Book  of  Genesis, 
and  traceable  in  many  other  details,  has  long  been  recognised 
by  critics.  It  is  not,  however,  incompatible  with  the  use  by 
the  compiler  of  pre  -  existing  materials  in  the  composition  of 
his  work.  And  as  soon  as  the  book  is  studied  with  sufficient 
attention,  phenomena  disclose  themselves  which  show  incon- 
trovertibly  that  it  is  composed  of  distinct  documents  or  sources, 
which  have  been  welded  together  by  a  later  compiler  or  redactor 
into  a  continuous  whole.  These  phenomena  are  very  numer- 
ous ;  but  they  may  be  reduced  in  the  main  to  the  two  following 
heads  :  (i)  the  same  event  is  doubly  recorded  ;  (2)  the  language, 
and  frequently  the  representation  as  well,  varies  in  different 
sections.  Thus  i,  i — 2,  4*  and  2,  4^-25  contain  a  double 
narrative  of  the  origin  of  man  upon  earth.     It  might,  no  doubt, 

^  The  formula  occurs  next  Nu.  3,  I  :  see  also  Ru.  4,  18  ;  i  Ch.  i,  29+ 
(from  Gen.  25,  12).  The  ch^se  of  one  section  is  sometimes  repeated  so  as  to 
form  the  starting-point  of  the  section  which  follows  :  cf.  Gen.  I,  27  f.  wath 
.C   I  f.  ;  5,  32  with  6,  10;   II,  27  with  v.  26. 


GENESIS.  7 

be  argued  prima  facie  that  2,  4^^  ff.  is  intended  simply  as  a  more 
detailed  account  of  what  is  described  summarily  in  i,  26-30  ; 
and  it  is  true  that  probably  the  present  position  of  this  section 
is  due  to  the  relation  in  which,  speaking  generally,  it  stands  to 
the  narrative  of  those  verses ;  but  upon  closer  examination 
differences  reveal  themselves  which  preclude  the  supposition 
that  both  sections  are  the  work  of  the  same  hand.  In  2,  4''  ff. 
the  order  of  creation  is:  i.  man  ((U.  7);  2.  vegetation  {v.  9; 
^f-  ^^-  5);  3-  animals  {v.  19)^;  4.  woman  {v.  21  f.).  The 
separation  made  between  the  creation  of  woman  and  man,  if  it 
stood  alone,  might  indeed  be  reasonably  explained  upon  the 
supposition  just  ref(irred  to,  that  2,  4''  ff  viz.  describes  in  detail 
what  is  stated  succinctly  in  i,  27^;  but  the  order  in  the  other 
cases  forms  part  of  a  progression  evidently  intentional  on  the 
part  of  the  narrator  here,  and  as  evidently  opposed  to  the  order 
indicated  in  c.  i  (vegetation,  animals,  man).  Not  only,  how- 
ever, are  there  these  material  differences  between  the  two 
narratives;  they  differ  also  in  form.  Hie  style  of  i,  i — 2,  4* 
is  unornate,  measured,  precise,  and  particular  phrases  frequently 
recur.  That  of  2,  4'^  ff.  is  freer  and  more  varied  ;  the  actions  of 
God  are  described  with  some  fulness  and  picturesqueness  of 
detail ;  instead  of  simply  speaking  or  creating,  as  in  c.  i.  He 
fashions^  breathes  into  man  the  breath  of  life,  plants^  places^ 
takes,  sets,  brings,  closes  up,  builds,  &c.  (2,  7.  8.  15.  19.  21.  22), 
and  even,  in  the  allied  c.  3  {v.  8),  walks  in  the  garden  :  the 
recurring  phrases  are  less  marked,  and  not  the  same  as  those  of 
I,  I — 2,  4^  In  the  narrative  of  the  Deluge,  6,  9-13  (the 
wickedness  of  the  earth)  is  a  duplicate  of  6,  5-8,  as  is  also 
7,  1-5  of  6,  18-22 — the  latter,  with  the  difference  that  of  every 
clean  beast  seven  are  to  be  taken  into  the  ark,  while  in  6,  19 
(cf.  7,  15)  two  of  every  sort,  without  distinction,  are  prescribed  ; 
similarly  7,  22  f.  (destruction  of  all  flesh)  repeats  the  substance 
of  7,  21  :  there  are  also  accompanying  differences  of  repre- 
sentation and  phraseology,  one  group  of  sections  being  akin  to 
I,  I — 2,  4%  and  displaying  throughout  the  same  phraseology, 
the  other  exhibiting  a  different  phraseology,  and  being  conceived 
in  the  spirit  of  2,  4^^ — 3,  24  (comp,  e.g.  7,  16'^  shut  i?i,  8,  21 
smelted,  v^'iih.  2,  7.  8.   15  &c.).'^     17,   16-19  ^"^^^  ^S>    10-14  the 

^  The  rendering  "  had  formed"  is  contrary  to  idiora. 

^  The  composite  character  of  the  narrative  of  the  Flood  has  been  pointed 


8  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

promise  of  a  son  to  Sarah  is  twice  described,  with  an  accom- 
panying double.  exi)lanation  of  the  origin  of  the  name  Isaac} 
The  section  27,  46 — 28,  9  differs  appreciably  in  style  from 
27,  1-45,  and  at  the  same  time  exhibits  Rebekah  as  influenced 
by  a  different  motive  in  suggesting  Jacob's  departure  from 
Canaan,  not  as  in  27,  42-45  to  escape  his  brother's  anger, 
but  to  procure  a  wife  agreeable  to  his  parents'  wishes  (see 
26,  34  f.).  Further,  in  28,  19  and  35,  15  we  find  two  explana- 
tions of  the  origin  of  the  name  Bethel :  32,  28  and  35,  10  two 
of  Israel :  32,  3.  33,  16  Esau  is  described  as  already  resident 
in  Edom,  while  36,  6  f.  his  migration  thither  is  attributed  to 
causes  which  could  only  have  come  into  operation  after  Jacob's 
return  to  Canaan. ^  The  Book  of  Genesis  presents  a  group  of 
sections  distinguished  from  the  narrative  on  either  side  of  them 
by  differences  of  phraseology  and  style,  and  often  by  con- 
comitant differences  of  representation  :  these  differences,  more- 
over, are  not  isolated,  nor  do  they  occur  in  the  narrative 
indiscriminately  :  they  are  numerous,  and  reappear  with  singular 
persistency  in  combination  with  each  other ;  they  are,  in  a  word, 
so  marked  that  they  can  only  be  accounted  for  upon  the  sup- 
position that  the  sections  in  which  they  occur  are  by  a  different 
hand  from  the  rest  of  the  book. 

The  sections  homogeneous  in  style  and  character  with 
I,  i^ — 2,  4*  recur  at  intervals,  not  in  Genesis  only,  but  in  the 
following  books  to  Joshua  inclusive  ;  and  when  disengaged  from 
the  rest  of  the  narrative,  and  read  consecutively,  are  found  to 
constitute  a  nearly  complete  whole,  containing  a  systematic 
account  of  the  origines  of  Israel,  treating  with  particular  minute- 
ness the  various  ceremonial  institutions  of  the  ancient  Hebrews 
(Sabbath,  Circumcision,  Passover,  Tabernacle,  Priesthood, 
Feasts,  &c.),  and  displaying  a  consistent  regard  for  chrono- 
Togical  and  other  statistical  data,  which  entitles  it  to  be  con- 
sidered as  the  framework  of  our  present  Hexateuch.  This 
source,  or  document,  has  received  different  names,  suggested  by 
one    or    other   of    the    various   characteristics   attaching    to   it. 

out  often  ;  see  the  art.  Pentateuch,  by  the  present  Dean  of  Peterborough,  in 
the  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  (ed.  I,  1863),  p.  776.  On  the  pliraseology  sec 
more  fully  below,  §  7. 

^  There  is  a  third  explanation,  from  a  third  source  (see  below),  in  21,  6. 

*  Keil's  explanation  of  this  discrepancy  is  insufficient. 


GENESIS.  9 

a^iduk  on  "p 
From  its  preference  (till  Ex.  6,  3)  for  the  name  God  ("  Elohim") 
rather  than  y^//(?z.'^/z,  it  has  been  termed  the  Elohistic  narrative, 
and  its  author  has  been  called  the  Elohist ;  and  these  names  are 
still  sometimes  employed.  By  Ewald  it  was  termed  the  "  Book 
of  Origins  ; "  ^  by  Tuch  and  Noldeke,  from  the  fact  that  it  seemed 
to  form  the  groundwork  of  our  Hexateuch,  the  "  Grundschrift ;" 
more  recently,  by  Wellhausen,  Kuenen,  and  Delitzsch,  it  has 
been  styled  the  "Priests'  Code."  This  last  designation  is  in 
strictness  applicable  only  to  the  ceremonial  sections  in  Ex. — Nu.; 
these,  however,  form  such  a  large  and  characteristic  portion  of 
the  work,  that  the  title  may  not  unsuitably  be  extended  so  as  to 
embrace  the  whole ;  and  it  may  be  represented  conveniently,  for 
the  sake  of  brevity,  by  the  letter  P.^ 

In  Genesis,  as  regards  the  limits  of  P,  there  is  practically  no 
difference  of  opinion  amongst  critics.  It  embraces  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  Creation  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  of  God's  rest  upon 
the  Sabbath  (i,  i — 2,  4*);  the  line  of  Adam's  descendants 
through  Seth  to  Noah  (5,  1-28.  30-32);  the  story  of  the  Flood, 
with  the  subsequent  blessing  of  Noah,  and  covenant  established 
with  him  by  God  (6,  9-22.  7,  6.  11.  I3-I6^  18-21.  24.  8,  1-2*. 
3^-5.  13*.  14-19.  9,  1-17.  28-29);  an  enumeration  of  nationfj 
descended  from  Japhet,  Ham,  and  Shem  (10,  1-7.  20.  22-23, 
31-32);  the  line  of  Shem's  descendants  to  Terah  (11,  10-26);  a 
brief  account  of  Abraham's  family  (11,  27.  31-32),  of  his  migra- 
tion to  Canaan,  and  separation  there  from  Lot  (12,  4^-5.  13,  6. 
11^  [from  and  t/iejy]-i2^  [to  F/am]),  of  the  birth  of  Ishmael  (16, 
I*  3.  15-16),  the  institution  of  Circumcision  (c.  17),  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Cities  of  the  Plain  (19,  29),  the  birth  of  Isaac  (21,  i^ 
2*^-5),  the  purchase  of  the  family  burial-place  at  Machpelah  in 
Hebron  (c.  23),  the  death  of  Abraham  and  his  burial  by  his  sons 
at  Machpelah  (25,  7-11'^) ;  a  list  of  tribes  tracing  their  origin  to 
Ishmael  (25,  12-17);  Isaac's  marriage  with  Rebekah,  Esau's 
Hittite  wives,  Jacob's  journey  to  Paddan-Aram  to  obtain  a  wife 

'^  Urspri'mge, — Ewald's  rendering  of  the  Heb.  HilbiM  ("generations"), 
the  term  (p.  5)  characteristic  of  this  source;  see  his  Hist,  of  Israel,  i.  74"'96. 

2  Dillmann  uses  the  letter  A.  Wellhausen,  who  supposes  the  "  Priests' 
Code  "  to  have  passed  through  more  stages  than  one  before  it  reached  its 
present  form,  denotes  the  nucleus  of  it  by  the  letter  Q.  This  letter  is 
chosen  by  him  on  account  of  the  four  (Quatuor)  covenants  described  in  it 
(wiih  Adam,  I,  28-30  ;  Noah,  9,  I-17  ;  Abraham,  c.  17  ;  Israel,  Ex.  6,  2  ff.). 
The  first  of  these,  however,  is  not  strictly  a  covenant,  but  a  blessing. 


10  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

agreeable    to    his   mother's  wishes  (25,   19-20.   26^    26,  34-35. 

27,  46 — 28,  9),,  Jacob's  marriage  with  Rachel,  his  return  from 
Paddan-Aram  to  Canaan  (29,  24.  29.  31,  18'^  [from  and  all\  33, 
18*),  the  refusal  of  his  sons  to  sanction  intermarriage  with  the 
Shechemites  (34,  I-2^  4.  6.  8-10.  13-18.  20-24.  25  [partly]. 
27-29),  his  change  of  name  to  Israel  at  Bethel  (35,  9-13.  15), 
the  death  of  Isaac  (35,  2  2''-29) ;  the  history  of  Esau  (c.  36  [in 
the  main]);^  the  migration  of  Jacob  and  his  family  to  Egypt,  and 
their  settlement  by  Pharaoh  in  the  land  of  Rameses  (37,  1-2-'^ 
io  Joseph.  41,  46.  46,  6-27.  47,  5-6'\2  7-1 1.  27^  [from  and 
///<?v]-28),  Jacob's  adoption  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (48,  3-6. 
7  ?),  the  final  c'.arge  atldressed  by  him  to  his  sons,  and  his  burial 
by  them  (49,  r\  28^-33.  50,  12-13). 

These  passages  present  an  outline  of  the  antecedents  and  patri- 
archal history  of  Israel,  in  which  only  important  occurrences — 
as  the  Creation,  the  Deluge,  the  Covenants  with  Noah  and 
Abraliam — are  described  with  minuteness,  but  which  is  sufficient 
as  an  introduction  to  the  systematic  view  of  the  theocratic  insti- 
tutions which  is  to  follow  in  Ex. — Nu.,  and  which  it  is  the  main 
object  of  the  author  of  this  source  to  exhibit.  In  the  earlier  part 
of  the  book  the  narrative  appears  to  be  tolerably  complete ;  but 
elsewhere  there  are  evidently  omissions  {e.g.  of  the  birth  of  Esau 
and  Jacob,  and  of  the  events  of  Jacob's  life  in  Paddan-Aram, 
presupposed  by  31,  18).  But  these  may  be  naturally  attributed 
to  the  compiler  who  combined  P  with  the  other  narrative  used 
by  him,  and  who  in  so  doing  not  unfrequently  gave  a  preference 
to  the  fuller  and  more  picturesque  descriptions  contained  in  the 
latter.  If  the  parts  assigned  to  P  be  read  attentively,  even  in  a 
translation,  and  compared  with  the  rest  of  the  narrative,  the 
peculiarities   of  its   style    will   be   apparent.      Its   language   is 

^,  For  it  is  generally  allowed  that  vv.  2-5.  9-28  (though  even  here  the 
framework  appears  to  be  that  of  P)  include  an  element  foreign  to  P  :  in 
particular,  the  names  of  Esau's  wives  differ  from  those  given  in  26,  34  f. 

28,  9  (both  P),  and  must  thus  have  been  derived,  most  probably  by  the  com- 
piler, from  a  diflerent  source. 

^  As  read  in  LXX.,  where,  though  the  substance  is  unaltered,  the  sequence 
is  preferal^le :  "And  Jacob  and  his  sons  came  into  Egypt  to  Joseph  ;  and 
Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt,  heard  of  it.  And  Pharaoh  spake  unto  Joseph, 
sa3ing,  Thy  father  and  thy  ])!elhien  are  onie  unto  thee:  behold,  the- land 
of  Egypt  is  before  thee  ;  in  the  best  of  (lie  land  make  thy  father  and  thy 
brethren  to  dwell."     Then  follows  v.  7. 


GENESIS.  II 

that  of  a  jurist,  rather  than  a  historian;  it  is  circumstantial, 
formal,  and  precise :  a  subject  is  developed  systematically ;  and 
completeness  of  detail,  even  at  the  cost  of  some  repetition,  is 
regularly  observed.^  Sentences  'are  cast  with  great  frequency 
into  the  same  mould  ;2  and  particular  formulae  are  constantly 
repeated,  especially  such  as  articulate  the  progress  of  the  narra- 
tive.^ The  attention  paid  by  the  author  to  numbers,  chrono- 
logy, and  other  statistical  data,  will  be  evident.  It  will  also  be 
apparent  thalt  the  scheme  into  which,  as  was  pointed  out  above, 
the  Book  of  Genesis,  as  a  whole,  is  cast,  is  his  work, — the 
formula  by  which  its  salient  divisions  are  marked  constituting 
an  essential  feature  in  the  sections  assigned  to  P. 

The  parts  of  Genesis  which  remain  after  the  separation  of  P 
have  next  to  be  considered.  These  also,  as  it  seems,  are  not 
homogeneous  in  structure.  Especially  from  c.  20  onwards  the 
narrative  exhibits  marks  of  composition ;  and  the  component 
parts,  though  not  differing  from  one  another  in  diction  and 
style  so  widely  as  either  differs  from  P,  and  being  so  welded 
together  that  the  lines  of  demarcation  between  them  frequently 
cannot  be  fixed  with  certainty,  appear  nevertheless  to  be  plainly 
discernible.  Thus  in  20,  1-17  our  attention  is  arrested  by  the 
use  of  the  term  God^  while  in  c.  18 — 19  (except  19,  29  P),  and  in 
the  similar  narrative  12,  10-20,  the  ie.TYi\  Jehovah  is  uniformly 
employed.  The  term  God  recurs  similarly  in  21,  6-31.  22, 
1-13,  and  elsewhere,  particularly  in  c.  40 — 42.  45.  For  such  a 
variation  in  similar  and  consecutive  chapters  no  plausible  explana- 
tion can  be  assigned  except  diversity  of  authorship.*  At  the  same 
time,  the  fact  that  Elohim  is  not  here  accompanied  by  the  other 
criteria  of  P's  style,  forbids  our  assigning  the  sections  thus  charac- 
terized to  that  source.     Other  phraseological  criteria  are  slight ; 

^  E.g.  7,  II.  13-16.  9,  9-1 1.  12-17.  17,  10-14.  23-27.  49,  29-30.  32. 

"^  E.g.  I,  5b.  8^  13  &c.  ;  5,  6—8,  9-11.  12-14  &c, ;  11,  lo-ii.  12-13 
&c.  ;  12,  4^  16,  16.  17,  24.  25.  21,  5.  25^  20.  41,  46\  Ex.  7,  7. 

^  "  Th^se  are  the  generations  of  .  .  ."  (above);  i,  ^,  8^  13  &c.  ;  10,  5 
[see  QPB.'^\  20.  31.  32.  25,  16.  36,  40.  43  &c.  ;  6,  22  compared  with 
Ex.  7,  6.  12,  28.  50  (and  elsewhere).     See  more  fully  in  §  7. 

*  It  is  true  that  Elohim  and  Jahweh  represent  the  Divine  Nature  under 
different  aspects,  viz.  as  the  God  of  nature  and  the  God  of  revelation 
respectively  ;  but  it  is  only  in  a  comparatively  small  number  of  instances  that 
this  distinction  can  be  applied  without  great  artificiality  to  explain  the  variation 
between  the  two  names  in  the  Pentateuch. 


12  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

there  are,  however,  not  unfreqiiently  differences  of  representation, 
some  of  which  will  be  noticed  below,  which  point  decidedly  in 
the  same  direction.  It  seems  thus  that  the  parts  of  Genesis 
which  remain  after  the  separation  of  P  are  formed  by  the 
combination  of  two  narratives,  originally  independent,  though 
covering  largely  the  same  ground,  which  have  been  united  by  a 
subsequent  editor,  who  also  contributed  inconsiderable  additions 
of  his  own,  into  a  single,  continuous  narrative.  One  of  these 
sources,  from  its  use  of  the  name  Ja/nveh,  is  now  generally 
denoted  by  the  letter  J  ;  the  otherj  in  which  the  name  Elohim 
is  preferred)"  is  denoted  similarly  by  E ;  and  the  work  formed 
by  the  combination  of  the  two  is  referred  to  by  the  double  letters 
JE.  The  method  of  the  compiler,  who  combined  J  and  E 
together,  was  sometimes,  as  it  would  seem,  to  extract  an  entire 
narrative  from  one  or  other  of  these  sources  (as  20,  1-17  from 
E ;  c.  24  from  J) ;  sometimes,  while  taking  a  narrative  as  a  whole 
from  one  source,  to  incorporate  with  it  notices  derived  from  the 
other ;  and  sometimes  to  construct  his  narrative  of  materials 
derived  from  each  source  in  nearly  equal  proportions. 

In  the  details  of  the  analysis  of  JE  there  is  sometimes  uncer- 
tainty, owing  to  the  criteria  being  indecisive,  and  capable,  conse- 
Ljuently,  of  divergent  interpretation.  Points  of  minor  importance 
being  disregarded,  the  analysis,  so  far  as  it  seems  to  the  writer  to 
be  reasonably  clear,  is  exhibited  in  the  following  tables.  E  first 
appears  in  the  history  of  Abraham  (c.  15  or  20).^ 

I.  c.  I — II.   The  beginnings  of  history. 

J  2,  4'' — 3,  24.  4,  1-26.  5,  29.  6,  1-4.  5-8.  7,  1-5.  7-10  (in  the  main).^  12. 
16^-17.  22-23.  S'  2*^-3*.  6-12.  13*'.  20-22,  9,  18-27.  'o>  8-19.  21. 
24-30.  II,  1-9.  28-30. 

^  The  notes  appended  are  not  intended  to  do  more  than  afford  a  partial 
indication  of  the  grounds  r>n  which  the  analysis  rests  ;  for  fuller  details 
reference  must  be  made  10  the  more  special  works  named  p.  i  f.  The  Book 
of  Genesis  has  been  pul>li>-hfd  (in  German),  in  a  convenient  form,  with  the 
different  sources  distinguished  typographically,  by  Kaulzsch  and  Socin  {Die 
iSeriesis  init  nusserer  Untevscheiihing  der  Qtiellenschriftcn,  1SS8).  Great 
pains  and  care  have  been  bestowed  upon  the  preparation  of  this  work  ;  but 
the  details,  so  far  as  the  line  of  demarcation  between  J  and  E,  and  the  parts 
assigned  to  the  redactor,  are  concerned,  can  seldom  clnim  more  than  a 
relative  probability,  as  tlie  editors  themselves  avow. 

-  For  vv.  7-9  include  two  or  three  expressions  borrowed  by  the  redactor 
from  I'. 


GENESIS.  .  U 

The  rest  belongs  to  P  (above,  p.  9^-).     4,  25-26.   5,  29  are  fragments  of 
the  line  of  Seth,  as  it  was  given  in  J,  the  final  redactor  of  the  Pentateuch  (R) 
having  preferred  in  the  main  the  line  as  given  by  P  (5,   1-28.   30)  :  notice 
that  in  point  of  fact  the  verses  4,  25  f-   are  paralll  to  5,  3.   6  :  notice  further 
the  difference  in  style  of  5,  29  from  the  rest  of  the  ch.,  and  the  reseml>lance 
to  4,  25  f.,  as  well  as  the  allusion  to  3,  16  f.  (also  J).     In  the  account  of  the 
Flood    the   main  narrative  is  that  of   P,  which  has   beea  enlarged  V)y  the 
addition  of  elements  derived  from  J  :  here,  however,  these  elements  form  a 
tolerably  complete  narrative,  though  there  are  omissions,  e.g.  between  6,  8 
and  7,  I  of  the  instructions  for  making  the  ark,  the  redactor  having  preferred 
the   account  of  P  :    and  in  what  follows,    the  narrative  of  J,  for  a  similar 
reason   is  not  perfectly  complete.     The  distinguishing  characteristics  of  the 
two   narratives   are    well  exhibited    by    Delitzsch   (p.    164  f.)'-   each   viz.  is 
marked  by  a  series  of  rccurrino  features  which  are  absent  from  the  other, 
and  by  which  it  is  connected  with  other  sections  of  the   book,  belonging 
respectively  to  the  same  source  (comp.  above,  p.   ;)•     The  interchange  of 
rehovah^v.<\  God\^  here  specially  noticeable.     In  c.   10  the  scheme  of  P  is 
singularly  clear  :  v.  I  is  the  title  to  the  entire  section,  dealing  with  the  "  sons 
of  Noah  "  :  vv.  2-5  sons  of  Japheth,  with  subscription  :  vv.  6-7.  20  sons  of 
Ham,   with  subscription:    vv.   22-23.   31  sons  of  Shem,  with  subscription: 
V.  32  the  subscription  to  the  entire  section.     The  framework  of  the  ch.  is  thus 
supplied  by  P,   and  into  it   notices  of  the   nations  descended   from   Noah, 
derived  from  J,  have  been  inserted  by  the  final  redactor.     Observe  that  v.  22 
beoins  the  third  main  division  of  the  ch.,  and  that  v.  21,  taken  strictly,  is  out 
of  place  before  it :  v.  24  f.  contain  J's  aecount  of  Shelah,  Eber,  and  Peleg, 
parallel  to  that  of  P  in  il,  12-17  (comp.  4,  25  f.  beside  5,  3-8). 

Notice  also  that  the  genealogies  in  J  (both  here  and  elsewhere)  are  cast  in 
a  different  mould  from  those  of  P,  and  are  connected  together  by  similarities 
of  expression,  which  do  not  occur  in  P  :  thus  in  4,  17-26.  10,  8-19.  21. 
24-30.  19,  37-38.  22,  20-24.  25,  1-6  notice  the  recurrency  of  the  form  of 
sentence,  Unto  .  .  .  -was  born  :  of  ^h'  (not  T'Sin,  as  in  P)  used  of  the 
father  ;  of  J^IH  D3  ;  and  of  the  phrase  the  father  of  .  ,  .  (see  Budde,  Die 
Biblische  Urgeschichte,  1883,  pp.  220-223). 

II.   12 — 26.  Abraham  ajtd  Isaac. 

(J  12,  I-4^  6-20.  13,  1-5.  7-11^  (to  East).  12^  (from  and  movedyi^.     ^    ^^^  (^n^i^r  J 

1e 

fl  16,  ib-2.  4-14.  18,  1-19,  28.  30-38.  21,  i^  2^ 

Ye  20, 1-17.  (18).  21,  6-21. 

rj  33.  22,  15-18.          20-24.  c,  24.  25,  1-6. 

1e  21,  22^32*   (32b).  (34)-  22,  1-14.  19- 

(J  25,  1 1^  18.  21-26^.  27-34.26,  1-14  (15).  16-17.  (18).  19-33. 

Ie 

The  verses  enclosed  in  parentheses  appear  to  be  due  to  the  compiler  of 
TE  The  parts  not  included  in  the  table  belong  to  P  (p.  9^-),  with  the 
exception  of  c.  14,  the  character  of  which  points  to  its  being  taken  from  a 


14  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

special  source.  C.  15  shows  sifjns  of  composilion  ;  but  the  criteria  are  inde- 
cisive, and  no  generally  accepted  analysis  has  been  effected,  (It  is  accord- 
ingly printed  in  the  table  bet7ueen  the  J  and  the  E  lines.) 

19,  29  belongs  to  P.  Observe  (i)  God  twice,  Jehovah  having  been 
regularly  used  before  [e.g.  vv.  13.  14.  16.  24.  27)  ;  (2)  remembered  (see  8,  i 
in  P  ;  and  E.x.  2,  22) ;  (3)  "cities  of  the  Plain,"  as  13,  12  P.  The  verse  further 
betrays  itself  as  an  insertion  in  its  present  context,  in  that  it  repeats  in  other 
words  the  substance  of  the  preceding  nirrative  ;  and  secondly  in  'Cix^  general 
statement  that  Lot  dwelt  in  "the  cities  of  the  Plain,"  which  would  fall 
naturally  from  a  writer  compiling  a  summary  account  of  the  occurrence  (and 
is  actually  used  l)y  P  in  13,  12),  but  hardly  so  from  one  who  had  just  before 
nimed  Sodom  repeatedly  as  \\\z  particular  city  in  which  Lot  dwelt. 

With  21,  33  ("called  on  the  name  of  Jehovah")  comp.  4,  26.  12,  8.  13,  4. 
26,  25  (all  J  :  not  so  elsewhere  in  the  Pent.). 

26,  3*>-5  has  probably  (on  grounds  of  style:  see  Del.)  been  expanded  or 
recast  by  the  compiler.  The  same  may  have  been  the  case  with  22,  15-18. 
26,  15.  18  appear  to  be  additions  made  by  the  comjiiler  for  the  purpose  of 
harmonizing  with  21,  25  ff.  Observe  in  v.  t,},  the  different  explanation  of 
the  name  "  Beer-sheba,"  as  compared  with  21,  31  (E).  It  has  been 
})laasibly  conjectured  that  in  c.  24 — 26  a  transposition  has  taken  place,  and 
that  the  original  order  was  25,  1-6.  ii".  c,  24  (observe  that  v.  36  appears  to 
frcsuf^pose  25,  5).  26,  1-33.  25,  2i-26\  27-34,  of  which  c.  27  is  now  the 
natural  sequel. 

III.   27 — 36.  Jacob  and  Esau. 


iJ  27,  I 
(iv 


-45.  28, 10.  13-16.  19.  2-14. 

11-12.  17-18.      20-22.  29,  I.  15-23.  25-28.  30. 


J  J  29,  31-35.  3''-5.      7.     9-16.  20''  {now  .  .  .  sons) 

(.E  30,  1-3"  (to  knees).  6.     8.  17-20*. 


(1:30, 


24—31.  I-  3-  ,  46.  48-50. 

30,  20*^-23.  31,  2.         4-18*.  19-45.  47-  51—32,  2. 


jj  32,  3-I3''-  22.  24-32.   33,  1-17.  34,  2b-3.  5.  7.  11-12.  19. 

^I'^  i3'^-2i.  23.  l8''-20. 

(^J  34.  25  (partly).  26.  30-31.  35,  14.  21-22'. 

(^  35,  1-8.  16-20. 

In  27,  1-45  some  critics  discover  the  traces  of  a  double  narrative,  and  con- 
sider accordingly  that  the  narrative  of  J  has  been  supplemented  by  details 
taken  from  K  ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  grounds  alleged  are  decisive. 

In  28,  10  22  the  main  narrative  is  E,  vtj.  13-16  being  inserted  from  J. 
Both  narratives  contained  the  account  of  the  thcophany  at  Luz,  E  giving 
prominence  to  the  dream  and  vision  of  the  ladder,  which  made  the  place'  one 
"where  heaven  and  earth  meet"  {z:  17  being  the  sequel  to  v.  12),  J  to  the 
words   of   promise    addressed  to   Jacob ;    the  compiler  has  united  the  two 


GENESIS.  15 

accounts,  as  mutually  supplementing  each  other.  The  promise  in  r.  13  f., 
as  elsewhere  in  J  (13,  14-16;  12,  3),  accommodated  in  v.  15  to  Jacol)'s 
present  situation.  Render  v.  13  as  RV.  viarg.  (see  18,  2  Ileb.) :  in  J  Jehovah 
appears  standing  beside  Jacob  as  he  slept. 

In  29,  31 — 30,  24  (births  of  Jacob's  children)  the  main  narrative  is  J,  with 
short  notices  from  E.  Notice  6'(7£/ interchanging  \^'\.'Cti  Jehovah,  and  \hc  double 
etymologies  in  vv.  16  and  18  ;  20;  23  (with  God)  and  24  {y;i\.\\  Jehovah).  But 
in  c.  29—32  it  must  remain  an  open  question  whether  the  points  of  separation 
between  J  and  E  have  in  all  cases  been  rightly  determined. 

In  30,  25 — 31,  18  (ihe  parting  of  Jacob  and  Laban),  30,  25  —  31  is  mainly 
J,  31,  2-18'"^  mainly  E.  The  two  sources  give  a  different  account  of  the 
arrangement  between  Jacob  and  Laban,  and  of  the  manner  in  which,  never- 
theless, Jacob  prospered.  The  success  which  in  30,  35  ff,  is  attributed  to 
Jacob's  stratagem,  with  the  effect  of  the  striped  rods  upon  the  ewes  in  the 
flock,  is  in  31,  7-12  attributed  to  the  frustration  by  Providence  of  laban's 
attempt,  by  repeatedly  altering  his  terms,  to  overreach  Jacob,  and  to  the  fact 
that  only  the  striped  he-goats  leaped  upon  the  ewes.  Each  account,  how- 
ever, appears  also  to  contain  notices  incorj)orated  from  the  other,  which,  in 
some  cases,  harmonize  imperfectly  with  their  present  context,  and  complicate 
the  interpretation  (for  details  see  Dillmann  or  Deliizsch). 

31,  45-54  may  have  been  in  parts  expanded  or  glossed  by  the  compiler  : 
w.  45.  47.  51-54  appear  to  ernbody  E's  account  of  the  covenant  between  Jacob 
and  Laban  ;  vv.  46.  48-50  the  account  given  by  J.  Observe  that  the  covenant 
in  V.  50  is  different  in  its  terms  from  the  covenant  in  v.  52. 

In  c.  34  the  analysis  is  not  throughout  equally  certain  ;  InU  marks  of  P's 
style  appear  unmistakably  in  some  parts,  while  they,  are  absent  in  others,  and 
the  motives  and  aims  of  the  actors  seem  not  to  be  uniformly  the  same.  In 
vv.  3.  11-12  Shechem  himself  is  the  spokesman,  and  his  aim  is  the  personal 
one  of  securing  Dinah  as  his  wife  ;  \\\vv.  8-10  (cf.  16.  21-23)  his  father  Tlamor 
is  spokesman,  and  his  aim  is  to  secure  an  amalgamation  between  his  people 
and  Jacob's  :  in  v.  30  Jacob  expresses  dissatisfaction  at  what  his  sons  have 
done,  while  from  v.  5  it  would  be  inferred  that  they  had  merely  given  effect 
to  their  father's  resentment.  Observe  the  similarity  in  the  terms  in  which 
circumcision  is  mentioned  vv.  15^  22^  24'' and  17,  10'' (P),  and  between  z'. 
24  and  23,  10^  18''  (also  P).     In  35,  21-22*  notice  Israel  (ox  Jacob  (cf.  p.  17). 

IV.  c.  37 — ^o.  Joseph. 


{ 


]  12-21.  25-27.  28''  (to  silver).  31-35- 

\L  37,  2^-11.  22-24.  28»  [io  pit),  28C-30.  36. 

(J  c.  38.  c.  39.  42,  38—44,  34.2 

1E  c.  40.1  41.  I-4S.1  47-57.  42,  1-37.  45,  1—46,  5.1 

^  With  (as  it  seems)  traces  of  J,  as  40,  i^  3''.  I5^  41,  14  ("and  they 
brought  him  quickly  from  the  dungeon").  42,  27-28.  45,  4  ("whom  ye  sold 
hito  Egypt").  5  ("that  ye  sold  me  hither").  45,  28.  46,  I  ("Israel"). 

2  With  traces  of  E  (43,  14.  23''). 


16  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

fj  46,  28 — 47,  4.  6^'  12-26.  27^  (to  Goshcfi).  29^  31.  49,  i*'-28» 

(.E  48,  1-2.  8-22.2 

f  I  50.  !-"•  "f4. 

lE  15-26. 

Though  tlie  analysis  of  c.  37  is  in  parts  uncertain,  the  diffeiences  of  repre- 
s  ntation  which  it  exhibits  show  that  it  is  of  composite  origin.  Thus  v.  2S 
is  not  the  continuation  of  vv,  25-27  :  notice  the  indefinite  expression,  "and 
there  passed  by  Midianites,  merchantmen,"  which  evidently  describes  the 
first  appearance  of  merchants  upon  the  scene  :  the  sequel  to  v.  25  would  have 
been  expressed  by  "  and  M^  L'-hmaelites  drew  near"  (or  some  similar  verb,  but 
with  the  subject  drfinitc):  v.  28  is  thus /flr^//^/ to  vv.  25-27,  not  the  sequel  to 
them.  Notice,  further,  that  it  is  twice  said  that  Joseph  was  brought  into  Egypt 
and  sold  there;  once,  37,  36,  by  the  Midianites^  in  agreement  with  v.  28^*^; 
the  other  time,  39,  i,  by  the  Ishmaelites,  in  agreement  with  v.  28^*.  Again, 
if  in  V.  28  the  subject  of  "they  drew"  be  Joseph's  brethren,  it  is  strange,  as 
Reuben  appears  clearly  to  be  in  their  company,  that,  going  afterwards  to 
the  pit,  he  should  be  surprised  at  not  finding  Joseph  in  it ;  on  the  otlier  hand, 
if  "  they"  refer  to  the  Midianite  merchants  passing  by,  who  drrcv  uf)Jose/ih 
from  the  pit  without  his  brothers'  knowledge,  the  surprise  of  Reuben  is  at  once 
explained,  and  the  expression  in  40,  10  "for  I  was  stoleti  out  of  the  land  of 
the  Hebrews"  exactly  describes  what  had  occurred.  If  37,  19-21.  25-27. 
28b  (And  they  sold  .  .  .  silver).  31-35.  39,  i  &c. ,  on  the  one  hand,  and  y], 
22-24.  28*".  29-30.  36,  on  the  other,  be  read  consecutively,  they  will  be 
found  to  form  two  complete /./^a//c7  accounts  of  the  manner  in  which  Joseph 
was  taken  into  Egypt,  each  (as  will  appear  presently)  connecting  with  two 
corresponding  narratives  in  the  chapters  following:  in  one  (J)  Joseph  is  sold 
by  his  brethren  to  Ishmaelites,  in  the  other  (E)  he  is  cast  by  his  brethren 
into  a  pit,  and  stolen  thence  by  the  Midianites  without  his  brothers'  know- 
ledge. V.  21  is  tautologous  beside  v.  22*,  but  forms  an  excellent  introduc- 
tion to  7n>.  25-27.  Notice  that  in  ]  Judah  takes  the  lead  (so  43,  4.  43,  14  ^'i.); 
in  E  Reuben  (so  42,  22.  37) :  it  is  not  impossible  that  (as  has  betn  suggested) 
"Reuben"  in  v.  21  wag  originally  "Judah." 

The  narrative  of  Joseph  in  c.  39  ff.  consists,  as  it  seems,  of  long  passages 
excerpted  alternately  from  J  and  E,  each,  however,  embodying  traits  derived 
from  the  other.  The  ground  of  this  conclusion  is  the  observation — {a)  that 
the  representation  in  different  parts  of  the  narrative  varies ;  (/^)  that  in  each 
of  these  long  passages  occur  short,  isolated  notices  not  in  entire  harmony 
with  the  context  in  which  they  are  embedded,  but  presupposing  different  cir- 
cumstances. Thus  {a)  in  c.  42  Joseph's  brethren  are  charged  with  being 
spies,  and  in  reply  volunteer  the  information  about  their  younger  brother  {vv. 


^  As  read  in  LXX.,  viz.  (directly  answering  v.  4) :  "And  Pharaoh  said  unto 
Joseph,  Let  them  dwell  in  the  land  of  Goshen;  and  if  thou  knowest  that 
there  are  able  men  amongst  them,  then  make  them,"  &c.  Then  follows 
S-C''  (P),  as  given  above,  p.  10. 

^  In  the  main,  probably  ;  but  the  two  narratives  cannot  here  be  disengaged 
with  certainty.     Perhaps  z'2',  13-14.  17-19  are  from  J. 


GENESIS.  17 

7-13.  30-32) ;  in  the  report  of  ^hat  had  occurred  given  in  c.  43,  there  is  no 
allusion  to  such  a  charge,  and  Joseph  is  expressly  said  to  have  asked  them  if 
they  had  a  brother  {vv.  6-7  :  so  44,  19)  ;  [b)  42,  35  comes  unexpectedly  after 
V.  27  f.,  but  agrees  with  v.  25  :  having  been  given  special  provision  for  the 
way  {v.  25),  the  brethren  naturally  only  make  the  discovery  that  the  money 
is  in  their  sacks  at  the  end  of  the  journey.  On  the  other  hand,  42,  27  f, 
harmonizes  with  43,  19  f.,  where  the  discovery  is  made  at  the  lodging  place. 
The  former  is  E's  account,  the  latter  J's,  42,  27  f.  being  inserted  in  E  from  J. 
Further,  in  42,  19-24.  34-37  the  detention  of  Simeon  is  an  essential  feature 
of  the  narrative;  but  in  42,  38 — 43,  10,  and  again  in  44,  18-34,  there  is 
entire  silence  respecting  him  :  his  release  is  not  one  of  the  objects  for  which 
the  brethren  return  to  Egypt.  Had  the  whole  narrative  been  by  one 
hand,  it  would  have  been  Katural  to  find  Simeon  mentioned  in  the  parts  of 
c.  43 — 44  where  he  is  unnoticed.  The  notices  of  Simeon  in  43,  14.  23^, 
agreeing  thus  imperfectly  with  their  immediate  context  (J),  appear  to  have 
been  inserted  in  it  from  the  parallel  narrative  (E).  (A  similar  point  connected 
with  c.  39  is  noticed  by  the  commentators.)  Phraseological  indications  point- 
ing to  the  same  conclusion  are — {a)  Jehovah  in  39,  2.  3.  5.  21.  23,  God  in  41, 
51.  52.  45,  5.  7-9.  46,  2.  (The  use  of  C^^  elsewhere  in  these  sections,  in 
converse  with  Egyptians,  or  between  Joseph,  whilst  in  disguise,  and  his 
brethren,  is  naturally  inconclusive  either  yi?r  E,  40,  8.  41,  16  &c.,  or  against 
J,  43,  29.  44,  16.)  {b)  A  preference  for  Israel  as  the  name  of  the  patriarch 
in  one  group  of  passages  (37,  3.  13.  43,  6.  8.  ii.  46,  ng.  30.  47,  29.  31.  48, 
8.  10.  13.  14.  50,  2:  J),  and  for  Jacob  in  the  other  (42,  I.  4,  29.  36.  45,  25. 
27.  46,  2.  5.  48,  2  :  E), — a  preference  so  decided  as  to  make  it  probable  that 
in  the  few  passages  where,  in  the  context  of  ],  Jacob  occurs  (37,  34),  or,  in 
the  context  of  E,  Israel  (45,  28.  46,  i.  2.  48,  2^  1 1.  21),  the  variation  is 
either  a  change  made  by  the  compiler,  oris  due  to  the  use  by  him  of  the  other 
source.  The  unusual  word  DnriDX  sack  occurs  thirteen  times  in  c.  43 — 44 (J): 
by  a  remarkable  coincidence  it  also  occurs  twice  in  the  two  verses  42,  27  f., 
which,  on  independent  grounds,  were  assigned  above  to  the  same  source  (no- 
where else  in  the  OT.) ;  E  uses  the  more  ordinary  term  pC^  42,  25.  35  (also 
r.  27^J). 

In  c.  49  the  Blessing  of  Jacob  is,  of  course,  incorporated  by  J  from  an  in- 
dependent source.  It  may  have  been  in  circulation  either  as  a  separate  piece, 
or  as  part  of  a  collection  of  national  poetiy. 

That  P  and  JE  form  two  clearly  definable,  independent 
sources,  is  a  conclusion  abundantly  justified  by  the  facts.  As 
regards  the  analysis  of  JE,  the  criteria  (as  said  above)  are  fewer 
and  less  definite ;  and  the  points  of  demarcation  cannot  in  all 
cases  be  determined  with  the  same  confidence.  Nevertheless 
the  indications  that  the  narrative  is  composite  are  of  a  nature 
which  it  is  not  easy  to  gainsay  ;  and  the  difficulty  which  some- 
times presents  itself  of  disengaging  the  two  sources  is  but  a 
natural  consequence  of  the  greater  similarity  of  style  subsistmg 

B 


1 8  LITERATURE  OF  THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

between  them  than  between  JE,  as  a  whole,  and  P.^  In  the 
history  of  Joseph  the  harmonizing  additions  which  the  analysis 
attributes  to  the  compiler  may  be  felt  by  some  to  constitute  an 
objection  to  it.  In  estimating  the  force  of  such  an  objection, 
we  must,  however,  balance  the  probabilities  :  is  it  more  probable, 
in  tiie  light  of  w^hat  appears  from  other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch, 
tliat  the  work  of  one  and  the  same  writer  should  exhibit  the 
incongruities  pointed  to  above,  or  that  a  redactor  in  combining 
two  i)arallcl  narratives  should  have  introduced  into  one  traits 
borrowed  from  the  other?  The  narrative  of  Joseph  cannot  be"' 
judged  entirely  by  itself;  it  must  be  judged  in  the  light  of  the 
presumption  derived  from  the  study  of  JE  as  a  whole.  And 
this  presumption  is  of  a  nature  which  tends  to  confirm  the  con- 
clu-^ion  that  it  is  composite. 

The  distinction  between  P  and  JE— in  particular,  between  P  and  J — may  be 
instructively  illustrated  from  the  blessim^s  and  premises  which  form  a  con- 
spicuous feature  in  the  Book  of  Genesis,  and,  in  virtue  of  the  progressive 
limitation  of  their  scope,  harmonize  with  its  general  plan  (p.  6).  To  P 
belong  I,  28-30  (Adam)  ;  9,  1-7  (Xoah) ;  17,  6-8  (Abraham);  28,  3  f.  and 
35,  II  f.  [quoted  48,  3]  (Jac.)b) :  to  JE  3,  15  (the  Protevangelium) ;  9,  26 
(Shem)  ;  12,  I-3  (Abraham  :  also  13,  14-17.  15,  5.  18.  18,  18.  22,  15-18); 
26,  2-5.  24  (Isaac);  27,  27-29.  28,  13-15  (Jacob);  49,  lo  (Judah).  Let  the 
reader  notice  how  those  assigned  to  P  are  cast  in  the  same  phraseology,  and 
express  frequency  the  same  thoughts  :  those  assigned  to  J  exhibit  greater 
variety  ;  and  such  common  features  as  they  present  (especially  those  addressed 
to  the  three  patriarchs)  are  different  from  those  that  mark  the  other  series. 
In  P,  it  may  be  observed,  \\\i  promises  are  limited  to  Israel  itself;  in  J  the 
prophetical  outlook  embraces  other  nations  as  well. 

The  process  by  which,  probably,  the  Book  of  Genesis  assumed 
its  present  form  may  be  represented  approximately  as  follows. 
First,  the  two  i'ndependent,  but  parallel,  narratives  of  the  patri- 
archal age,  J  and  E,  were  combined  into  a  whole  by  a  compiler 
whose  method  of  work,  sometimes   incorporating  long  sections 

^  Dillmann  attempts  to  separate  J  and  E  with  great  minuteness.  But  it  is 
often  questionable  if  the  phraseological  criteria  upon  which  he  mainly  relies 
warrant  the  conclusions  which  he  draws  from  them.  He  is  apt  (as  the 
present  writer  ventures  to  think)  not  lo  allow  sufficic-ntly  for  the  probability 
that  two  writers,  whose  general  styles  were  such  as  those  of  J  and  E  arp 
Known  to  have  been,  W(juld  make  use  of  the  same  expressions,  where  these 
expressions  arc  not  (as  in  the  case  of  P)  of  a  peculiar,  strongly  marked'  type, 
but  are  such  as  might  be  used,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  by  any  writer  of  the 
best  historiographical  style. 


GENESIS.  19 

of  each  intact  (or  nearly  so),  sometimes  fusing  the  parallel 
accounts  into  a  single  narrative,  has  been  sufficiently  illustrated. 
The  whole  thus  formed  (JE)  was  afterwards  combined  with  the 
narrative  P  by  a  second  compiler,  who,  adopting  P  as  his  frame- 
work, accommodated  JE  to  it,  omitting  in  either  what  was 
necessary  in  order  to  avoid  needless  repetition,  and  making  such 
slight  redactional  adjustments  as  the  unity  of  his  work  required. 
Thus  he  naturally  assigned  i,  i — 2,  3  the  first  place, — perhaps 
at  the  same  time  removing  2,  4*  from  its  original  position  as 
superscription  to  i,  i,  and  placing  it  where  it  now  stands.  In 
appending  next,  from  J,  the  narrative  of  Paradise,  he  omitted 
probably  the  opening  words  (for  the  narrative  begins  abruptly), 
and  X.Q  Jahweh  added  the  defining  adjunct  Elohim}  "God,"  for 
the  purpose  of  identifying  expressly  the  Author  of  life  in  2,  4^  ff. 
with  God,  the  Creator,  in  i,  i  ff.  Still  following  J,  he  took  from 
it  the  history  of  Cain  and  his  descendants  (4,  1-24),  but  rejected 
the  list  of  Seth's  descendants  (which  the  fragments  that  remain 
show  that  J  must  have  once  contained)  except  the  first  t>vo  names 
(4,  25  f.),  and  the  etymology  of  Noah  (5,  29),  in  favour  of  the 
genealogy  and  chronological  details  of  P  (5,  1-28.  30-32).  In 
6,  I — 9,  17  he  combines  into  one  the  double  narrative  of  the 
Flood,  preserving,  how^ever,  more  from  both  narratives  than  was 
usually  his  practice,  and  in  parts  slightly  modifying  the  ])hraseology. 
In  9,  18-27  he  introduces  from  J  the  prophetical  glance  at  the 
character  and  capabilities  of  the  three  great  ethnic  groups 
descended  from  Noah,  following  it  by  the  account,  from  P,  of 
the  close  of  Noah's  life  (9,  28  f.).  C.  10  (the  Table  of  nations) 
includes  elements  derived  from  both  sources  (p.  13);  it  is 
succeeded  by  the  account  from  J  of  the  dispersion  of  mankind 
(11,  1-9).  C.  II,  10-25  carries  on  the  line  of  Israel's  ancestors 
from  Shem  to  Terah,  from  P;  ir,  26-32  states  particulars 
respecting  Abram's  immediate  relations,  taken  partly  from  P, 
partly  from  J,  and  necessary  as  an  introduction  to  the  history  of 
Abram  in  c.  12  ff.  Mutatis  mutandis^  a  similar  method  is 
followed  in  the  rest  of  the  book.  The  narrative  of  Genesis, 
though  composite,  is  constructed  upon  a  definite  plan,  and  to 
the  development  of  this  plan  the  details  that  are  incorporated 
from  the  different  sources  employed  are  throughout  subservient. 

^  Producing  an  unusual  and   emphatic  phrase  (=:  Jahweh,   who  is  God), 
occurring  again  in  the  Pentateuch  only  Ex.  9,  30. 


20  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Twice  in  P  (17,  i.  21,  i*")  the  nzmt  Jehovah  appears  in  place  of  the  name 
God  ;  and  the  variation,  it  has  been  argued,  is  subversive  of  the  grounds  upon 
which  the  critical  analysis  of  Genesis  rests.  But  this  argument  attaches 
undue  significance  to  an  isolated  phenomenon.  We  must  weigh  the  alterna- 
tives, and  ask  which  is  the  more  probable  :  that  an  inference,  dependent  upon 
an  abundance  of  criteria,  extending  throughout  the  entire  Pentateuch,  should 
be  a  mistaken  one,  or  that  the  compiler,  or  even  a  scribe,  should  tivice  have 
substituted  the  more  usual  Jehovah  for  Elohim  under  the  influence  of  the 
usage  of  the  verses  preceding.  To  this  question  there  can  surely  be  but  one 
answer.  The  compiler  of  Chronicles  changes  conversely  Jehovah  of  his 
original  source  into  God,  neither  consistently  nor  with  apparent  reason, 
except  that  when  writing  independently,  he  evinces  a  preference  for  the  latter-^ 
term  himself;  comp.  e.g.  2  Ch.  22,  12.  23,  9  ;  25,  24  ;  33,  7  ;  34,  9.  27  with 
2  Ki.  II,  3.  10;  14,  14';  21,  7;  22,  4.  19. 

The  more  special  characteristics  of  J,  E,  and  P,  and  the  question  of  their 
prol)able  dates,  will  be  considered  when  they  have  been  reviewed  in  their 
entirety  at  the  end  of  the  Book  of  Joshua. 


§  2.  Exodus, 

Literature  (in  addition  to  the  works  mentioned  above,  p.  i  f.). — Ad. 
Jiili'^her,  Die  Quellen.  von  Exodus  i.-vii.  7,  Halls  Sax.  1S80,  and  Die  Quellen 
von  Exodus  \\\.  8— xxiv.  11,  in  \\itjahrhikher filr  Ptotcstantische  Theologie^ 
18S2,  pp.  79-127,  272-315;  C.  A.  Briggs,  "The  Little  Book  of  the 
Covenant"  [Ex.  34,  11-26]  in  The  Hebrew  Student  (Chicago),  May  1883, 
p.  264  ff .  ;  "  The  Greater  Book  of  the  Covenant  "  [Ex.  20,  22— c.  23],  ib. 
June  1883,  p.  289  ff.     i^-o-f  « 

The  Book  of  Exodus  (called  by  the  Jews,  from  its  opening 
words,  ni^*^'  Th^\  or  more  briefly  T\S^^)  carries  on  the  history 
of  the  Israelitish  nation  from  the  death  of  Joseph  to  the  erection 
of  the  Tabernacle  by  Moses  in  the  second  year  of  the  exodus 
(40,  T.  17).  The  structure  of  the  book  is  essentially  similar  to 
that  of  Genesis,  the  same  sources,  P  and  JE,  appearing  still  side 
by  side,  and  exhibiting  the  same  distinctive  peculiarities.  It  will 
be  convenient,  in  analysing  the  book,  to  divide  it  into  sections, 
which  may  be  briefer  than  was  the  case  in  Genesis. 

I.  C.  I  —  II.  Events  leading  to  the  deliverance  oj  the  Israelites 
from  Egypt. 

C.  I — 2.  The  continued  increase  of  Jacob's  posterity  in  Egypt, 
and  the  measures  instituted  for  the  purjiosc  of  checking  it  by  a 
"  new  king,"  unmindful  of  the  benefits  conferred  previously  upon 


EXODUS.  21 


his  country  by  Joseph  (c.  i).     The  birth  and  education  of  Moses, 
and  his  flight  from  Kgypt  into  the  land  of  Midian  (c.  2). 

P  I,  1-7.  13-^4-  ^s^'-zs. 


t,  8-12.  15-22.  2,  i-23»  (to  died). 

i^  l_5  repeats  the  substance  of  Gen.  46,  8-27  (cf.  p.  6). 
assigned  by  Dillm.  to  J,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  Zipporah's  father  is  called 
Kcuel{v.  18),  while  in  c.  18,  which  undoubtedly  belongs  to  E,  he  bears  the 
name  of  Jethro.  But,  as  Julicher  points  out,  the  name  Reuel  (Nu.  10,  29) 
may  not  be  part  of  the  original  narrative  in  this  chapter  ;  had  it  stood  in  it 
originally,  it  would  probably  have  been  found  in  v.  16,  rather  than  in  v.  18. 

C.  3,  I — 7,  13.  Moses  is  commissioned  by  Jehovah  to  be  the 
dehverer  of  his  people ;  his  preliminary  negotiations  with  the 
Israelites  and  with  Pharaoh. 

/    p  6,«— 7, 13. 


{ 


J  7-8.  i6-ao.  4, 1-16.  19-20*.  4, 22—6, 1. 

E  3.  1-6.        9-15.  21-22.  17-18.  20''-2I. 


In  c.  3  the  main  narrative  is  E  (notice  the  frequency  of  God 
w.  4.  6^  II.  12.  13*.  14*.  15^),  with  short  passages  from  J;    in 

c.  4 6,  I,  on  the  contrary,  the  main  narrative  is  J,  with  short 

passages  from  E.     The  verses  4,  17-18.  20^-21  are  assigned  to 
E    on   account  of  their  imperfect  connexion  with  the  context : 
4,  17  speaks  of  ''the  signs"  to  be  done  with  the  rod,  whereas 
only  one  sign  to  be  performed  with  it  has  been  described  vv.  1-9  ; 
4,  2 1  mentions  wonders  to  be  done  before  Pharaoh,  whereas  vv.  1-9 
speak  only  of  wonders  to  be  wrought  for  the  satisfaction  of  the 
people.     The  two  verses  read,  in  fact,  like  fragments  from  another 
narrative,  which    once,    of  course,   contained    the   explanations 
which  are  now  missing.     Further,  in  the  existing  narrative,  v,  19, 
from  its  contents,  is  not  fitted  to  be  the  sequel  oi  z'.  18:    it,  in 
fact,  states  an  alternative  ground  for  Moses'  return  into  Egypt ; 
and  the  name  Jethro  makes  it  probable  that  a  18  belongs  to  the 
same  current  of  narrative  as  3,  i  and  c.  18  {i.e.  E) ;  hence  v.  19 
will  be  referred  to  J.      V.  20^  goes  naturally  with  v.  17  (the  rod). 
Passing  now  to  the  consideration  of  the  passage  assigned  to  P 
(6^  2—7,  13),  and  comparing  it  with  JE  as  a  whole,  we  observe 
that  it  does  not  describe  the  sequel  of  3,  1—6,  i,  but  \s parallel 
to  it,  and  contains  a  partly  divergent  account  of  the  commission 
of  Moses,  and  of  the  preliminary  steps  taken  by  him  to  secure 
the  release  of  his  people.     This  will  be  apparent  if  the  narrative 


22  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

be  followed  attentively.  3,  i — 6,  i  describes  the  call  and  com- 
mission of  Moses,  the  nomination  of  Aaron  as  his  spokesman 
with  the  people  (3,  16.  4,  i.  16),  and  three  signs  given  to  him 
for  the  satisfaction  of  the  people  if  they  should  demand  his 
credentials :  Moses  and  Aaron  have  satisfied  the  ])cople  (4,  30. 
31),  but  their  aj)plication  to  Pharaoh  has  proved  unsuccessful 
(c.  5),  and  something  finlher  is  threatened  (6,  i).  The  con- 
tinuation of  6,  I  is,  however,  7,  14;  for  though  the  revelation 
and  commission  contained  in  6,  2-8  might  in  itself  he  treated  as 
a  repetition  of  that  in  c.  3,  its  different  style  points  to  P  as  its, 
source,  and  the  sequel  shows  that  in  fact  it  is  part  of  a  parallel 
narrative  of  Moses'  call  and  commission,  in  which,  unlike  4,  31, 
the  people  refuse  to  listen  to  the  promises  conveyed  to  them 
(6,  9),  and  in  which,  upon  Moses'  protesting  his  inability  to 
plead,  not,  as  before,  with  the  people,  but  with  Pharaoh^  Aaron 
is  appointed  to  be  his  spokesman  with  him  (6,  11-12.  29-30. 
7,  1-2).  If  Pharaoh  had  already  refused  to  hear  him  (as  he 
would  have  done,  had  c.  5 — 6  formed  a  continuous  narrative),  it 
is  scarcely  possible  that  Moses  should  allege  (6,  12)  a  different 
a  priori  ground — a  ground,  moreover,  inconsistent  with  4,  31 — 
for  his  hesitation.  Aaron  having  been  thus  appointed  Moses' 
spokesman  with  Pharaoh,  the  case  of  the  king's  requiring  a 
guarantee  is  next  provided  for :  Aaron's  rod  is  to  be  thrown 
down  that  it  may  become  a  reptile  ^  7,  8  f.  Pharaoh's  heart, 
however,  is  hardened;  and  the  narrative  at  7,  13  has  reached 
just  the  same  point  which  was  reached  in  6,  i.  The  parallelism 
of  details  which  prevails  between  the  two  narratives  is  remark- 
able; comp.  6,  2-8  and  3,  6-9.  14-15;  6,  12^  (=  30)  and 
4,  10  ;  7,  I  and  4,  16  ;  7,  4  f.  and  3,  19  f.  6,  i. 

7,  14 — ir,  10.  The  narrative  of  the  plagues. 


•    ^     P                    7,  19-20'  (to  commanded).                               21^ 

-22. 

j  f  J     7,  14-18. 

(  I  E           17  (partly)                                     so^'-ai"  (to  river). 

/     P                8,  5-7.            is^-ig.                    9.  8-12. 

23-           25. 
34. 

S   (J  8,2  1-4.             8-15'.             8.20-9,7.             13-21. 
i  I  E                                                                                            22- 

23'. 

23''-34- 
24'.      35- 

^  P3ri  a  rfptilcy  not  K'lli  a  serpent,  as  in  4,  3. 

"^  The  verses  are  numbered  as  in  the  English  version. 


EXODUS                                               23 
f     ! 

<     (J    10,  1-7.  i3'-i9-  28-29.  II,  4  8. 

(  Ie  10,  8-I3^        14-''       20-27.  II.  1-3.  9-IO- 

The  grounds  of  the  analysis  depend,  in  the  first  instance,  upon 
literary  criteria;  which,  however,  are  remarkably  su[)ported  by- 
corresponding  differences  in  the  representation.     Reserving  for 
the  present  the  consideration  of  the  few  passages  referred  to  E, 
and  confining  our  attention  to   P  and  J,  we  observe  that   the 
narrative  of  the  plagues  is  marked  by  a  series  of  systematic  differ- 
ences, relating  to  four  distinct  points— viz.  i.  the  terms  of  the 
command     addressed    to     Moses;    2.    the    demand    made    of 
Pharaoh;    3.    the    description    of  the    plague;    4.    the   formula 
expressive  of  Pharaoh's  obstinacy  :  and  further,  that  these  differ- 
ences agree  frequently  with  corresponding  differences  in  the  parts 
of  the  preceding  narrative,  3,  1—6,  i,  which  have  been  assigned 
(on  independent  grounds)  to  P  and  JE  respectively.  ^  Thus  in  P 
Aaron    co-operates  wiih    Moses,   and   the  command  is  Say  unto 
Aaron  (7,   19.  8,  5.   16;  so  before,  in  7,  9:  even  9,  8,  where 
Moses  acts,  both  are  expressly  addressed);  no  demand  is  ever 
made  of  Pharaoh,  the  plagues  being  viewed  rather  as  signs,  01 
proofs  of  power,  than  as  having  the  practical  object  of  securing 
Israel's  release ;  the    description  of  the  plague  is  brief,  seldom 
extending   beyond  the   compuss    of   two   or   three   verses;    the 
success  or  failure  of  the  Egyptian  magicians  (who  are  mentioned 
only  in    this   narrative)  is    noted;  the   hardening  of  Pharaoh's 
heart  is  expressed  by  the  verb  ^^r^,  p^n  {was  strong,  made  strom, 
RV.  marg)  7,   22.   8,   19.   9,    12  (so  7,  13),  and  the  concluding 
formula  is  And  he  hearkened  not  tmto  them,  as  Jehovah  had  spoken 
(7,   22.    8,   15^    19.  9,   12:  so  7,   13).      In  J,  on  the  contrary, 
Moses  alone  (without  Aaron)  is  commissioned  to  present  himselt 
before  Pharaoh;  he  addresses  Pharaoh  himself V  (in  agreement 
with  4,  10-16,  where  Aaron  is  appointed  expressly  to  be  Moses' 
spokesman  with  the  people) ;  a  formal  demand  is  uniformly  made. 
Let  7ny  people  go,  that  they  may  serve  me  (7,   16.  8,  i.  9,  i.  13. 
10,  3:  so  before  4,   23.    5,    i    in  the  corresponding  narrative); 
upon   Pharaoh's  refusal,   the   plague   is   announced,   and   takes 

1  Aaron,  if  he  appears  at  all,  is  only  Moses'  silent  companion  :  8,  8  (see 
vv.  9.  10).  25  (see  vv.  26.  29).  9,  27  (see  v.  29).  In  10,  3  it  is  doubtful  if  the 
plural  "and  they  said"  is  original:  notice  at  the  end  of  the  speech  iv.  6\ 
*'  and  h^  tufned." 


24  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

effect,  either  without  further  human  intervention  (8,  24.  9,  6),  or 
at  a  signal  given  by  Moses  (not  by  Aaron)  (7,  20.  9,  22  f. 
10,  12  f.  22);  the  interview  with  Pharaoh  is  j)rolonge(],  and 
described  in  some  detail ;  sometimes  also  tlie  king  sends  for 
Moses  and  Aaron  to  crave  their  intercession  for  the  removal  of 
the  plague  (8,  8.  25.  9,  27.  10,  16);  the  term  used  to  express  the' 
hardening  of  Pharaoh's  heart  is  was  heavy  (*133)  or  made  heavy 
(T^DH)  7,  14.  8,  15.  32.  9,  7.  34.  10,  I.  The  narrative  generally  is 
written  in  a  more  picturesc|ue  and  varied  style  than  that  of  P ; 
there  are  frequent  descriptive  touches,  and  the  dialogue  \%, 
abundant.  In  a  word,  the  two  currents  of  narrative  display  just 
the  same  contrasted  literary  characteristics  which  they  exhibit  in 
the  Book  of  Genesis. 

Recurring  phrase'%  which  mark  this  narrative  and  distinc^uish  it  from  that 
of  P  are  (besides  "Let  ray  people  go"  &c.,  and  ^33,  T'n^n  of  the  lieart, 
just  noted)  refuseih  (JSC)>  esp.  followed  by  *'  to  let  the  people  go,"  7,  14,  8,  2. 
9,  2.  10,  3.  4  (so  before  4,  23)  ;  7,  15  serpent  (ti^njH  see  4,  3;  Thus  sat ik 
Jehovah,  said  regularly  to  Pharaoh  (so  4,  22.  5,  i)  ;  behold  .  .  .  with  the 
participle  in  the  announcement  of  the  ]:)lague  7,  17.  8,  2.  21.  9,  3.  18.  lO,  4 
(so  4,  23);  border  8,  2.  lo,  .<.  14.  19;  t/iott,  thy  people,  and  thy  sei-vauts 
8,  3.  4.  9.  II.  21.  29.  9,  14,^  cf.  10,  6.  12,  30;  God  of  the  Hebrews 
7,  16.  9,  I.  13.  10,  3  (so  3,  18.  5,  3);  to  intreat  8,  8.  9.  28.  29.  9,  28. 
ID,  17;  such  as  hath  not  been  &.C.  9,  18.  24.  II,  6,  cf.  lo,  6.  I4 ;  to  sever 
(n^^n^  8,  22.  9,  4.  II,  7  ;  the  end  or  object  of  the  plague  (or  circumstance 
attending  it)  stated  8,  10.  22.  9,  14.  16.  29^  lo,  2^  II,  7. 

The  grounds  for  believing  that  what  remains  in  the  narrative 
of  the  plagues  after  the  separation  of  P  i^  not  perfectly  homo- 
geneous, but  contains  elements  due  to  E,  are,  stated  briefly,  as 
follows.  Reasons  were  given  above  (p.  21)  for  concluding  that 
the  two  verses  4,  17-18,  which  speak  of  the  rod  of  Moses,  were 
not  originally  part  of  the  context  in  which  they  are  now  found, 
and  they  were  assigned  accordingly  to  E.  Now,  in  the  narrative 
of  the  plagues,  the  effect  in  certain  cases  is  brought  about  not 
immediately  by  God,  but  by  the  intervention  of  Moses'  rod 
(7,  17.  2o\  9,  23.  10,  13).  It  is  difficult  not  to  connect  the 
]jassages  in  which  the  rod  is  thus  named  with  4,  17-18,  and  to 
treat  both  as  notices  derived  from  the  same  source  E.  The 
opinion  that  the  parts  of  the  narrative  which  remain  after  the 

^  The  symmetry  of  this  verse  is  much  improved,  if,  with  Hitzig,  for*]3?  bn 
we  read  12   m?K- 


EXODUS.  25 

separation  of  P  are  to  some  extent  composite,  is  confirmed  by 
other  indications.  Thus  in  7,  17  the  transition  from  the  "  I  "  of 
God  to  the  "  I  "  of  Moses  is  abrupt  and  (in  the  historical  books) 
unusual ;  hence  the  suspicion  arises  that  originally  the  subject 
of  /  will  sfiiite  was  Jehovah  (cf  v.  25^'),  and  th.at  the  words 
"with  the  rod  that  is  in  mine  hand"  were  introduced  by  the 
com[>iler  of  JE  from  the  other  source  used  by  him.  By  the  side 
of  9,  34^  V.  35*  would  seem  to  be  superfluous. 

The  reasons  for  aUributing  to  E  the  other  passages  Jissigned  to  this  source 
in  the  analysis  must  be  sought  in  the  works  of  Weliri.  Dillm.  and  Jiilicher. 
It  may  be  that  a  few  additional  traits  are  also  derived  from  him;  but  the 
point  is  one  ou  which  it  is  not  possible  to  speak  with  confidence.  Only  one 
plague  (as  it  seems)  is  derived  entirely  from  E,  the  ninth  (10,  21-27).  Il^e 
concluding  formula  in  E  is  and  FharaoJi's  heart  was  hardened  [p^n  lit-  "'■^cis 
strongl  (or  and  Jehovah  hardened  Pharaoh's  heart),  and  he  7vozdd  not  let  the 
children  of  Israel  (or  them)  go  9,  35  (contrast  J's  phrase,  v.  34'').  lo,  20.  27. 
II,  10  (cf.  4,  21  E).  P  uses  the  same  verb  ptn,  but  follows  it  by  and  he 
hearkened  not  tinto  them^  as  Jehovah  had  spoken. 

II_  c.  12  — 19,  2.  The  last  plague^  the  departure  of  the  Israelites 
from  Eg)'pt,  and  their  journey  to  Sinai. 

Q  12 — 13.  The  institution  of  the  Passover,  and  the  Feast  of 
Unleavened  Cakes.  The  death  of  the  first-born  of  the  Egyptians, 
and  journey  of  the  Israelites  from  Rameses  to  Succoth.  The 
law  respecting  the  dedication  of  the  first-born  (12,  i  — 13,  16). 
March  of  the  Israelites  from  Succoth  to  Etham,  on  the  border 
of  the  wilderness  (13,  17-22). 

P 12,  1-20  28.  37*.  40-ST.  13.  T  f-  20. 

29  f.  _  ^  21  f. 

21-27.  3i_36.       37i'_3g.  3  i  •  ^^^^^, 

In  c.  12 — 13  the  double  treatment  is  peculiarly  evident.  We 
have  {a)  12,  1-13  (Passover)  :  14^-20  {Mazzolh  or  Unleavened 
Cakes);  28.  37'\  40-42.  51  (narrative);  43-50  (Passover — 
supplementary);  13,  i  f.  (first-born):  {b)  12,  21-27  (Passover); 
29-36.  37^-38  (narrative, — continuation  of  11,  4-8);  39.  13,  3-10 
(Unleavened  Cakes);  11-16  (first-born):  the  former  narrative 
exhibits  throughout  the  marks  of  P  ;  the  latter,  those  of  JE.  The 
Passover,  it  is  to  be  observed,  though  followed  by  the  Feast  of 
Mazzoth  (Unleavened  Cakes),  is  distinct  from  it  both  in  its  origin 
and  in  its  observance;  and  the  distinction  is  recognised  in  both 

^  V.  14  refers  to  the  first  day  of  Mazzoth  (Lev.  23,  6),  not  to  the  Passover. 


26  LITERATURE   OF   THE    OLD   TESTAMENT. 

narratives,  especially  in  that  of  J  E.  The  injunction  in  P  respect- 
ing the  first-born  (13,  r  f.)  is  here  isolated;  the  full  explanation 
is  first  given  Nli.  3,  12  f.  8,  16-19. 

The  distinction  between  P  and  JE  in  c.  12  is  sufficiently 
established  upon  literary  grounds ;  but  a  material  justification  of 
the  analysis  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  12,  21-27  cannot  be  -> 
the  original  sequel  of  12,  1-20  (or  rather,  of  12,  1-13;  for 
7>7K  14-20  do  not  concern  the  Passover  at  all).  The  verses  do 
not  describe  the  execution  of  the  commands  received  by  Moses  in 
TV.  1-13.  Moses  does  not  repeat  to  the  people,  even  in  an  , 
abridged  form,  the  injunctions  before  received  by  him ;  but, 
while  several  points  of  importance  {e.g.  the  character  of  the 
lamb,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  to  be  eaten)  are  omitted, 
fresh  points  (the  hyssop,  the  basin,  none  to  leave  the  house),  not 
mentioned  before,  are  added.  The  inference  is  irresistible  that 
12,  21-27  is  really  part  of  a  different  account  of  the  institution 
of  the  Passover,^  which  "stands  to  12,  3-13  in  the  same 
relation  that  the  regulations  respecting  Mazzotk  in  13,  3-10 
stand  to  those  in  12,  14-20"  (Dillm.  p.  100).  Vv.  25-27 
are  conceived  entirely  in  the  spirit  of  parts  of  13,  3-16 
(see  vv.  5.  8.  10.  14  f.) ;  it  is  probable,  therefore,  that  both 
passages  are  of  similar  origin,  and  may  be  referred  either  to  J 
(Dillm.)  or  to  the  compiler  of  JE  expanding  materials  derived 
from  J  (so  Wellh.,  at  least  for  13,  3-16). 

A  noticeable  difierence  between  P  and  JE  is  the  greater  specialization  and 
strictness  of  the  provisions  contained  in  the  former  narrative  {e.g.  12,  15  f. 
iS  f.  43-49).  As  regards  ilie  pirts  assigned  to  E,  with  v.  31''  comp.  3,  12. 
10,  8.  II,  24';  with  V.  32,  10,  9.  24*'  ;  with  v.  35  f.,  3,  21  f.  II,  2  f.  (all  E)  ; 
in  13,  17-19  notice  Go.i  {\\o\.  Jehovah)  four  times;  and  with  v.  19  coup. 
Gen.  50,  24,  in  a  context  which  (on  -ndependent  grounds)  is  assigned  to  the 
s.ime  source.  12,  34.  39  deserve  attention,  being  evidently  intended  as  an 
explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  Feast  of  "  Unleavened  Cakes." 

C.  14 — 15.  The  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  ;  Moses'  Song  of 
Triumph  ;  the  journey  of  the  Israelites  to  Marah  and  Elim. 

C    1'  1 1,  1-4.  8-9.  15-18. 

A    (J  5-7.  \o*' {\.o  afraid).  n-14.  11^-2.0. 

(  (E  Io^  I9». 

^  Dr.  Green's  explanation  of  the  imperfect  connexion  of  12,  21-27  with 
the  preceding  narrative  (/A/'/rry  Amj/jr,  p.  102)  does  not  satisfy  the  require- 
ments of  the  case.      See  further  o.n  c.  12-13,  Helitzsch,  Slud'uv,  vii.  p.  337  il. 


EXODUS. 


^7 


P  21'' {to  over  f/ie sea). 2 1».  22-23.  26-27^  {to over  fAe  sea). 

fj  21^  {{o  dry  land).  24-25. 

P  28-29.  (15,  ig). 


<     fJ  27".  30-31. 

(  JE  15,  1-18.  2C>--i.      ^2-^7. 

The  passages  assigned  to  P  will  be  found  to  be  connected  both  with  each 
other  and  with  other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch  belonging  to  the  same  source  : 
thus  "harden  (pTft)  the  heart"  v.  4  recurs  ?'e'.  8.  17,  and  is  the  same  term 
that  is  used  by  P  in  the  nnrrative  of  the  plagues  (p.  23) ;  "get  me  honour" 
ib.  recmsvv.  17.  18.  Lev.  10,  3;  comp.  also  t'v  4.  18  "and  the  Egyptians 
shall  know,"  &c.  (cf.  6,  7.  7,  5.  16,  12);  w.  9.  23  "and  the  Egyptians 
pursued;"  vv.  22.  29  "the  dry  land"  and  "the  wall;"  w.  16.  21 
"divide;"  the  repetitions  (in  the  manner  of  P)  in  v.  17  f.  as  rompared  with 
V.  4,  in  28^  as  compared  with  23,  in  29  as  compared  with  22.  Ihe  parliculnrs 
of  the  analysis  depend  to  a  certain  extent  upon  the  apparently  double  char- 
acter of  the  narrative  in  some  parts  of  the  chapter.  As  regards  the  parts 
attributed  to  E,  with  v.  id'  comp.  J(  sh.  24,  7  (E) ;  with  v.  19,  Gen.  21,  17. 
31,  II  (the  "angel  of  God'").  It  is  possible  that  other  traits  in  the  narrative 
also  have  their  source  in  E  {e.g.  v.  15  "lift  up  thy  rod ;"  comp.  above,  p.  24). 
14,  28*"  may  be  a  notice  derived  from  J  (comp.  8,  31.  9,  7.  10,  19). 

In  c.  15  the  Song{vv.  i^'-iS,  cf.  20-21)  is,  of  course,  incorporated  by  E  from 
an  earlier  source — perhaps  from  a  collection  of  national  poems.  V.  19 
appears  to  be  a  later  redactional  addition,  reveriing,  in  terms  borrowed  from 
P  (see  14,  23.  26.  29^),  to  the  occasion  of  the  Song.  The  Song  itself  appears 
to  have  undergone  some  expansion,  or  modification  of  form,  at  a  later  a<^e  ; 
for  V.  13  ("Thou  hast  guided  them  to  Thy  holy  habitation")  appears  clearly 
to  describe  7).  fast  event,  and  v.  17"  points  to  some  fixed  abode  of  the  ark — 
the  temple  at  Shiloh  (l  Sa.  I,  9),  if  not  (Riehm,  Einl.  p.  299  f.)  the  temple 
at  Jerusalem.^  \x\7'v.  i''-3  we  seem  indeed  (to  use  Dillmann's  expression) 
to  hear  Moses  himself  speaking  ;  and  both  Diilm.  and  Pelitzsch  {Ge)t.  p.  29) 
agree  with  Ewald  {Die  Dichter  des  A.B.'s,  i.  i,  p.  175  ;  cf.  Hist.  ii.  354)  in 
sppposing  that  the  Song,  as  a  whole,  is  a  later  expansion  of  the  Mosaic 
theme  contained  in  vv.  I ''-3,— perhaps  designed  originally  as  a  festal  Passover- 
song  (Is.  30,  29).  Probably,  however,  the  greater  part  of  the  Song  is  Mosaic, 
and  the  modification,  or  expansion,  is  limited  to  the  closing  verses  ;  for  the 
general  style  is  antique,  and  the  triumphant  tone  which  pervades  it  is  just 
such  as  might  naturally  have  been  inspired  by  the  event  which  it  celebrates. 

C.  16 — 19,  2.  The  journey  of  the  Israelites  from  Elim  to 
Sinai,  including  particulars  respecting  the  quails  and  manna 
given  to  the  people  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai  (c.  16);  the 
miraculous  supply  of  water  at  Rephidim,  and  the  conflict  with 
Amalek  at  the  same  place  (c.  17)  ;  the  meeting  with  Jethro,  and 
the  counsel  given  by  him  to  Moses  (c.  18). 

^  The  verbs  in  17*  may  l)e  translated  as  pasts  or  futures,  indifferently. 


28  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

(     P  i6,  1-3.  6-24.  31  -36.  17,  i»  (to  Rcphidim), 


{i 


4-5-  25-30.  17,  if_2. 

3-6. 


{P  19,    I-2». 

/J 
(li  17, 8-16.  c.  18.  19, 2^ 

In  c.  16  the  parts  assigned  to  P  have  many  marks  of  his  style  which  are 
absent  from  the  rest  of  the  narrative  (see  §  7).  There  are  also  corresponding 
differences  of  representation  ;  thus  in  Z'V.  6-7  [cvcjiirig  and  mornings  agreeing 
with  vv.  8.  12  Jlesh  at  evening,  and  biead  at  morning)  the  communication 
made  to  the  people  is  different  in  its  terms  from  that  given  in  vv.  4-5  to 
Moses  {bread  alone,  with  no  distinction  of  morning  and  evening) ;  and 
vv.  25-30  agree  with  vv.  4-5.  In  the  text  of  P  a  transposition  appears  to 
have  taken  place;  for  vv.  11-12  the  command  to  speak  to  the  people 
follozvs  the  account  vv.  6-8  of  the  actual  delivery  to  them  of  the  message  ; 
probably  the  original  order  was  vv.  1-3.  9-12.  6-8.  13  &c. 

C.  18,  though  in  one  or  two  places  (as  in  parts  of  vv.  2-4.  8-10) 
there  may  be  traces  of  the  hand  of  the  compiler  of  JE,  is  other- 
wise an  excerpt  from  E  ;  notice  the  preponckrance  in  the  chapter 
of  God  (not  Jehovah).  The  chapter  is  one  of  great  historical 
interest :  it  exhibits  to  us  a  picture  of  Moses  legislating.  Disputes 
arise  among  the  people  ;  the  contending  parties  come  to  Moses 
to  have  them  settled ;  he  adjudicates  between  them  ;  and  his 
judgments  are  termed  "the  statutes  and  decisions  {Toroth)  oi 
God"  {v.  16).  It  was  the  historic  function  of  the  priests  to  give 
decisions  (min,  npin)  upon  cases  submitted  to  them,  in  matters 
both  of  civil  right  (Dt.  17,  ii)  and  ceremonial  observance  (ib. 
24,  8) ;  and  here  Moses  himself  appears  discharging  the  same 
function,  and  so  laying  the  foundation  of  Hebrew  law. 

III.   19,  3 — c.  40.  Israel  at  Sinai. 

(a)  The  solemn  establishment  of  the  theocracy  at  Sinai 
(see  19,  5-8.  24,  3-8)  on  the  basis  of  the  Ten  Commandments 
(20,  1-17),  and  of  a  Code  of  laws  (20,  23 — 23,  33)  regulating 
the  social  life  and  religious  observances  of  the  people,  and  called 
the  "Book  of  the  Covenant"  (24,  7);  {/?)  the  giving  of  directions 
to  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai  for  the  construction  of  the  Tabernacle, 
with  the  vessels  and  appointments  belonging  to  it,  for  the  conse- 
cration of  Aaron  and  his  sons  as  priests,  the  selection  of  Bezaleel 
and  Oholiab  to  execute  the  skilled  work  that  was  necessary,  and 
the  delivering  to  Moses  of  the  two  Tables  of  the  Law  (24,  12 — 
31,  18);  (r)  the  incident  of  the  Golden  Calf,  Moses'  intercession 


EXODUS. 


29 


on  behalf  of  the  people,  and  the  renewal  of  the  covenant  (c.  32— 
34) ;  {d)  the  construction  of  the  Tabernacle   and  its  appurten^ 

ances  in  accordance  with  the  directions  prescribed  in  c.  25 "i, 

and  its  erection  (40,  17)  on  the  first  day  of  the  second  year  of  the 
exodus  (c.  35 — 40). 


J  J  20-25.  20, 22-23, 33.  3-8. 

(E  19,  3-19.1  -io,  1-21.  24,  (1-2).  (9-1 1).  12-14. 

P  24,  iS-iS"  (to  c/oud).  25,  I— 31,  18"  (to  testimony). 

■J  ■ 

^  24, 18*.  31,  I8^  32, 1-8. 

'  34.  29-35.  c.  35—40. 


{ 


I J    32.  9-14.    ^^_^^^  ^^^^_  g  ,  ^_^^     33,  12-34,  28. 


("IE 

The  structure  of  JE's  narrative  of  the  transactions  at  Sinai  19, 
3—24,  14.  i8b  and  31,  18^^—34,  28  is  complicated,  and  there 
are  parts  in  which  the  analysis  (so  far  as  concerns  J  and  E)  must 
be  regarded  as  provisional  only.  Nevertheless,  the  composite 
character  of  the  narrative  seems  to  be  unmistakable.  Thus  in 
c.  19  the  natural  sequel  of  z/.  3  ivent  up  would  be,  not  v,  7  came, 
but  V.  14  we?ii  down:  v.  9^  is  superfluous  after  v.  8'^  (if,  indeed,  it 
be  more  than  an  accidental  repetition  of  it)  \  v.  \-^  is  isolated, 
and  not  explained  by  anything  which  follows  (for  the  "  trumpet " 
of  vv.  16-19  is  not  the  "  ram's-horn  "  of  this  verse).  In  the  latter 
part  of  the  chapter  vv.  20-25  interrupt  the  connexion  :  v.  20  is 
a  repetition  of  v.  18*  ("descended"),  and  v.  21  of  v.  12;  the 
priests  and  the  Ark  are  introduced  without  preparation  :  v.  2^ 
"and  said  {-ii^i^'))  unto  them"  (not  "and  told  them")  should  be 
followed  by  a  statement  of  the  words  reported,  and  is  quite  dis- 
connected with  20,  I  :  on  the  other  hand,  20,  i  is  the  natural 
continuation  of  19,  19.  It  is  evident  that  two  parallel  narratives 
of  the  theophany  on  Sinai  have  been  combined  together,  though 
it  is  no  longer  possible  to  determine  throughout  the  precise  limits 
of  each.  19,  20-25  are  commonly  assigned  to  J  :  Kuenen  con- 
siders these  verses,  together  with  v.  13^  24,  1-2.  9-1 1  (which 
similarly  interrupt  the  connexion  in  c.  24),  as  standing  by  them- 
selves, and  forming  part  of  a  third  and  independent  narrative  of 
the  occurrences  at  Sinai.     19,  3-19  (though  parts  of  vv,  3-8  may 

^  In  the  main. 


30  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

be  derived  from  J)  belongs  in  the  main  to  E ;  the  sequel  (as  just 
said)  is  formed  by  20,  i,  introducing  the  Decalogue  (20,  2-17), 
and  the  following  verses  20,  18-21^  (notice  God  in  19,  3.  17.  19^. 
20,  I.  19.  20.  21).  24,  12-14.  i8^-  Iri  c.  24,  vv.  1-2.  9-1 1  are 
of  uncertain  origin.  Possibly  they  are  to  be  regarded  as  in- 
troductory to  V.  12  ff.,  and  assigned  to  E;  possibly,  as  Kuenen 
supposes,  they  belong  with  19,  I3^  20-25  ^<^  ^^  independent 
narrative,  of  which  only  fragments  have  been  preserved. 

The  Decalogue  was,  of  course,  derived  by  E  from  a  pre-existing 
source,  at  least  the  substance  of  it  being  engraven  on  the  tables 
in  the  Ark,  and  incorporated  by  him  in  his  narrative.  Some 
interesting  critical  questions  arise  from  a  comparison  of  the 
Decalogue  as  here  given  with  the  form  in  which  it  is  repeated  in 
Dt.  (5,  6-21),  where,  although  it  is  introduced  ostensibly  {vv.  5. 
22)  as  a  verbal  quotation,  it  presents  considerable  differences 
from  the  text  of  Exodus.  The  differences  are  most  remarkable  in 
the  4th,  5th,  and  loth  Commandments,  which  are  here  printed  in 
parallel  columns,  the  variations  being  indicated  by  italics : — 

Ex.  20.  Dt.  5. 

8.   Remember  the  sabbath  day  to  12.    Observe    the    sabbath    day    to 

keep  it  holy.  keep  it  holy,  as  JeJwvah  thy  God  com- 

9.   Six  days  shalt  thou  manded  thee.     13.  Six  days  shalt  thou 

labour,  and  do  all  thy  work  :   lo.   but  labour,  and  do  all  thy  work  :    14.  but 

the   seventh    day  is  a   sabbath   unto  the   seventh   day   is   a   sabbath   unto 

Jehovah  thy  God:  in  it  thou  shalt  not  Jehovah  thy  God  :  in  it  thou  shalt  not 

do  any  work,  thou,  nor  thy  son,  nor  do  any  work,  thou,  nor  thy  son,  nor 

thy   daughter,           thy  man-servant,  thy   daughter,  nor  thy  man-servant, 

nor  thy  maid-servant,  nor  nor  thy  maid-servant,  nor  thine  oXy 

thy  cattle,  nor  thine  ass,  nor  any  of  thy  cattle, 

nor   thy  stranger  that  is  within  thy  nor  thy  stranger  that  is  within  thy 

gates  :  gates  :  in  order  that  thy  mati-sei~vant 

Ufid  thy  maid-servant  niay  rest  as  ivell 

II.   For  in  six  days  Jehovah  made  as  thou.      15.  And  thou  shalt  remern- 

heaven,  and  earth,  the  sea,  and  all  ber  that  thoii   wast  a  sei-vant  in  the 

that  in  them  is,  and  rested  the  seventh  land  of  Egypt,  and  Jehovah  thy  God 

day  :    therefore  Jehovah   blessed  the  brought  thee  out  thence  by  a  mighty 

sabbath  day,  and  hallowed  it.  hand,   and  by  a  stretched  out  arm  : 

therefore  Jehovah  thy  God  conunanded 
thee  to  keep  the  sabbath  day. 

^  Kuenen,  in  his  discussion  of  these  chapters  in  the  Th.  lijdschr.  xv.  190, 
suggested  that  20,  18-21  stood  originally  in  E  between  19,  15-19  and  lo,  i  ; 
and  Wellh.  Comp.  327  f.  assents.  Certainly  the  verses  suit  the  proposed 
place  ;  and  their  position  there  would  explain  the  allusion  in  Dt.  5,  5« 


EXODUS.  3 1 

12.  Hc'nour    thy    father    and   thy  i6.   Honour    thy    father    and    thy 

mother,  mother,    as  JeJwi'ah    thy    God    com- 

that  thy  days  may  be  vianded  thee  :  that  thy  days  may  be 

long  long,   and  that  it  may  be  luell  zvith 

upon  the  land  which  Jehovah  thee,  upon   the   land  which  Jehovah 

thy  God  is  giving  thee.  thy  God  is  giving  thee. 

•             ••••  •>... 

17.  Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  21.  And  thou  shalt  not  covet  thy 
neighbour's  house,  thou  shalt  not  neighbour's  unfe,  and  thou  shalt  rot 
covet  thy  neighljour's  wife,  desire  thy  neighbour's  house,  his  field, 
or  his  man-servant,  or  his  maid-ser-  or  his  man-servant,  or  his  maid-ser- 
vant, or  his  ox,  or  his  ass,  or  anything  vant,  his  ox,  or  his  ass,  or  anything 
that  is  thy  neighbour's.  that  is  thy  neighbour's. 

The  principal  variations  are  in  agreement  with  the  style  of 
Dt.,  and  the  author's  hand  is  recognisable  in  them.  Thus  with 
Observe  v.  12  com  p.  Dt.  16,  i;  with  as  Jehovah  thy  God  cojji- 
majided  thee  (which  is  not  strictly  appropriate  in  what  purports 
to  be  a  report  of  the  words  spoken),  20,  17.  24,  8.  26,  18;  with 
the  spirit  oiv.  14^',  14,  29.  15,  10;  with  the  motive  of  gratitude 
in  V.  15,  15,  15.  16,  II.  12.  24,  18.  22  j  and  with  the  addition 
in  V.  16^,  5,  29  [Heb.  26].  6,  18.  12,  15.  28,  22.  Does,  however, 
even  the  text  of  Ex.  exhibit  the  Decalogue  in  its  primitive  form  ? 
It  is  an  old  and  probable  supposition,^  suggested  in  part  by  the 
fact  of  this  varying  text,  that  in  its  original  form  the  Decalogue 
consisted  merely  of  the  Commandments  themselves,  and  that  the 
explanatory  comments  appended  in  certain  cases  were  only  added 
subsequently.  Thus,  according  to  this  view,  the  2nd,  4th,  and 
5th  Commandments  read  originally  : — 

"Thou  shalt  not  make  to  thyself  any  graven  image." 
"  Remember  the  sabbath  day  to  keep  it  holy." 
**  Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother." 

All  the  Commandments  would  thus  be  moulded  in  uniform 
shape,  and  would  be  expressed  in  the  same  terse  and  simple 
form  in  which  the  ist,  and  the  6th  to  the  9th,  appear  now.  It 
has  further  been  conjectured  that,  as  the  comments  in  vv.  9.  10. 
12  bear  a  singular  resemblance  to  the  style  of  Dt.,  they  were  in 
the  first  instance  added  in  that  book,  and  thence  transferred  sub- 
sequently to  Ex.;  and  that,  as  it  is  scarcely  probable  that  the 
author  of  Dt.  would  omit  part  of  the  Decalogue  (though  he  might 

^  Ewald,  Hist.  ii.  159  ;  Speaker  s  Comrn.  p.  336;  Dillmann,  p.  201. 


32  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT.' 

for  the  purpose  of  explanation  add  clauses),  v.  \\  may  hr.ve  been 
only  introduced  into  the  text  of  Ex.  after  Dt.  was  writ' en.  As 
regards  the  first  of  these  conjectures,  it  is  no  doubt  attriictive  and 
plausible.  In  the  phrase  "them  that  love  me"  v.  6  there  is 
embodied  a  thought  which  in  the  Pent,  is  confined  to  Dt,  viz. 
the  ^.ove  of  God,  which  in  that  book  is  made  the  foundation  of  all  » 
human  action  {e.g.  6,  5.  10,  12.  ii.  i  al.)',  the  expression  "within 
thy  gates"  v.  10  (=  in  thy  cities)  is  all  but  peculiar  to  Dt., 
occurring  in  it  twenty-nine  times;  the  expressions  in  v.  12  "that 
thy  days  may  be  long,"  and  "the  land  which  Jehovah  thy  God, 
is  giving  thee,"  are  also  (especially  the  latter)  of  repeated  occur- 
rence in  the  same  book  (neither  occurring  elsewhere  in  the  Pent.). 
These  facts  possess  undoubtedly  considerable  weight.  It  is, 
however,  an  objection  to  the  inference  which  they  appear  to 
authorize,  that  the  clauses  in  question  (as  a  glance  at  the  parallel 
columns  will  show)  are  not  incorporated  entb'e  in  Exodus.  If  the 
clauses  were  transferred  to  Ex.  from  Dt.,  it  is  not  apparent  why 
portions  of  them  were  omitted.  On  the  whiole,  therefore,  the 
more  probable  view  appears  to  be  that  these  clauses  are  in  their 
original  place  in  Exodus,  and  that  they  are  of  the  same  character 
as  certain  other  sections  in  Ex.,  chiefly  of  a  parenetic  or  hortatory 
character  (as  13,  3-16.  23,  20-33),  which  do  exhibit  an  approxi- 
mation to  the  style  of  Dt.,  and  which  are  the  source  of  certain  of 
the.  expressions  which  were  adopted  afterwards  by  the  autlior 
of  Dt.,  and  became  part  of  his  phraseology.^  It  must,  indeed, 
be  admitted  that  the  expression  "  within  thy  gates,"  and  the 
])hrases  in  v.  12,  read  more  disthictively  Deuteronomic  than  those 
occurring  in  the  sections  referred  to;  but  (unless  the  text  of  the 
Decalogue  has  j^assed  through  phases  respecting  which  we  can 
but  speculate)  the  explanation  proposed  seems  to  be  the  most 
reasonable  one.  If  it  be  correct,  the  additions  in  Dt.  will,  of 
course,  be  of  the  nature  oi  fiirtJier  comments  upon  the  text  of 
Exodus.  V.  II,  however,  stands  upon  a  different  footing:  not 
only  does  it  supply  no  elements  for  the  style  of  Dt,  but  it  is  dis- 
similar in  style  to  JE:  in  its  first  clause  it  resembles  closely 
31,  ly'',  and  in  its  second  Gen.  2,  2° — both  passages  belonging 
to  P.  As  there  is  force  in  the  remark  that  the  author  of  Dt.  is 
not  likely  to  have  omitted  the  verse  had  it  formed  part  of  the 
Decalogue  at  the  time  when  he  wrote,  it  is  not  improbable  that 
^  The  expressions  referred  to  are  noted  below,  at  the  end  of  §  5, 


EXODUS.  33 

it  was  introduced  into  the  text  of  Exodus  subsequently,  upon  the 
basis  of  the  two  verses  of  P  just  cited. 

The  laws  contained  in  the  "Book  of  the  Covenant"  (20, 
20 — 23,  33)  comprise  two  elements  (24,  3),  the  "  words  "  (or  com- 
mands) and  the  "judgments:"  the  latter,  expressed  all  hypo- 
thetically,  occupy  21,  i — 22,  17.  25^  26.  23,  4f.  ;  the  former 
occupy  the  rest  of  the  section  to  23,  19  ;  what  follows,  23,  20-33, 
annexing  a  promise  in  case  of  obedience,  as  Wellh.  o!)serves,  im- 
parts to  the  preceding  law-book  the  character  of  a  "  covenant " 
(of.  24,  7).  The  laws  themselves  are  taken  naturally  from  a  pre- 
existing source,  though  their  form,  in  particular  cases,  may  be 
due  to  the  compiler  who  united  J  and  E  into  a  whole.  The 
main  body  of  the  "judgments,"  21,  i — 22,  17,  seems  to  have 
undergone  np  alteration  of  form  ;  but  in  the  following  parts  of 
the  section  most  critics  are  of  opinion  that  slight  parenetic  addi- 
tions have  been  made  by  the  compiler;  eg.  22,  21^-22  (observe 
in  V.  23  [Heb.  22]  him^  he^  his  in  the  Hebrew,  pointing  back  to 
the  singular  "  sojourner"  in  v.  21) ;  and  in  the  final  exhortation, 
23,  23-25^*  (which  anticipates  unduly  v.  27  f.,  and  disguises  the 
conditional  character  of  the  promises  vv.  25^  26  ff.,  which  are 
dependent  on  v.  22):  the  substance  of  this  passage  may  have 
been  derived  from  34,  11.  13.  The  verses  23,  4  f .  can  hardly 
be  in  their  original  position ;  for  the  context  (on  both  sides) 
relates  to  a  subject  of  a  different  kind,  viz.  just  judgment. 

The  laws  themselves  are  designed  to  regulate  the  life  of  a 
community  Hving  under  simple  conditions  of  society,  and  chiefly 
occupied  in  agriculture.'^  They  may  be  grouped  as  follows  : — (i) 
20,  22-26  prohibition  of  graven  images,  and  regulations  for  the 
construction  of  altars;  (2)  21,  2-1 1  regulations  respecting 
Hebrew  male  and  female  slaves  ;  (3)  21,  12-17  capital  offences; 
(4)  21,  18-32  injuries  to  life  or  limb  ;  (5)  21,  33-22,  6  cases  of 
danger  caused  by  culpable  negligence,  or  theft;  (6)  22,  7-17 
deposits,  loans,  and  seduction  (which  is  here  treated,  not  as  a 
moral  offence,  but  as  a  wrong  done  to  the  father,  and  demanding 
pecuniary  compensation);  (7)  22,  18-31,  and  23,  4  f.  (not  to 
refuse  help  to  an  efiemy  in  his  need),  miscellaneous  religious  and 
moral  injunctions;  (8)  23,   1-3.  6-9  veracity,  and  equity  in  the 

^  To  God,   2.^'  beginning  originally  with   "And  /  will  bless"  (so  LXX. 

Vulg.). 

*  Nwiice  thj  prominence  of  the  ox,  ass,  and  s/uv/>,  21,  28 — 22,  10. 


34  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

administration  of  judgment ;  (9)  23,  10-19  on  the  Sabbatical 
year,  the  Sabbath,  the  three  annual  pilgrimages,  and  sacrifice  ; 
(10)  23,  20-33  the  concluding  exhortation.  That  the  community 
for  whose  use  the  Code  was  designed  had  made  some  progress  in 
civilisation,  is  evident  from  the  many  restrictions  imposed  on  the 
arbitrary  action  of  the  individual ;  on  the  other  hand,  that  it  was 
still  in  a  relatively  archaic  condition  appears  from  such  regula- 
tions as  21,  18  f.  23-5  (the  /ex  taIio?iis),  or  the  conception  of  God 
as  the  immediate  source  of  judgment  (21,  6  ;  22,  8-9  :  cf.  i.  S.  2, 
25).  Notice  also  the  rudimentary  character  of  the  ceremonial. 
injunctions  respecting  altars  20,  24-26,  the  right  of  asylum  2r, 
13  f.,  first-fruits  and  firstlings  22,  29  f.  23,  19,  prohibition  to  eat 
nsio  22,  31,  the  observance  of  the  sacred  seasons  23,  10-17, 
sacrifice  23,  18  ;  comp.  20,  23.  22,  20  against  the  worship  of 
idols  or  other  gods.  Just  and  equitable  motives  are  insisted  on 
{e.g.  22,  21.  27.  23,  4f.  9) ;  but  religious  institutions,  it  is  evident, 
are  still  in  a  simple,  undeveloped  stage. ^ 

In  c.  24,  V.  18 V' and  he  went  up,"  &c.)  is  E's  introduction  to  31,  iS". 
c.  32  ;  and  vv.  iS-lS"''  are  P's  introduction  to  c.  25—31. 

C.  25 — 31,  18''' form  P's  account  of  the  instructions  given  to 
Moses  respecting  the  Tabernacle  and  the  i)riesthood.  These 
instructions  fall  into  two  parts  :  (i)  c.  25 — 29  ;  (2)  c.  30 — 31.  In 
c.  25 — 29  the  following  subjects  are  dealt  with  : — {a)  the  vessels 
of  the  Sanctuary,  named  naturally  first,  as  being  of  central 
interest  and  importance  (c.  25)  ;  {li)  the  Tabernacle,  designed  to 
contain  and  guard  them  (c.  26);  {c)  the  Court  round  the  Taber- 
nacle containing  the  Altar  of  the  daily  Burnt-offering  (c.  27);  {d) 
the  dress  (c.  28)  and  consecration  (29,  1-37)  of  the  priests  who 
are  to  serve  in  the  Sanctuary ;  {e)  the  daily  Burnt-offering,  the 
maintenance  of  which  is  a  primary  duty  of  the  Priesthood  (29, 
35-42),  followed  by  what  is  apparently  the  final  close  of  the 
entire  body  of  instructions,  29,  43-46,  in  which  Jehovah  promises 
that  He  will  bless  the  Sanctuary  thus  established  with  His  pre- 
sence. C.  30 — 31  relate  to  {a)  the  Altar  of  Incense  (30,  i-io); 
{b)  the  maintenance  of  public  service  (30,  11-16) ;  {c)  the  Brazen 
Laver  (30,  17-21)  ;  {d)  the  holy  Anointing  Oil  (30,  22-33)  \  W 
the  Incense  (30,  34-3^)  ;  (/)  the  nomination  of  Bezaleel  and 
Oholiab  (31,  i-i  i);  (i,')  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  (31, 12-17). 
^  Comp.  further  on  this  code  W.  R.  Smith,  OIJC.  p.  336  f(". 


EXODUS.  35 

A  question  arises  here  whether  the  whole  of  this  group  of  chapters  belong* 
to  the  original  legislation  of  P.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Altar  of  Incense, 
which,  from  its  importance,  might  have  seemed  to  demand  a  place  in  c. 
26 — 29  (among  the  other  vessels  of  the  Tabernacle),  is  mentioned  for  the 
first  time  in  30,  i-io,  when  the  directions  respecting  the  essential  parts  of  the 
Tabernacle  are  apparently  complete  (see  29,  43-46)  :  even  in  26,  34  f.  (where 
the  position  of  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  is  defined)  it  is  not  included. 
Moreover,  the  annual  rite  prescribed  in  Ex.  30,  10  is  not  noticed  in  the  detailed 
account  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  in  Lev.  16,  and  only  one  altar,  the  altar  of 
Burnt-offering,  appears  to  be  named  throughout  the  chapter.  Further,  the 
ceremony  of  anointing,  which  in  29,  7.  Lev.  8,  12  is  confined  to  the  Chief 
priest  (Aaron),  is  in  30,  30  extended  to  the  ordinary  priests  (his  *'sons"), 
although  the  original  limitation  to  Aaron  alone  would  seem  to  be  confirmed 
by  the  title  "the  anointed  priest,"  applied  to  the  Chief  priest  (Lev.  4,  3. 
5.  16,  6,  22[Heb.  15]:  cf.  16,  32.  21,  10.  12.  Ex.  29,  29 f.  Nu.  35,  25),  which, 
if  the  priests  generally  were  anointed,  would  be  destitute  of  any  distinctive 
significance.  On  these  grounds  (chiefly)  it  is  argued  that  c.  30 — 31,  together 
with  certain  other  passages  in  which  the  same  phenomena  occur,  form  part  of 
a  secondary  and  posterior  stratum  of  P,  representing  a  later  phase  of  cere- 
monial usage.  Space  forbids  the  question  being  considered  here  as  fully  as  it 
deserves;  and  it  must  suffice  to  refer  to  Wellh.  Conip.  139  ff.  ;  Kuen.  Hex. 
§  6.  13  ;  Del.  Siudien,  iii.  ;  Dillm.  EL.  p.  263  f.,  NDJ.  p.  635  ;  and  the 
Diet,  of  the  Bible  {ed.  2),  art.  ExODUS. 

The  section  on  the  Sabbath  (31,  12-17),  ^s  has  been  often  observed  {e.g. 
by  Delitzsch,  Studien,  xii.  p.  622),  has  in  ttck  13-14*  affinities  with  the  code  of 
which  extracts  have  been  preserved  in  Lev.  17 — 26  (see  p.  43  ff.)  ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  these  verses  have  been  excerpted  thence,  and  adapted  here  as 
the  nucleus  of  a  law  inculcating  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  in  connexion 
with  an  occasion  on  which  the  temptation  might  arise  to  disregard  it. 

In  the  narrative  of  the  Golden  Calf  (31,  18'' — 34,  28),  c.  32,  as 
a  whole,  may  be  assigned  plausibly  to  E;  only  vv.  7-14  appear 
to  have  been  expanded  by  the  compiler  of  JE  (comp.  Gen.  22, 
16-18,  to  which  \n  V.  13  allusion  is  made).  32,  34 — 33,  6  ex- 
hibits traces  of  a  double  narrative  :  thus  v.  5^  the  people  are 
commanded  to  do  what,  according  to  4^,  they  had  a/ready  do?ie — 
which  confirms  \.\\q  prima  fade  view  that  vv.  5-6  are  a  doublet  of 
vv.  ^-A-  No  satisfactory  analysis  of  the  entire  passage  has, 
however,  been  effected.  All  that  can  be  said  is  that  if  E  be  the 
basis  of  33,  1-6,  it  has  been  amphfied  by  the  compiler,  possibly 
with  elements  derived  from  J. 

2,Zi  7~iT)  which  (as  the  tenses  in  the  original  show)  describe 
throughout  Mosqs'  practice  {v.  7  ^^  used  to  take  and  pitch,"  &c.), 
was  preceded,  it  may  be  conjectured,  in  its  original  connexion 
by  an  account  of  the  construction  of  the  Tent  of  Meeting  and  of 


36  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  Ark,^  which  was  no  doubt  the  purpose  to  which  the  orna- 
nients,  vv.  4-6,  were  put ;  when  the  narrative  was  combined  with 
that  of  P,  this  part  of  it  (being  superfluous  by  the  side  of  c.  25. 
35  &c.)  was  ])robably  omitted,  only  vv.  7-11  being  regarded  as 
of  sufficient  interest  to  be  retained. 

33,  12 — 34,  9  forms  a  continuous  whole,  though  whether  belong- 
ing to  J  (Dillm.)  or  to  the  compiler  of  JE  (Wellh.)  can  scarcely 
be  definitely  determined  ;  in  34,  1-3  there  may  be  traces  of  E. 
It  is  a  plausible  conjecture  of  Dillmann's  that  -t^-x,.,  14-17  originally 
followed  34,  9  :  where  they  at  present  stand,  they  break  the  con- 
nexion between  t^^^  13  and  33,  18;  while  as  stating  the  issue  of 
the  whole  intercession,  and  directly  res])onding  to  34,  9,  they 
would  be  entirely  in  place.  34,  10-26  introduce  the  terms  of  the 
covenant,  v.  27.  These  agree  substantially — often  even  verbally  ^ 
— with  the  theocratic  section  of  the  "Book  of  the  Covenant" 
(23,  10  ff.);  the  essential  parts  of  which  appear  to  be  repeated, 
with  some  enlargement  (especially  in  the  warning  against  idolatry 
vv.  12-17),  as  constituting  the  conditions  for  the  renewal  oi  the 
covenant. 

In  the  preceding  pages  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  more 
than  an  outline  of  the  structure  of  JE's  narrative  in  c.  19 — 24. 
32 — -34.  Much  has  been  written  upon  it ;  but  though  it  appears 
to  display  plain  marks  of  composition,  it  fails  to  supply  the 
criteria  requisite  for  distributing  it  in  detail  between  the  different 
narrators,  and  more  than  one  hypothesis  may  be  framed  which 
will  account,  at  least  aj^parently,  for  the  facts  demanding  ex- 
planation. It  is  probable  that  it  reached  its  present  form  by  a 
series  of  stages  which  can  no  longer,  in.  their  entirety,  be  dis- 
tinguished with  certainty.  The  relation  of  the  Code  of  laws  in 
34,  11-26  to  the  very  similar  Code  in  23,  10  ff.  is  also  capable 
of  different  explanations.  Hence  beyond  a  certain  point  the 
conclusions  of  critics  are  divergent.  Under  the  circumstances,  it 
seemed  wisest  to  the  writer  not  to  include  in  his  analysis  more 
than  appeared  to  him  to  be  reasonably  probable. 

Those  who  desire  to  pursue  the  subject  further  should  consult  AVellh. 
Covip.  pp.  83  ff.,  327-333  ;  Dillmann,  Comm.  pp.  189  ff.,  331  ff.  (who  in  some 


^  See  especially  I)t.  10,  i,  which  a  comparison  with  the  text  of  Ex.  shows 
must  refer  to  something  ivniiied  \n  the  existing  narrative  (see  below,  §  5),. 

-  Cf.  zv.  18.  20^  21.  22-3.  25-6  with  23,  15.  \2.  16-19.  ^'^-  19-20*,  hoW' 
ever,  agree  with  an  earlier  part  of  JE,  viz.  13,  12-13. 


EXODUS. 


37 


respects  takes  a  very  different  view   from  Wellh.);   and   Jiilicher,    JPTh. 
1882,  pp.  295-315.       "^^  f  <%■ 

In  34,  27-28  the  preceding  body  of  laws  on  the  basis  of  which  the  covenant  is 
made,  appears  to  be  spoken  of  as  "Ten  Commandments"  (Heb.  "words"). 
It  has  hence  been  supposed  that,  though  in  its  present  form  it  has  undergone 
expansion,  it  originally  consisted  of  ten  particular  injunctions;  and  many 
attempts  have  been  made  to  determine  which  these  may  have  been.  Wellh. 
{J.c.  p.  331  f.)  reconstructs  this  second  "Decalogue"  as  follows  : — 

1.  Thou  shalt  not  worship  any  other  god  {v.  14). 

2.  Thou  shalt  not  make  to  thyself  any  molten  gods  {v,  17). 

3.  The  Feast  of  Unleavened  Cakes  shalt  thou  keep  [v.  18), 

4.  All  that  first  openeth  the  womb  is  mine  {v.  19). 

5.  The  Feast  of  Weeks  thou  shalt  observe  {v.  22). 

6.  And  the  Feast  of  Ingathering  at  the  turn  of  the  year  {ih.).         [(z/.  25). 

7.  Thou  shalt  not  offer  the  blood   of  my  sacrifice  wiih  leavened  bread 

8.  The  fat  of  my  feast  shall  not  be  left  until  the  morning  {ib.)  [in  the  form 

in  which  the  injunction  appears  in  Ex.  23,  18]. 

9.  The  best  of  the  first-fruits  of  thy  ground   thou  shalt  bring  unto  the 

house  of  Jehovah  thy  God  {v.  26). 

10.  Thou  shalt  not  seethe  a  kid  in  his  mother's  milk  {ib.). 

Stade  [Gesch.  i.  510)  had  previously  proposed  a  very  similar  restoration, 
the  only  material  difference  being  that  with  him  No.  5  is  "Thou  shalt  observe 
the  Sabbath"  (cf.  v.  21),  while  No.  6  embraces  Wellh. 's  5  and  6. 

C.  35 — 40  form  the  sequel  to  c.  25 — 31,  narrating  the  execu- 
tion of  the  instructions  there  communicated  to  Moses.  The 
relation  of  these  chapters  to  c.  25 — 31  will  be  best  learnt  from 
the  following  synopsis,  extracted  (with  slight  modifications)  from 
Kuenen's  Onderzoek  (§  6.  15),  which  exhibits  at  the  same  time 
the  corresponding  passages  of  the  LXX  (the  order  of  which  in 
several  cases  differs  remarkably  from  that  of  the  Hebrew) : — 


Hebrew  Text 


35,  1-3  (the  Sabbath  :  v.  3  added). 
4-9   (the   people   are    invited    to 

bring  free-will  offerings), 
10-19   (all   skilled  workmen   in- 
vited to  assist). 
20-29  (the  offerin<^s  are  presented). 
30-36,    I    (Moses    announces    to 
the   people    the    appointment 
of  Bezaleel  and  Oholiab). 

36,  2-7  (the  presentation  of  offerings 

completed). 
8-19    (Curtains     made     for    the 
"  tabernacle"  (the  pt^•0),  and 
the  tent  over  it). 


Greek  Text. 


35.  1-3- 

35,  4-8(z'.  Slleb. 

omitted). 
35.     9-19      (with 

variations). 
35,  20-29. 
35>  30—36,  I. 


36,  2-7. 
cf.  zi,  1-2. 


Ex.  25—31. 


31,  15. 
25,  1-9. 


31,  i-ii- 


26,  i-ii.  14, 


38 


LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT. 


PIebrevv  Text. 

■ 

Greek  Text. 

Ex.  25- 

-31. 

36, 

20-34  (Boards  for  the  framework 
of  the  "  tabernacle"). 

cf.  38,  18-21. 

26, 

15-29. 

35-3S  (Veil  for  the  Holy  of  holies, 

Z7,  3-6. 

26, 

31-32. 

36-37. 

and  Screen  for  the  entrance  to 

the  Tent). 

37, 

1-9  (the  Ark). 

38,  1-8. 

25» 

10-20. 

10-16  (Table  of  Shewbread). 

38,  9-12. 

25. 

23-29. 

17-24  (Candlestick). 

13-17. 

25, 

31-39. 

25-28  (Altar  of  Incense). 

Want  t  II  i^. 

30, 

1-5- 

29  (Anointing  Oil  and  Incense). 

38.  25." 

30, 

22-33. 

34-38. 

38, 

1-7  (Altar  of  Burnt-offering). 

cf.  38,  22-24. 

27, 

1-8. 

8  (Brazen  Laver). 

38,  26. 

30, 

17-18* 

9-20  (Court  of  the  Tabernacle). 

37,  1^^- 

27, 

9-19. 

21-23  (Superscription  to  the  ac- 

37, 19-21. 

count  of  metal  employed). 

24-31  (the  account  itself). 

39,  I-IO. 

cf. 

30,  II- 

16. 

39, 

1-3 1    (Vestments   for   the    High 
Priest  and  the  Priests). 

32-43  (Delivery  to  Moses  of  the 
completed  work  of  the  Taber- 
nacle). 

36,  S''-40. 
39,  II.  14-23. 

28, 

1-43- 

40, 

I-16  (Moses  commanded  to  rear 
up    the    Tabernacle      and   to 
consecrate  the  priests). 

17-33  (the    Tabernacle    erected, 
and  the  sacrtd  vessels  arranged 
in  their  places). 

34-38  (the   Cloud  and   Pillar  of 
Fire). 

40,  1-13  {vv.  6-8 
Heb.     omitted 
in  part,    v.    11 
altogether). 

40,  14-26.  38,  27. 
40,  27  {ZJV.    28. 
29*'  Heb,  omit- 
ted). 

40,  28-32. 

In  tlic  main,  the  narrative  is  repeated  verbatim  from  the 
instructions  in  c.  25 — 31,  with  the  simple  substitution  of  past 
tenses  for  future ;  in  two  or  three  cases,  however,  a  phrase  is 
altered,  and  there  are  also  some  instances  of  omission  or  abridg- 
ment. Thus  a  few  verses  (as  25,  15.  22.  40.  26,  12-13.  28,  29.  35. 
29-,  43-46,  30,  7-10)  are  omitted,  as  not  needing  repetition;  others 
(as  25,  16.  21.  30.  37''.  26,  30,  33.  34-35-  3°,  6.  18''.  19-21, 
chiefly  relating  to  the  position  of  the  different  vessels  named) 
are  incorporated  in  c.  40,  17-33,  ^^  account  of  the  erection 
of  the  Tabernacle,  where  they  naturally  belong ;  and  the 
sections  on  the  Anointing  Oil  and  the  Incense  (30,  22-33. 
34-38)  are  merely  referred  to  briefly  in  a  single  verse,  37,  29. 
In  c.  39  there  are  also  some  noticeal)le  cases  of  abbreviation. 
The  only  material  omissions  are  the  Urim  and  Thummim  (28, 


LEVITICUS.  39 

30),  and  the  consecration  of  priests  (29,  1-37),  which  follow  in 
Lev.  8,  the  oil  for  the  lamps  (27,  20  f ),  and  the  daily  Burnt-offering 
(29,  38-42):  with  these  exceptions  the  execution  of  the  instructions 
contained  in  c.  25 — 31  is  related  systematically. ^  The  change  of 
order  is  in  most  cases  intelligible.  The  injunction  to  observe 
the  Sabbath,  which  closes  the  series  of  instructions,  stands  here  in 
the  first  place.  This  is  followed  by  the  presentation  of  offerings, 
and  the  nomination  of  Bezaleel  and  Oholiab ;  after  which  is 
narrated  the  construction  of  the  Tabernacle,  of  the  sacred  vessels 
to  be  placed  in  it,  and  of  the  Altar  and  Laver,  with  the  Court 
surrounding  them.  The  Sanctuary  having  been  thus  completed, 
the  dress  of  the  priests  is  prepared,  the  work,  complete  in  its 
different  parts,  delivered  to  Moses,  and  the  Tabernacle  erected 
and  set  in  order.  The  Altar  of  Incense  and  the  Brazen  Laver, 
which  appear  in  the  Appendix  to  c.  25 — 29  (viz.  in  c.  30),  are  here 
enumerated  in  accordance  with  the  place  which  they  properly 
hold,  in  the  Tabernacle  (c.  37)  and  Court  (c.  38)  respectively. 

C.  35—40  raise  the  same  question  of  relationship  to  the  main  body  of  P 
which  was  stated  above  on  c.  30  f.  If  c.  30  f.  be  allowed  to  belong  to  a 
secondary  stratum  of  P,  the  same  conclusion  will  follow  for  these  chapters  as 
a  necessary  corollary;  for  in  c.  35 — 39  the  notices  referring  to  c.  30 — 31  are 
'vi\\.x<:iA\xc&<X  in  their  proper  order,  and  c.  40  alludes  to. the  Altar  of  Incense.^ 
Dillm.,  though  he  disputes  Wellh.'s  conclusions  with  regard  to  c.  30 — 31, 
agrees  with  him  virtually  as  regards  c.  35 — 40  {NDJ.  p.  635). 

§  3.  Leviticus. 
Literature. — See  above,  p.  i  f. 

The  Book  of  Leviticus  is  called  by  the  Jews,  from  its  opening 
word,  N"ip*^  It  forms  throughout  part  of  the  Priests'  Code,  in 
which,  however,  c.  17 — 26  constitute  a  section  marked  by  certain 
special  features  of  its  own,  and  standing  apart  from  the  rest  of 
the  book. 

I.  C.  I — 16.  Fundamental  Laws  of  Sacrifice,  Purification^  and 
Atonement. 

(i.)  I,  I — 6,  7  (c.  I — 5  Heb.).  Law  of  the  five  principal  types 
of  sacrifice. 

^  38,  24-31  differs,  however,  somewhat  remarkably  from  30,  11    16. 
"  For  some  other  grounds,   peculiar  to  these  chapters,  which  are  held  to 
point  in  the  same  direction,  see  Kuenen,  Ilex.  §  6.  15. 


40  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

C.  I.  The  Burnt-offering  (ritual  of  sacrifice). 
C.  2.  The  Meal-offering  (ritual  of  sacrifice). 

The  second  pers.  in  2,  4-16  (unlike  the  rest  of  these  chapters)  is  notice- 
able, and  may  be  an  indication  that  the  ch.  is  formed  out  of  a  combination 
of  elements  originally  distinct. 

C.  3.  The  Peace-offering  (ritual  of  sacrifice). 

C.  4.  The  Sin-offering  (ritual  of  sacrifice  for  the  four  cases 
of  unintentional  sin,  committed  by  i.  the  "anointed 
priest"  {i.e.  the  Chief  priest) ;  2.  the  whole  people;  3. 
a  ruler;  4.  an  ordinary  Israelite). 

It  is  not  impossible  that  Lev.  4  may  represent  a  more  advanced  stage  in 
the  growth  of  the  sacrificial  system  than  Ex.  29,  Lev,  8 — 9  ;  for  here  the 
blood  of  the  Sin-offering  for  the  Chief  priest  and  for  the  people  is  treated 
with  special  solemnity,  being  brought  within  the  veil,  and  sprinkled  on  the 
horns  of  the  Incense-altar;  whereas  in  Ex.  29,  12.  Lev.  8,  15.  9,  9,  15  it  is 
treated  precisely  as  prescribed  here  in  the  case,  of  the  ordinary  Sin-offering, 
w.  25.  30.  34  (see  Wellh.  Comp.  p.  138  f.). — A  law  for  the  Sin-offering  both 
of  the  people  and  of  an  individual  is  contained  also  in  Nu.  15,  22-31. 

5,  1-13.  Appendix  to  c.  4,  containing  (i)  exaniples  of 
unintentional  sins,  requiring  a  Sin-offering,  vv.  1-6  ;  (2) 
provision  for  the  case  of  those  whose  means  did  not  suffice 
for  the  ordinary  sin-offering,  vv.  7-13. 

5,  14 — 6,  7  (5,  14-26  Heb.).  The  Guilt-offering  (three  cases, 
or  groups  of  cases  —  viz.  different  cases  of  f?'aiid  or 
sacrilege — defined,  in  which  the  Guilt-offering  is  incurred). 

On  5,  17-19,  which  enjoins  a  Cw:'//- offering  for  (apparently)  the  same  case 
for  which  in  4,  22  ff.  a  6'/;;-offering  is  prescribed,  see  Dillm.  ad  loc.  ;  Stade, 
Ges/i.  ii.  256  f. 

(ii.)  6,  8 — c.  7  (c.  6 — 7  Heb.).  A  manual  oj  priestly  directw7is 
under  eight  heads. 

6,  8-13.  Regulations  to  be  observed  by  the  priest  in  sacri- 
ficing the  Burnt-offering. 

14-18.  Regulations  to  be  observed  by  the  priest  in  sacri- 
ficing the  Meal-offering. 

19-23.  The  High  Priest's  daily  Meal-offering. 

24-30.  Regulations  to  be  observed  in  sacrificing  the  Sin- 
offering. 

7,  1-7.  Ritual  of  the  Guilt-offering  (which  is  not  defined  in 
5,  14 — 6,  7),  with  an  appendix,  vv.  8-10  (arising  out  of 
V,  7),  on  the  priests'  share  in  the  Burnt-  and  Mcal-offcring. 


LEVITICUS.  4i 

1 1-2 1.  On  the  species  of  Peace-offering  (the  Thank-offering, 
vv.  12-15  j  ^^^  Vow-  and  the  Voluntary-offering,  z'.  16  ff.), 
with  the  conditions  to  be  observed  by  the  worshipper  in 
eating  the  flesh. 

22-27.  Fat  (of  ox,  sheep,  and  goat  in  all  cases,  and  of  other 
animals  dying  naturally  or  torn  of  beasts)  and  blood 
(generally)  not  to  be  eaten. 

28-34.  The  priests'  share  of  the  Peace-offering,  viz.  the 
"  heave-leg  "  and  the  "  wave-breast." 

35-36.  First  subscription  to  the  preceding  section  6,  8 — 
7,  34  (in  so  far  as  this  comprises  regulations  respecting 
the  priests'  share  in  the  different  offerings). 

37 — 38.  Second  more  general  subscription. 

This  subscription  relates  to  6,  8 — c.  7  only,  which  forms  an  independent 
collection  of  laws  linked  together  by  the  same  formula  that  is  used  here,  viz. 
This  is  the  law  of  ...  {6,  g.  14.  25.  7,  i.  11)  ;  only  the  laws  thus  intro- 
duced are  recognised  in  the  subscription,  where  they  occur  in  the  same  order  :  ^ 
6.  19-23  (otherwise  introduced,  and  not,  as  it  seems,  recognised  in  the  sub- 
scription) was  perhaps  not  originally  part  of  the  collection  ;  7,  22-27  (I'sgu- 
lating  the  conditions  under  which  animals  might  be  used  for  food)  may  be 
regarded  as  an  appendix  to  7,  11-21,  being  probably  placed  here  on  account 
of  the  Peace-offering  being  accompanied  by  a  sacrificial  meal;  the  subject 
of  7,  28-34  is  also  closely  connected  with  the  Peace-offering,  and  may  be 
fairly  regarded  as  comprehended  in  the  heading  7,  11. 

The  main  distinction  between  c.  1—6,  7  and  6,  7 — c.  8  is  that  while  the 
laws  of  the  former  group  relate,  as  a  rule,  to  the  manner  in  which  the  sacrifice 
itself  is  to  be  offered,  the  latter  contain  regulations  ancillary  to  this,  e.g. 
concerning  the  dress  of  the  officiating  priest,  the  fire  on  the  altar,  the  portions 
to  be  eaten  by  the  priest  or  the  worshipper  (as  the  case  may  be),  the  disposal 
of  the  flesh  of  the  Peace-offerings  (as  opposed  to  the  parts  which  went  upon 
the  altar,  c.  3),  &c.  The  treatment  is  not,  however,  perfectly  uniform  through- 
out :  on  the  analogy  of  c.  i — 4,  7,  1-7  (the  ritual  oi  the  Guilt-ofifering)  should 
occupy  the  place  of — or,  at  least,  precede  {c^.  c.  4 before  5,  1-6) — 5,  14—6,  7 
(the  cases  in  which  the  Guilt-offering  is  to  be  paid). 

(iii.)  C.  8 — 10.  The  consecration  of  the  priests^  and  their  soIe?nn 
e7itry  upon  office. 

C.  8.  Aaron  and  his  sons  consecrated  to  the  priesthood  in 
accordance  with  the  instructions  Ex.  29,  1-37. 

^  In  the  existing  text  of  Lev.  6,  ? — c.  7  nothing  corresponds  to  the  "con- 
secration "  offering  of  7,  37  ;  either  the  expression  rests  on  a  misinterpre- 
tation of  6,  19-23,  or  a  law  on  this  subject  may  have  been  omitted  by  the 
compiler  of  P  in  view  of  the  fuller  treatment  in  E]x.  29. 


42  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

C.  9.  Aaron  and  his  sons  solemnly  enter  upon  their 
office., 

C.  10,  1-7.  Nadab  and  Abihu  punished  for  offering  strange 
fire  :  the  priests  forbidden  to  mourn  for  them. 

8-9  (10- 1  r).  Priests  forbidden  to  drink  wine  while  officiating. 

12-15.  The  priests'  share  in  the  Meal-offenngs  and  Peace- 
offerings. 

16-20.  A  law  in  narrative  form  determining  that,  in  the 
people's  Sin-offering  (the  blood  of  which  was  not  v.  18 
(cf.  9,  15.  9)  brought  within  the  Tabernacle),  the  flesfi 
should  be  eaten  by  the  priest,  not  burnt  without  the 
camp  (as  had  been  done  9,  15,  cf.  11). 

This  law  is  a  correction  of  the  usage  followed  in  9,  15''  (see  9,  li) — which 
is  in  agreement  with  the  analogy  of  the  injunction  Ex.  29,  14,  and  its 
execution  Lev.  8,  17 — on  the  ground  of  the  regulation  in  c.  4,  according  to 
which  the  flesh  of  only  those  Sin-offerings  was  to  hehinit,  of  which  the  blood 
had  been  brouglit  wiihin  the  Tabernacle  and  sprinkled  on  the  Altar  of  Incense 
(4,  1-21  ;  cf.  6,  30).  The  connexion  of  10,  10  f.  with  10,  9  is  imperfect,  the 
subject  treated  being  in  reality  a  different  one  (see  11,  47  ;  and  comp.  Ez. 
44,  23  beside  21).  Unless  the  rendering  of  RV.  niarg.  be  adopted — which, 
though  grammatically  possible,  is  somewhat  artificial — it  would  almost  seem 
as  if  10,  10  f.  had  been  transplanted  from  their  original  context. 

(iv.)  C.  II  — 16.  Laws  of  Purification  and  Atonement. 

C.  II.  Clean  and  unclean  animals. 

(i)  Animals  unclean  as  food  :  {a)  Quadrupeds  (non3),  iw, 
2-8;  {b)  aquatic  creatures  (D''Dn  pD*  "swarming  things 
of  the  waters"),  vv.  9-12;  {c)  flying  creatures  (^ly),  a. 
birds,  vv.  13-19;  p.  flying  insects  (ciiyn  pB^  "swarming 
things  that  fly "),  vv.  20-23  j  (^  creeping  insects  and 
reptiles  iX^^'^  h^  Xi!3T\  p:^^-I  "swarming  things  that 
swarm  upon  the  earth"),  vv.  41-42,  with  conclusion,  vv. 
43-45.  (2)  On  the  pollution  caused  by  contact  with  the 
carcases  of  certain  animals,  vv.  24-40.  Vv.  46-47  sub- 
scription. 

Vv.  24-40  appear  not  to  be  part  of  the  original  draft  of  this  chapter  ;  for  the 
subscription,  v.  46  f. ,  notices  only  the  four  classes  of  creatures  not  to  be  eaien 
{vv.  2-8  ;  13-23  ;  9-12  ;  41-45),  and  ignores  the  contents  of  w.  24-40 
(creatures  whose  carcases  are  not  to  be  touched)  ;  these  verses,  moreover, 
differ  from  the  rest  of  the  ch.,  in  that  they  define  the  purification  rendered 
necessary  by  non-observance  of  the  regulations  prescribed. 


LEVITICUS.  43 

C.  12.  Purification  after  child-birth. 

This  ch.  would  more  suitably  follow  c.  15,  with  which  it  is  connected  in 
subject,  and  which,  indeed,  it  presupposes  in  v.  2  (see  15,  19). 

C.  13 — 14.   Leprosy. 

'Diagnosis  of  leprosy  in  man,  13,  1-46  ;  leprosy  in  clothing 
and  leather,  47-59;  purification  of  the  leper,  14,  1-32; 
leprosy  in  a  house,  33-53;    subscription  to  the  whole, 

54-57. 
C.  15.  Purification  after  certain  natural  secretions. 

C.  II — 15  are  linked  together  by  the  recurring  colophon  This  is  the 
lazvof  .   .   .  II,  46.  12,  7.  13,  59.  14,  32.  (54).  57.  15,  32. 

C.  16.  Ceremonial  of  the  Day  of  Atonement. 

The  introduction,  v.  I,  directly  connects  this  ch.  with  c.  lo.  Whether 
it  was  originally  separated  from  c.  10  by  c.  1 1 — 15  (esp.  when  the  different 
character  of  the  introductions  II,  I.  13,  i.  14,  32.  15,  I  is  considered)  m?y 
be  doubtful.  At  the  same  time,  the  position  which  c.  11 — 15  now  occupy  is 
a  thoroughly  appropriate  one  :  "  They  come  after  the  consecration  of  the 
priesis,  whose  functions  concerning  the  '  clean '  and  '  unclean  '  they  regulate, 
and  before  the  law  of  the  Day  of  Atonement  on  which  the  sanctuary  is 
cleansed  from  the  pollutions  caused  by  involuntary  uncleanness  of  priests  and 
people"  (Kuen.  p.  82  ;  so  Wellh.  p.  150). 

On  the  question  whether  this  ch.  represents  throughout  one  and  the  same 
stage  of  ceremonial  usage,  see  the  study  of  Benzinger  in  the  ZATIV.  1S89, 
pp.  65-89, 

II.  C.  17 — 26.   The  Law  of  Holiness. 

Literature. — Graf,  Die  GeschichtUchen  Biicher  des  AT.s  (1S66),  pp. 
75-83;  Noldeke,  Untersuchungen  (1869),  pp.  62-71;  Kayser,  Das  Vorexi- 
lische  Btich  der  Ur^eschichte  Isr.  (1874),  pp.  176-184;  Kiostermann,  Hat 
Ezechiel  die  in  Lev.  18 — 26  am  deiitlichsten  erkennbare  Gesetzessainmlitng 
verfasst?  in  the  Z.  fiir  Luth.  Theologie,  1877,  pp.  406-445  ;  Wellhausen, 
Comp.  pp.  151-175  ;  Delitzsch,  Studieti  (1880),  xii.  p.  617  ff.  ;  Horst,  Leviti- 
cus xvii. — xxvi.  zmd  Hezekiel  (Colmar,  1881)  ;  Wurster  in  the  ZATIV. 
1884,  pp.  112-133;  Kuenen,  Hexateiich,  §§  6.  24-28;  14.  6;  15.  5-10; 
Riehm,  Einleitung  (1889),  pp.    177-202. 

We  arrive  here  at  a  group  of  chapters  which  stand  by  them- 
selves in  P.  While  in  general  form  and  scope  appertaining  to 
P,  they  differ  from  the  main  body  of  P  by  the  presence  of  a 
foreign  eleifiefit,  which  manifests  itself  partly  in  the  style  and 
phraseology,  partly  in  the  motives  which  here  become  prominent. 
The  phenomena  which  the  chapters  present  are  explained  by  the 
supposition  that  an  independent — and  in  all  probability  an  older 


44      LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

— body  of  priestly  legislation  lies  at  the  basis  of  c.  17 — 26,  which 
has  been  incorporated  in  P, — either  by  the  compiler  of  P,  or  by 
a  redactor  writing  under  the  influence  of  P, — sometimes  (as  it 
would  seem)  with  slight  changes  of  form  introduced  for  the  pur- 
pose of  accommodating  it  to  P,  at  other  times  interwoven  with 
elements  derived  from  P.  The  elements  thus  united  with  P  are' 
distinguished  from  it,  partly  by  the  predominance  of  certain  ex- 
pressions never,  or  very  rarely,  found  in  P  (or  indeed  in  the 
Hexateuch  generally),  partly  by  the  prominence  given  to  particu- 
lar principles  and  motives  :  the  laws  themselves  have  also  (io 
certain  instances)  been  provided  with  a  parenetic  framework  in  a 
manner  unlike  that  of  P.  The  principle  which  determines  most 
conspicuously  the  character  of  the  entire  section  is  that  of  holiness 
— partly  ceremonial,  partly  moral — as  a  quality  distinguishing 
Israel,  demanded  of  Israel  by  Jehovah  (19,  2.  20,  7.  8.  26. 
21,  d-^.  15.  23.  22,  9.  16.  32),  and  regulating  the  Israelite's  life. 
Holiness  is,  indeed,  a  duty  laid  upon  Israel  in  other  parts  of  the 
Pent.;^  but  while  elsewhere  it  appears  merely  as  one  injunction 
among  many,  it  is  here  insisted  on  with  an  emjjhasis  and  frequency 
which  constitute  it  the  leading  motive  of  the  entire  section.  In 
consequence  of  this  very  prominent  characteristic,  the  present 
group  of  chapters  received  from  Klostermann  in  1877  the  happily- 
chosen  title  of  Das  Heiligkeitsgesetz^  or  "  The  Law  of  Holiness," 
which  it  has  since  retained. 

That  these  chapters  of  Lev.  are  rightly  treated  as  containing 
an  independent  body  of  laws,  appears  not  merely  from  the  dis- 
tinctive character  thus  belonging  to  them,  but,  further,  from  the 
somewhat  miscellaneous  nature  of  their  contents  (as  compared 
with  Lev.  i — 16.  27),  from  the  recurrence  in  them  of  subjects 
that  have  been  dealt  with  before,  not  only  in  Ex.  20 — 23,  but 
also  in  P  (comp.  17,  10-14  and  7,  26  f;  19,  6-8  and  7,  15-1S; 
-20,  25  and  c.  11),  and  from  the  fact  that  they  open  with  instruc- 
tions respecting  the  place  of  sacrifice,  and  close  with  a  parenetic 
exhortation,  exactly  in  the  manner  of  the  two  other  Pentateuchal 
Codes,  the  "  Book  of  the  Covenant"  (Ex.  20,  24-26  ;  23,  20  ff.) 
and  the  code  in  Deuteronomy  (Dt.  12  and  28).  The  laws,  no 
doubt,  in  substance,  if  not  also  in  form,  date  in  general  from  a 
much  older  time  than  that  of  the  collector  who  brought  them 

1  In  JE  Ex.  22,  31  (though  in  a  ceremonial  rather  than  in  a  moral  con. 
nexion)  \  and  in  Dt.  14,  2.  21. 


LEVITICUS.  45 

together  and  fitted  them  into  their  present  framework.  It  will 
be  convenient  to  denote  the  laws  thus  incorporated  in  P,  with 
their  parenetic  framework,  by  the  abbreviation  H}  H  has 
points  of  contact  with  P,  but  lacks  many  of  its  mo3t  character- 
istic features.  Ezekiel,  the  priestly  prophet,  has  affinities  with  P, 
but  his  affinities  with  H  are  peculiarly  striking  and  numerous : 
the  laws  comprised  in  H  are  frequently  quoted  by  him,  and  the 
parenetic  passages  contain  many  expressions — sometimes  remark- 
able ones — which  otherwise  occur  in  Ezekiel  alone. 

List  of  phrases  characteristic  of  c.  1 7 — 26  : — 

1.  nin"'  ''JX  /  am  Jehcvah,  esp.  at  the  end  of  an  injunction  or  series  of 

injunctions  (nearly  fifty  times) :  18,  2.^  4.  5.^  6.  21.  30.^  19,  3.2  4.2 
10.2  12.  14.  16.  18.  25.^  28.  30.  31.^32.  34.^  36.' 37.  20,  7.^  8.2  24.^21, 
12.  15.3  23.3  22,  2.  3.  8.  9.3  i6.»  30.  31.  32.3  2>Z-  23,  22.-  43-  24,  22.^ 
25,  17.^  38.^  55.2  26,  1.2  2.  13.-*  44.-  45.  So  Ex.  6,  2.  6.  8.  29.  12,  12^ 
29,  46^^  46^^31,  13^2  Nu.  3,  12^  end.  41.  45.  10,  10.-  15,  4I^^  4I^2 

2.  nin^  ^JX  mp  ^2  Fo>-  I Jehovak  arn  holy:  lu,  2r  2o,  26.  21,  8.^     Cf. 

II,  44.  45  (For  I  am  holy). 

3.  That  sanctjfy  yon  {theju,  &c.)  :  20,  8.  21,  8.  15.  23.  22,  9.  16.  32.      So 

Ex.  31,  13.  Ez.  20,  12.  37,  28.t 

4.  tJ^'5<  L""'X  for  whoever:  17,  3.  8.  lo.  13.  18,  6.  20,  2.  9.  22,  4.  18.  24,  15. 

So  15,  2.  Nu.  5,  12.  9,  10.  Ez.  14,  4.  7  (with  ^3X1^-"'  n''3D  as  ch.17,  3. 
8.  10). 

5.  /  zulll  set  (^nnil)  my  face  against  .  .  .    :   17,  10.  20,  3.  5  (•<:ix  ^T\ty:>\). 

6.  26,  17.      So  Ez.  14,  8.  15,  7^  71^  (Dt^).  Jer.  21,   10  (ct^t).  44,  11 

6.  /  2f/z7/  a^/  off  from  the  midst  of  his  {its,  their)  people :  17,  10.  20,  3.   5. 

6.^     Cf.   Ez.  14,  8  (  .  .  .  Tjinp:  "^  Lev.   niprp). 

^  Kuenen  uses  the  symbol  P^,  distinguishing  different  strata  of  the  Priests' 
Code  (denoted  by  P  in  the  present  volume)  as  P^  and  P^  The  only  reason 
why  the  same  symbol  has  not  been  adopted  here  is  that  the  writer  did  not 
wish  to  impose  upon  himself  the  task,  which  its  use  would  have  involved,  of 
distinguishing  between  P^  and  P^ 

^  Followed  by  yotir  {their)  God. 

^  Followed  by  the  participial  clause  that  sanctify  yon  {him,  &^c.). 

^  Followed  by  a  relative  clause. 

f  The  dagger  (both  here  and  elsewhere)  denotes  that  all  instances  of  the 
word  or  phrase  referred  to  that  occur  in  the  OT.  have  been  cited.  The 
distinctive  character  of  an  expression  is  evidently  the  more  marked,  and  the 
agreement  between  two  \Ariters  who  use  it  is  the  more  striking,  in  proportion 
to  the  rarity  with  which  it  occurs  in  the  OT.  generally. 

^  In  P  always  '''' shallbe  cut  off"  (see  §  7).  In  general  the  Divine  "I  "  appears 
here  with  a  prominence  which  it  never  assumes  in  the  laws  of  P. 


46  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

7.  nipn2  ITTI  to  walk  in  the  statutes:  18,  3.  20,  23.  26,  3.     Also  i  Ki 

3,   3.    6,    12.    2    Ki.    17,   8.    19;   but  chiefly  in  Ez.,   viz.    5,  6.   7.    11, 
20.  18,  9:  17.  20,  13.  19.  21.  33>  15  :  cf.  Jer.  44,  10  {\npn31  \-l-lin3)-1 

8.  ""DSu'DI  ''D^pn  J)iy  statutes  and  my  judgments :  18,  4  (inverted).  5.  26 

9,  37.  20,  22.  25,  18.  26,  15.  43. 
c.    To  obserz'e  and  do:  18,  4.  19,  37.  20,  8.  22.  22,  31.  25,  iS.  26,  3. 

'\'^'^}  flesh  =  7iext -of -kin :    iS,    12.    13.    17   (niNCO-   20,   IQ.   21,  2.   Nu. 


10, 


27,  II  ;  \'\^3,  ISti^  18)  ^-  25,  49.     Not  so  elsewhere. 


11.  not  roil  purpose  (of  iinchastity)  :    18,  17.  19,  29.   20,    14  bis.     So  Jud. 

20,  6.   Hos.   6,  9.  Jer.  13,  27.  Ez.  16,  27.  43.  58.   22,  9.    11.   23,   21, 
27.  29.  35.  44.  48  bis.  49.  24,  13.     (In  RV.  often  lewdness.) 

12.  nV.Dy  ne'ghbour:-    18,   2?.    19,    ii.    15.    17.   24,  19.   25,    14  /vV.    15.    17. 

5,  21  bis.  Zech.  13,  7.7     A  peculiar  term  ;  not  the  one  in  ordinary  use. 

13.  To  profane — 'he  name  of  Jehovah  18,  21.  19,  12.  20,  3.  21,  6.  22,  2.  32 

(Am.  2,  7.  Isa.  48,  11):  a  //t'/v  thing  or  sanctuary  19,  8.  21,  12. 
23.  22,  15  (so  Nu.  18,  32)  :  in  other  connexions  19,  29.  21,  9*^.  15. 
22,  9  :  comp.  21,  4.  9''*.  So  Ex.  31,  14  (of  the  Sabbath).  So  often  in 
Ezek. :  oi  Jehovah  13,  19.  22,  26;  His  name  20,  9.  14.  22.  39.  36, 
20-23.  39,  7;  His  sab/aths  20,  13.  16.  21.  24.  22,  8.  23,  38  (Isa. 
56,  2.  6)  ;  His  holy  things  or  sanctuary  22,  26.  23,  39.  44,  7  ;  cf. 
also  7,  21.  22.  24.  22,  16.  24,  21.  25,  3.  28,  7.  16.  18.  Obviousl 
the  correlative  of  Nos.  2,  3. 

14.  My  sabbaths:     19,   3.   30.    26,   2.   Ex.  31,    13.   Ez.   20,    12.    13.  16.  20. 

21.  24.  22,  8.  26.  23,  38.  44,  24.  Isa.  56,  4.t 

15.  DvvS  thi)igs  of  nought  =  vain  i^ods :  19,4.  26,   i.     Not  elsewhere  in 

Pent.     Chiefly  besides  in  Isaiah  (9  times,  and  Pvi^^  once). 
i'6.  "l^nSi^D  nXT'1  <^ud  thou  shall  be  afraid  of  thy  Cod:   19,  14.  32.  25,  17. 
36.  43- 

17.  (D2  Dn"^"!)  13  VQI  his  [their)  blool  skull  be  upon  him  {them)  :  20,  9. 

II.  12.  13.  16.  27.  Ez.  18,  13  (r.M^  u  v?o"i).  33»  5  (n^n^  n  "iDi)-t 

(The  ordinary  phra.^e  is  IC'ST  (n)  ^jy  IDT). 

18.  The  bread  of  {their)  God:  21,  6.  8.  17.  21.  22  22,  25.   Nu.  28,  2  (cf.  24. 

Lev.  3,  II.  16).  Ez.  44,  J.]     (Ez.  16,  19  differently.) 
19".  NDFI  Nt^O  /^  bear  sin:  19,  17.  22,  9.  Nu.  18,  22.  32;  cf.  Ez.  23,  49.f 
19".  (D)IXLDn  (l)i<k>'3  to  bear  his  [their)  sin:  20,  20.  24,  15.  Nu.  9,  13.! 
20».  (□)'l3'iy  (■))&<£;•:  /£'  hear  his  [their)  iniquity:    17,    16.    19,   8.  20,  17.  19. 

So  5,  I.  17. 7,  18.  Nu.  5, 31.  14, 34  (cf.  15, 31  nn  n^U')-  Kz.  14,  10. 

44,    10.    12. f 

20''.  py  J^'C'J  to  bear  iniquity :  Ex.  28,  43  ;  cf.  Lev.  22,  i6.f 

20°.   .    .    .   py  ^t;.»j    to   bear  the   iniqn/ty  of  .    .    .    {  =  be  responsible  for)  : 

Ex.   28,   38.    Nu.  18,  I   bis;  '^o  bear  tluir  iniquity,  v.  23  (see   Dillm.  ; 
and  comp.  Wellh.  Comp.  p.  341).! 
20^.   .   .    .  to  bear  the  iniquity  ^/another  :   Lev.  10,   17.  16,  22.   Nu.  30,  15 
[H.    16].   Ez.  4,  4.   5.   6  (not  always  in  the  same  application).     So 
5<Dn  t^tJ'i  lo  bear  the  sin  of  m^r\y.  Is.  53,  12. 


LEVITICUS.  47 

The  distinctive  prominence  attached  in  this  group  of  chapters 
to  the  ideas  of  hohness,  and  of  the  reverence  due  to  Jehovah  or 
to  a  holy  thing,  will  be  evident  from  this  collection  of  charac- 
teristic expressions.  Amongst  the  expressions  quoted,  several 
instances  of  agreement  with  Ezekiel  will  have  been  observed ; 
others  will  be  noticed  subsequently  (§  7),  when  the  nature  of 
the  relation  subsisting  between  Ezekiel  and  the  "  Law  of  Holi- 
ness "  comes  to  be  considered  more  particularly. 

We  may  now  proceed  to  examine  c.  17 — 26  in  detail. 

C.  17  treats  oifoiir  subjects  : — 

1.  No  animal  (of  a  kind  offered  in  sacrifice)  to  be  slain  for 

food,  except  it  be  presented  at  the  central  sanctuary, 
and  its  flesh  eaten  there  as  a  Peace-offering,  vv.  1-7. 

2.  Sacrifices    not    to   be   offered   except   at    the   central 

sanctuary,  vv.  8-9. 

3.  Blood  not  to  be  eaten  :  in  the  case  of  animals  of  a  kind 

not  ofi'ered  in  sacrifice,  it  is  to  be  poured  upon  the 
earth,  vv.  10-14. 

4.  The  flesh  of  animals  dying  naturally,  or  torn  by  beasts, 

not  to  be  eaten,  vv.  15-16. 

C.  17,  as  it  seems,  belongs  in  the  main  to  H  ;  but  the  text  is  probably 
mixed.  Thus  "unto  (at)  the  door  of  the  tent  of  meeting"  in  vv.  4.  5.  6 
(which  is  in  fact  not  required  for  the  sense)  appears  to  be  an  additional 
definition,  after  the  manner  of  ?,  introduced  by  the  compiler  ;  and  there  are 
not  improbably  elements  belonging  to  P  in  other  parts  of  ihe  chapter. 

On  17,  1-7,  and  its  relation  to  Ut.  12,  15  ff.,  see  (i)  Wellh.  Comp.  152-154, 
Hist.  50  f.  377  ;  Horst,  60  ;  Kuen.  §  6.  27,  28  ;  14.  6  ;  15.  5,  9,  who  argue  that 
the  injunction  was  unknown  to  the  author  of  Dt.,  and  assign  it  to  a  date  later 
than  Dt.  ;  (2)  Del.  Stiidiai,  447  f.  622,  who  argues  that  it  is  older  than  Dt., 
and  abrogated  by  it  (so  Dillm.  EL.  535)  ;  (3)  Kittel,  Theol.  Stiidien  aiis 
Wurttemberg,  l88i,  42ff.,  Gesch.  99,  and  Bauciissin,  Fritstertlmin,  47,  following 
Kayser  and  Diestel  (cf.  al>o  Dillm.  EL.  536;  W.  R.  Smith,  OTfC.  236; 
Answei-  to  the  Amended  LJbcl  (Edin.  1879),  61-64,  72,  73),  who  think  that 
in  its  original  form  the  law  contained  no  reference  to  the  central  sanctuary, 
Init  presupposed  2.  plurality  of  legal  sanctuaries  (Ex.  20,  24;  cf.  I  Sa.  14, 
32-35),  and  was  only  accommodated  to  the  single  sanctuary  when  it  was 
incorporated  in  P.  The  law  seems  not  to  be  strictly  consistent  with  P  ;  for 
in  P  (Lev.  7,  22-27)  the  slaughtering  of  animals  for  food  is  freely  permitted, 
the  only  restriction  being  that  their  fat  and  blood  are  not  to  be  eaten.  The 
third  of  the  opinions  quoted  appears  to  be  the  most  probable. 

C.   18.    Unlawful    marriages  and  unchastily;   and   Molech 
worship  (a  21). 


48  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Entirely  H.  Observe  the  plan  of  the  chapter  :  the  laws  themselves  occupy 
the  central  part  vv.  6-23;  vv.  1-5,  24-30  form  respectively  a  parenctic 
introduction  and  conclusion.  The  characteristics  of  H  are  very  evident  in 
the  style  of  the  parenctic  portion,  and  also  in  the  refrain  "I  am  the  Lord," 
both  there  {vv.  2^.  4^.  5''.  30*^)  and  in  the  laws  {vv.  6".  21'').  It  is  probable  that 
the  laws  themselves  were  found  by  the  compiler  of  H  already  formulated, 
and  that  he  merely  provided  them  with  the  parenctic  setting.  The  Imvs,  if 
may  be  observed,  are  in  the  2nd  pers.  sing.^  the  parenctic  portions  in  the  2nd 
pers.  plural. 

C.  19.  A  collection  of  miscellaneous  laws,  regulating  the 
religious  and  moral  behaviour  of  the  IsraeHtes,  in  \ht 
manner  of  parts  of  Ex.  20-23,  t>ut  with  a  more  distinct 
predominance  of  the  ethical  element. 

Likewise  H,  except,  probably,  v.  21  f.  V.  2^  ("Ye  shall  be  holy,"  &c.) 
states  the  fundamental  principle  from  which  the  special  precepts  which  follow 
are  deduced.  The  ch.  may  be  divided  into  three  parts  :  (i)  vv.  3-8  laws 
analogous  to  the  first  table  of  the  Decalogue  ;  ^  (2)  vv.  9-22  laws  analogous 
to  the  second  table.  Here,  however,  v.  19  deals  with  a  different  subject,  viz. 
unnatural  mixtures,  in  three  precepts,  with  a  new  introduction.  And  v.  20, 
treating  of  a  very  special  case  of  unchastity,  and  (unlike  vz>.  3-19)  in  the  thi7-d 
person,  belongs  rather  to  c.  20,  where  ic  would  stand  suitably  after  z'.  10. 
Either  it  has  been  removed  here  by  accident,  or  it  was  once  accompanied  by 
other  laws  on  the  same  subject,  omitted  by  the  compiler  in  view  of  c.  18  and 
20.  V.  21  f.  are  alien  to  the  general  tenor  of  either  this  ch.  or  c.  20, 
and  appear  to  be  an  addi'ion  from  the  point  of  view  of  P.  (3)  w.  23-37, 
a  kind  of  supplement  to  vv.  2-19,  with  a  special  introduction,  v.  23,  and 
containing  injunctions  of  a  somewhat  more  general  character ;  notice  in  v.  34 
the  extension  of  the  principle  of  v.  18  ("  thou  shalt  love  th}'^  neighbour  as  thy- 
self "  [viz.  among  the  "children  of  thy  people"])  to  the  stranger.  The  2nd 
pers.  sing,  preponderates  (though  it  is  not  used  exclusively)  in  vv.  9-19, 
the  2nd  pers.  plural  in  vv.  2-8  and  vv.  23-37.  In  vv.  2-19  the  laws  appear 
often  to  be  arranged  in  Pentads,  or  groups  of  five,  each  closed  by  the  refrain 
(implying  the  ground  of  their  observance)  I  am  Jehovah  :  see  vv.  9-10.  11-12. 
13-14.  15-16.  17-18.  19  (incomplete). 

C.  20.  Penalties  enjoined  for  certain  offences  specified  in  c.  18 
and  19,  3^  31  :  viz.  (i)  Molech  worship  and  divination, 
vv.  T-y  ;  (2)  (chiefly)  unlawful  marriages  and  unchastity, 
vv.  8-21,  with  conclusion,  vv.  22-26,  and  supplement, 
z^.  27  (a  witch  or  wizard  not  to  live). 

^  Though  vv.  5-8  (on  Peace-offerings)  are,  it  is  true,  of  a  different  character. 
The  law  here  laid  down  is  in  7,  15—18  (P)  retained  only  for  two  (apparently) 
less  important  species  of  "Peace-offering,"  the  Vow-  and  the  Voluntary- 
offering  ;  for  the  Thank-offering  a  stricter  law  is  prescribed  (so  22,  29  f. ). 


LEVITICUS.  49 

The  laws  forming  the  body  of  the  ch.  are  provided  with  a  parenelic  intro- 
duction and  conclusion  {w.  2-6  partly,  vz>.  y-8^  w.  22-26)  in  the  same 
style  as  c.  18,  and  evidently  by  the  same  hand.  It  is  commonly  considered 
that  c.  iS  states  the  prohibitions,  and  c.  20  prescribes  the  penalties  incurred 
by  disobedience  to  them;  but  though  tins  may  be  the  relation  between  the  two 
chapters  which  guided  the  compiler  in  placing  them  where  they  now  stand, 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  it  is  the  principle  which  determined  their  original 
composition  ;  for  the  correspondence  is  imperfect ;  not  only  does  the  order  of 
cases  differ,  but  four  of  the  cases  named  in  c.  18  {w.  7.  10.  \']^.  18)  are  not 
noticed  here.  Nevertheless,  the  two  lists  have  many  features  in  common  ; 
and  they  may  well  have  been  drawn  up  by  the  same  writer,  though  not  with 
the  definite  intention  of  their  supplementing  one  another.  As  in  the  case  of 
c,  18,  the  parenetic  framework  is  probably  all  that  is  due  to  the  compiler  of 
H,  V.  24'' introduces  a  short  injunction  {v.  25)  on  the  distinction  of  clean 
and  unclean  food,  which,  to  judge  from  the  general  character  of  the  ''Law 
of  Holiness,"  must  once  have  been  accompanied  by  fuller  definitions  on  the 
same  subject  (analogous  to  those  which  now  stand  in  c.  ii):^  w.  2/^-2.(i 
have  features  in  common  with  11,  43-45.      V.  27  is  supplementary  to  v.  6. 

C.  21 — 22.  Regulations  touching  priests  and  offerings,  under 
five  main  heads — (1)  Rules  to  be  observed  in  certain 
cases  of  domestic  life  by  ia)  the  ordinary  priests,  21,  1-9 ; 
ip)  the  Chief  priest,  21,  10-15  :  (2)  conditions  of  bodily 
perfection  to  be  satisfied  by  those  discharging  priestly 
duties,  21,  16-24:  (3)  the  two  conditions  for  partaking 
in  the  sacrificial  food,  viz.  ceremonial  purity  and 
membership  in  a  priest's  family,  22,  1-16  :  (4)  animals 
offered  in  sacrifice  to  be  free  from  imperfections,  22, 
17-25  :  (5)  three  special  injunctions  respecting  sacrifices, 
22,  26-30,  with  concluding  exhortation,  22,  31-33- 

The  contents  of  both  chapters  are  evidently  determined  by  the  main  idea 
of  the  code  :  they  show  how  the  "  Law  of  Holiness  "  is  to  be  ol).-erved  in  its 
application  to  the  priesthood  and  to  sacrifices.  Both  also  exhibit  repeatedly 
the  characteristic  phraseoloi^y  and  motives  of  H ;  the  only  question  is 
whether  they  belong  to  it  entirely.  In  the  laws  themselves  there  is  little  that 
is  akin  to  P  ;  it  is  probable,  therefore,  that  these  are  derived  mainly  from  H, 
the  parts  exhibiting  the  ideas  of  P  being  chiefly  redactional  additions.  1  hus 
the  laws  themselves  use  the  uncommon  expressions  ^^ seed  oi  Aaron"  21,  17. 
21.  22,  3.  4,  and  "the  priest  that  is  chief  among  his  brethren  "  (for  the  "chief 
priest")  :  the  superscriptions  and  subscriptions  use  the  more  fixed  phraseology 
of  P  "the  sons  of  Aaron"  21,  I.  24.  22,  2.  18,  and  were  probably  added 
later  ;  in  21,  1-15  there  is,  further,  a  disagreement  between  the  superscription 
(in  which  the  priests  are  addressed)  and  the  laws  that  follow  (in  which  the 
priests  are  spoken  of  in  the  3rd  pers.,  and  the  people,  v.  8,  are  addressed), 

^  Wellh.  p.  158 ;  Klost.  p.  409 ;  Riehm,  p.  184. 
D 


50  LITERATURE   OF   THE    (JLD   TESTAMENT. 

which  supports  the  same  conclusion.  Otherwise  c.  21  appears  to  belong 
entirely  to  H,  except  in  one  or  two  isolated  phrases,  as  v.  22^  (on  the  ground 
of  this  exception,  see  Wellh.  p.  160  f,).  Whether  c.  22  belongs  as  largely  to 
H  is  less  certain.  Horst  (p.  22  f.),  with  whom  Kuen.  (p.  269)  agrees,  con- 
siders vv.  3-7.  17-25.  29-30  as  belonging  in  the  main  to  P  ;  in  the  last 
named  passage  v.  30  deviates  from  19,  6-8  (H),  but  agrees  with  7,  15  (P)  ; 
the  definitions  in  vv.  5-7  are  in  the  style  of  P  rather  than  in  that  of  H  ;  and  ir> 
vv.  17-25  most  of  the  usual  marks  of  H  are  absent.  It  is  at  least  probable 
that  these  passages,  though  not  perhaps  belonging  entirely  to  P  (see  the  marks 
of  H  in  vv.  3.  4.  iS.  25  [Horst,  p.  23]',  have  been  revised  and  added  to  in 
the  spirit  of  P.  The  conclusion  22,  31-33  is  in  the  style  of  18,  26-30.  19, 
37.  20,  22-26  (H).  , 

C.  23.  A  calendar  of  sacred  seasons,^  in  particular  {^v.  2.  37) 

of  the  days   on  which  "holy  convocations,"  i.e.  religious 

assemblies,  were  appointed   to  be   held,  with  particulars 

respecting  the  manner  of  their  observance.     The  days 

stated  are  the  following:    all  Sabbaths,  the   ist  and  7ih 

days  of  Mazzoih,  the  Feast  of  Weeks,  New  Year's  Day, 

the  Day  of  Atonement,  the  ist  and  8th  (or  supernumerary) 

day  of  the  Feast  of  Booths. 

The  elements  of  which  the  ch.  is  composed  consist  of  excerpts 

from  two  sources  ;    laws  from  H  and  P  having  been  combined 

so  as  mutually  to  supplement  one  another, — in  all  probability  by 

a   compiler   living  subsequently  to  both,  and  representing  the 

principles  of  P. 

(H  9-20.  22.  39^  40-43. 

(P  23,.  1-8.  21.  23-38.  39».  39^  44. 

Our  guide  in  analysing  the  chapter  must  be  the  title  {vv.  2.  4) 
and  subscription  {v.  37  f.),  which  authorize  us  to  expect  an 
enumeration  of  "  holy  convocations."  Vv.  3.  5-8  correspond 
with  the  terms  of  the  title  ;  the  Sabbath,  and  the  first  and  seventh 
clays  of  Mazzoth,  were  observed  by  "  holy  convocations."  (It  is 
true  that  the  Passover-day  v.  5  was  not  so  observed ;  but  the 
t*assover  appears  to  be  mentioned  here,  not  on  its  own  account, 
but  rather  as  introductory  to  Mazzoth^  w.  6-8.)  Vv.  9-14 
prescribe  an  offering  of  a  sheaf,  as  the  first-fruits  of  the  harvest, 
on  "the  morrow  after  the  Sabbath."  This  injunction  (i)  falls 
outside  the  scope  of  the  calendar,  as  fixed  by  the  title ;  it  relates 

^  DnyiD  "stated  times,"  RV.  (usually)  "set  [or  appointed)  feasts,"  a  wider 
term  than  ;in  "pilgrimage,"  which  denotes  the  three  "feasts"  observed  as 
pilgrimages,  viz.  Mazzodi,  Weeks,  nnd  Ingathering  (Ex.  23,  14-17). 


LEVITICUS.  51 

to  an  offering  to  be  made  on  a  day  for  which  no  convocation  is 
prescribed;  moreover,  in  its  present  connexion  (2)  there  is 
nothing  to  fix  the  day  which  is  meant,  an  indication — as  Delitzsch 
remarks — that  the  passage  no  longer  stands  in  its  original  context 
(which  must  naturally  have  contained  some  specification  of  the 
''Sabbath"  intended).^      Vv.  9-14  belong  thus  to  H. 

Vv.  15-22  (Feast  of  Weeks).  Here  only  v.  21  falls  within  the 
scope  of  the  title;  the  rest  (i)  depends  upon  the  same  com- 
putation from  the  undefined  "Sabbath"  as  vv.  9-14;  (2)  pre- 
scribes an  offering  of  similar  kind  to  that  in  v.  11,  viz.  of  the 
wave-loaf,  which  falls  oiltside  the  category  of  the  sacrifices  named 
in  the  subscription,  v.  37.  Vv.  15-20.  22  will  belong  accordingly 
to  H  ;  with  z;.  22  comp.  19,  9  f  (also  H). 

Vv.    23-25   (New  Year's  Day),   26-32   (Day  of  Atonement), 
33-36  (Feast  of  Booths,  with  a  supernumerary  eighth  day),  agree 
with  the  terms  of  the  title,  prescribing  observances  for  the  days 
on  which  the  "holy  convocations"  were  to  be  held.      V.  37  f  is 
the  subscription  corresponding  with  the  tide,  vv.  2,  4.     Accord- 
ing,  now,   to  vv.   2.   4.   37-38  the  subject  to  be   dealt  with  in 
the  ch.  is  completed ;    it  is  surprising,  therefore,  after  the  sub- 
scription, z/.  37  f.,   to  find   a  group   of  additional   regulations, 
vv.  39-43.     These  verses,  enjoining  certain  usages  in  connexion 
with  the  Feast  of  Booths,  and  explaining  the  significance  of  this 
name,  form  an  appendix,  derived  from  H  (notice  the  refrain  in 
43^),  but  accommodated  to  P  by  slight  additions  introduced  by 
a  later  hand,     (i)  In  H— to  judge  by  the  analogy  of  27.  10  ("  when 
ye  reap  the  harvest")  and  v.  15  (the  date  in  which  depends  upon 
that  fixed  in  v.  10) — the  date  of  the  Feast  of  Booths  was  fixed 
only  in  general  terms   by  the  close  of  the  period  of  harvest 
("when  ye  have  gathered  in  the  increase  of  the  land");  it  is 
probable,  therefore,  that  the  words,  "on  the  15th  day  of  the  7th 
month,"  are  an  insertion  in  the  original  law,  made  with  the  object 
of  harmonizing  it  more  completely  with  the  definite  date  of  P 
in  V.  34 ;  (2)  V.  39,  after  stating  that  the  feast  is  to  last  for  seven 
days,  proceeds  to  add,  "  on  the  first  day  a?id  on  the  eighth  day 
shall  be  a  solemn  rest ; "  in  vv.  40-43*  however,  this  eighth  day 

1  It  is  understood  traditionally  of  the  1st  day  of  Mazzoth  (so  that  the 
"morrow  "  would  be  Nisan  16) ;  but  this  is  not  the  usual  sense  of  "  Sabbaih." 
In  its  original  connexion,  the  "Sabbath"  meant  was  probably  the  ordinary 
weekly  Sabbath  that  fell  during  the  seven  days  of  Mazzoth. 


52  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

is  consistently  ignored,  though  the  seven  days  are  spoken  of 
repeatedly.  It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  in  v.  39  the  words, 
"on  the  first  day  shall  be  a  solemn  rest,  and  on  the  eighth  day 
shall  be  a  solemn  rest,"  are  a  second  insertion,  made  by  a 
later  hand  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  appendix  into  formal^ 
agreement  with  v.  36,  where,  it  is  to  be  noticed,  the  eighth  day 
is  introduced  in  a  natural  and  orderly  manner,  after  the  seven 
have  been  dealt  with,  expressly  as  an  additional  observance.  In 
point  of  fact,  under  Solomon  this  feast  was  observed  for  seven 
days — on  the  eighth  day  the  king  sending  the  people  awa/ 
(i  Ki.  8,  66) ;  in  post-exilic  times,  a  supernumerary  eighth  day  is 
mentioned,  with  express  reference  to  the  law  of  P  here,  Neh.  8,  18 ; 
2  Ch.  7,  9  (where  the  text  of  Kings  is  altered).^ 
'  The  common  characteristic  of  the  parts  of  this  calendar  which 
belong  to  H  is  the  relation  in  which  the  feasts  stand  to  the  la?id 
and  to  agriculture:  the  "morrow  after  the  Sabbath"  during 
Mazzoth^  the  Feast  of  Weeks,  and  the  Feast  of  Booths,  all  alike 
mark  stages  in  the  ripening  of  the  produce  of  the  soil ;  the  first 
cut  sheaf,  the  completed  barley  and  wheat  harvest  (the  loaf),  the 
end  of  the  vintage.  The  feasts  are  significant  in  the  same 
manner  in  JE  and  Deut.  (Ex.  23,  15.  16.  34,  18.  22.  Dt.  16,  i. 
9.  13);  in  P  this  point  of  view  has  become  obscured,  and  they 
are  treated  rather  as  occasions,  fixed  arbitrarily,  for  religious 
observances. 

C.  24.   1.  On  the  lamps  in  the  Tabernacle,  vv.  1-4  {tjv.  2-3  = 
Ex.  2  7,  20  f.  almost  verbafwi). 

2.  On  the  Shewbread,  vv.  5-9. 

3.  Laws  on  blasphemy,  and  certain  cases  of  injury  to 

the   person,  arising  out  of  a  particular  incident, 
vv.  10-23. 

The  analysis  of  the  ch.  is  not  difficult.  The  laws  in  vv.  15-22  belong  to 
H,  the  marks  of  whose  style  they  show  [e.g.  ^^^  Ji>"'X  "v.  15  ;  fT'^y  v-  19; 
the  refrain  v.  22'') :  the  tradition  respecting  the  occasion  which  gave  rise  to 

^  Riehm  (p.  187  f.),  though  he  does  not  doubt  that  vv.  9-21  (or  22).  39-43 
are  derived  from  a  different  source  from  the  rest  of  the  ch.,  questions  whether 
they  are  rightly  attributed  to  H,  on  the  ground  chiefly  that  they  exhibit  traits 
belonging  to  P  rather  than  H.  However,  of  the  clauses  containing  these 
traits,  vv.  3.  21.  31  are  already  assigned  to  P  in  the  analysis;  the  others 
{vv.  I6^  41  middk)  may  well  be  definitions  added  afterwards  in  the  spirit  of 
P      Delitzsch,  Stndien.  p.  621  f.,  agrees  with  the  analysis  given  in  the  text. 


LEVITICUS.  53 

them  has  been  cast  into  form  by  P,  vv.  10-14,  I9  (comp.  the  similar  narrative, 
Nu.  15,  32-36).     The  injunctions  contained  in  vv.  1-9  belong  likewise  to  P. 

C.  25.  I.  The  Sabbatical  year,  vv.  1-7,  with  an  appendix, 
vv.  19-22. 
2.  The  year  of  Jubile,  vv.  8-18.  23,  with  regulations 
respecting  the  right  of  redemption,  arising  out  of 
the  institution  of  the  Jubile,  vv.  24-55.  ^^-  35" 
38  are  on  usury ^  a  subject  connected  with  the  Jubile 
year,  not  in  itself,  but  in  virtue  of  the  circumstances 
under  which  it  was  apt  to  be  exacted  (z;.  35* :  cf. 
vv.  25^  39*.  47*). 

Vv.  19-22  interrupt  the  connexion  ;  for  v.  23  is  evidently  the  sequel  to 
vv.  8-18.  The  verses  were  probably  placed  where  they  now  stand  by  the 
redactor,  who  desired  their  contents  to  be  referred  to  the  Jubile  year  as  well 
as  to  the  Sabbatical  year. 

The  marks  of  H  are  most  evident  in  vv.  1-7.  14  f.  (rT'DV).  17-18.  35-38. 
42.  43.  55  (comp.  also  vv.  I  f.  and  8  with  23,  9  f.  and  15)  ;  they  are  least  pro- 
minent in  vv.  29-34.  Probably  vv.  1-7.  8-13  (in  the  main).  14-23.  35-38,  and 
the  nucleus  of  vv.  24-28.  39-55,  belong  to  H  ;  the  elements  belonging  to  H 
in  the  last  two  passages  having  been  modified  and  expanded  by  the  hand 
which  incorporated  H  in  the  Priests'  Code.  Vv.  29-34  appear  to  be  a  later 
insertion,  if  only  from  their  introducing  a  term,  viz.  Levifes,  which  has  not 
before  been  used  or  defined.  As  in  c.  23,  the  reference  to  agriculture  is 
prominent,  especially  in  vv.  1-7  (which  seem  plainly  to  be  based  upon 
Ex.  23,  10.  11).  19-22. 

C.  26.  Prohibition  of  idolatry,  and  injunction  to  observe  the 
Sabbath,  vv.  1-2  {v.  2 --^19,  30);  hortatory  conclusion  to 
the  preceding  code,  vv.  3-45,  with  subscription,  v.  46. 
This  conclusion  is  in  the  general  style  of  Ex.   23,  20  ff.  and 
Dt.  28,  but  expresses  the  ideas  and  principles  pecuHar  to  the  Law 
of  Hohness,  and  is  evidently  the  work  of  the  same  compiler. 
"The   lajid  and  agriculture  have   here  the  same   fundamental 
significance  for  religion  as  in  c.  1 9.  23.  25.    The  threat  of  expulsion, 
18,  27  f.  20,  22,  is  repeated  here  in  greater  detail.     The  one  com- 
mandment expressly  named  is  that  of  allowing  the  land  to  lie 
fallow  in  the  Sabbatical  year,  26,  34."     It  begins,  as  it  also  ends, 
with  one  of  the  characteristic  expressions  of  H  ("  if  ye  walk  in  my 
statutes  :''^  '''■I  am  Jehovah'^).     As  the  list,  p.  45  f.,  will  have  shown, 
many  of  the  other  characteristic  expressions  of  H  also  occur  in  it.^ 

^  Comp.  also  v.  5"  with  25,  18".  I9»>j  v.  10  (esp.  the  unusual  term  jK''') 
with  25,  22. 


54      LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

It  contains,  however,  in  addition,  many  words  and  phrases  which 
are  original,  several  recurring  remarkably  in  Ezekiel  (see  §  7). 

In  Lev.  17 — 26,  then,  we  have  before  us  elements  derived 
from  P,  combined  with  excerpts  from  an  earlier  and  independent 
collection  of  laws  (H),  the  latter  exhibiting  a  characteristic 
phraseology,  and  marked  by  the  preponderance  of  certain' 
characteristic  principles  and  motives.  In  some  of  its  features  this 
Code  of  laws  resembles  the  "  Book  of  the  Covenant,"  As  there, 
the  commands  (in  the  main)  are  addressed  to  the  people,  not  to 
the  priest;  as  there,  they  are  also  largely  (cf.  esp.  Lev.  19)  cast- 
into  an  abrupt,  concise  form,  without  comments  or  motives 
(except  "  I  am  Jehovah ").  The  moral  commands  cover  also 
much  of  the  same  ground.  It  differs  from  Ex.  21 — 23  chiefly  in 
the  greater  amount  of  detail,  and  in  dealing  with  the  ceremonial, 
rather  than  with  the  civil,  side  of  an  Israelite's  life.  That  this 
collection  of  laws  is  not  preserved  in  its  original  integrity  is 
evident  from  many  indications  :  some  subjects  are  treated  incom- 
pletely ;^  elsewhere  the  arrangement  is  imperfect,-  and  there  are 
several  instances  of  repetition.^  The  question  arises  whether 
other  excerpts  from  this  collection  of  laws  are  preserved  else- 
where in  the  Pentateuch.  If  the  list  on  p.  45  f.  be  considered 
carefully,  it  will  appear  that  several  of  the  expressions  character- 
istic of  the  "  Law  of  Holiness  "  are  combined  remarkably  in  the 
short  ordinance  on  the  Sabbath  in  Ex.  31,  13-14%  which  may 
accordingly,  with  great  probability,  be  regarded  as  an  excerpt  from 
it  (so  Del.,  Dillm.,  Horst).  Lev.  11,  43-45  (cf.  both  the  phrase- 
ology and  20,  25)  may  be  another  excerpt :  Horst,  Kuenen,  and 
Dillm.  (partly)  would  even  include  the  entire  body  of  law  with 
which  II,  43-45  was  primarily  connected,  viz.  11,  1-23.  41-47. 
A  third  passage  that  may  be  plausibly  assigned  to  it  is  the  law  of 
"  Fringes,"  Nu.  15,  37-41  (Del.,  Horst,  Dillm.,  Kuen.).^  When 
the  collection  existed  as  a  complete  whole,  the  different  subjects 

^  E.g.  19,  5-8  (which  almost  necessarily  implies  that  laws  respecting  other 
species  of  sacrifices  must  once  have  formed  part  of  the  code).  20,  25. 

2  As  19,  5-8,  just  quoted  ;   19,  20.  21-22.  20,  27. 

^  I9>  3-  30-  26,  2  ;  19,  4.  26,  I  ;  19,  9.  23,  22  ;  19,  31.  20,  6.  From  the 
facts  just  noted  it  is  inferred  by  Dillm.  [NDJ.  p.  639)  that  the  collection, 
before  it  reached  iis  present  form,  passed  through  several  hands. 

^  Dillm.  {NDJ.  p.  640)  considers  that  II  is  also  the  basis  of  Lev.  5,  1-6 
(cf.  12"lj;  NC^:i).  21-24  (n^cy).  Nu.  io,  9  f.     Sec  further  on  this  subject  §  7. 


NUMBERS.  55 

which  it  embraced  were  no  doubt  treated  in  accordance  with  a 
definite  plan ;  at  present  only  excerpts  exist,  which  show  what 
some  of  the  subjects  included  in  it  were,  but  do  not  enable  us 
to  determine  what  principle  of  arrangement  was  followed  in  it. 

III.  C.  27.  On  the  commutation  of  vows  and  tithes,  (i)  Of 
vows ;  which  might  consist  of  persons,  vv.  2-8,  cattle,  vv.  9-13, 
houses,  V.  14  f.,  fields,  vv.  16-25,  t>ut  not  of  firstlings,  v.  26  f., 
and  if  consisting  in  some  object  "devoted"^  could  not  be 
commuted,  v.  28  f. ;  (2)  of  tithes,  vv.  30-33. 

The  ch.  belongs  to  P,  and  presupposes  c.  25  {v.  17  fi.  the 
year  of  Jubile). 

§  4.  Numbers. 

Literature. — See  above,  p.  i  f. 

The  Book  of  Numbers  (called  by  the  Jews,  from  its  fifth 
word,  isn^n)  carries  on  the  narrative  of  the  Pentateuch  to  the 

40th  year  of  the  exodus.  The  book  opens  on  the  ist  day  of 
the  2nd  month  in  the  2nd  year;  the  departure  from  Sinai,  in  the 
20th  day  of  the  2nd  month,  is  related  in  10,  11-28;  the  arrival  in 
the  wilderness  of  Paran  (or  Kadesh),  the  mission  of  the  spies, 
and  subsequent  defeat  at  Hormah  are  narrated  in  c.  13 — 14; 
the  arrival  in  the  desert  of  Zin  (or  Kadesh),  in  the  40th  year,  is 
recorded  20,  1 ;  Aaron's  death  (on  the  ist  day  of  the  5th  month 
of  the  40th  year,  t,t,,  38)  is  related  in  c.  20,  23-29. 

In  structure  the  Book  of  Numbers  resembles  Exodus,  JE  re- 
appearing by  the  side  of  P,  though,  as  a  rule,  not  being  so  closely 
interwoven  with  it.  It  begins  with  a  long  extract  from  P,  ex- 
tending from  I,  I  to  10,  28,  the  main  topics  of  which  are  the 
disposition  of  the  camp  and  the  duties  of  the  Levites. 

C.  I.  The  census  of  the  twelve  tribes,  exclusive  of  the  tribe 
of  Levi  {iw.  47-54),  who  are  to  be  appointed  guardians  of  the 
Tabernacle,  and  to  be  located  around  it  in  the  centre  of  the 
camp,  apart  from  the  other  tribes.  The  number  of  males 
above  20  years  old  (exclusive  of  Levites)  is  given  at  603,550. 

C.  2.  The  position  of  the  tribes  in  the  camp,  and  their  order 
on  the  march. 

^  The  D^n  :  see  the  author's  Notes  on  Samuel  (1890),  pp.  100-102;  or 
more  fully  Ewald,  Antiquities  of  Israel,  pp.  101-106  (Eng.  tr.  75-78). 


$6  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

C.  3 — 4.  The  Levites  taken  to  assist  the  priests,  in  lieu  of  the 
first-born,  in  doing  the  service  of  the  Tent  of  Meeting.  Their 
numbers,  their  position  in  the  centre  of  the  camp  about  the 
Tabernacle,  and  their  duties. 

3,  1-4  the  priests  (recapitulation) ;  5- 10  the  Levites  appointed  to  assist  the 
priesis  in  subordinate  duties  ;  II-13  tliey  are  taken  for  this  purpose  in  lieu  ol 
the  first-born  in  Israel ;  14-20  the  Invites  (from  one  month  old)  to  be  num- 
bered ;  21-37  the  numbers,  position,  and  charge  of  the  three  Levitical 
families — the  Cershonites,  Kohathites,  and  Merarites ;  38  the  priests  to  be 
on  the  east  of  the  Tabernacle  ;  39  the  whole  number  of  Levites  22,000  ; 
40-51  the  first-born  numbered  (22,273),  and  a  ransom  taken  on  behalf  of  the* 
273  in  excess  of  the  number  of  the  Levites. 

C.  4.  Particulars  (in  ftiller  detail  than  in  c.  3)  respecting  the  duties  of  the 
Kohathites  zt'.  1-20,  Gershonites  z'v.  21-28,  Merariles  vv.  29-33  >  ^"^  their 
numbers  (from  30  to  50  years  of  age),  viz.  Kohathites  z-v.  34-37  (2750), 
Gershonites  z>v.  38-41  (2630),  and  Merarites  w.  42-45  (3200), — in  all  {zrv. 
46-49)  8580. 

The  style  of  c.  1-4  is  more  than  usually  diffuse.  Thus  in  c.  2  all  that  is 
essentially  new  as  compared  with  c.  I  are  the  statements  2,  3'.  5^  7*.  g^  &c. 
respecting  the  on^/er  of  the  tril>es;  and  in  c.  3 — 4,  4,  4-33  is  largely  an  ex- 
pansion of  what  is  stated  more  succinctly  in  3,  24-38.  It  is  observable  that 
3,  40-51  exemplifies  by  actual  numerical  computation  the  more  general  thought 
of  3,  12,  that  the  Levites  arc  representative  oi  the  first-born  of  Israel.  The 
systematic  development  of  a  subject,  capable  in  itself  of  being  stated  more 
simply  and  succinctly,  is  cliaracteristic  of  the  narrative-sections  of  P. 

C.  5 — 6.  Laws  on  different  subjects  : — (a)  5,  1-4  exclusion  of 
the  leprous  and  unclean  from  the  camp;  {b)  5,  5-10  the  officiat- 
ing priest  to  receive  the  compensation  for  fraud,  in  case  the 
injured  person  be  dead,  and  have  no  next-of-kin,  as  also  all 
heave-offerings  and  dedicatory  offerings:  (r)  5,  11-31  law  of 
ordeal  prescribed  for  the  woman  suspected  by  her  husband  of 
unfaithfulness;  {d)  6,  1-21  the  law  of  the  Nazirite ;  {e)  6,  22-27 
the  formula  of  priestly  benediction. 

C.  7.  The  offerings  of  the  12  princes  of  the  tribes  at  the 
consecration  of  the  Tent  of  Meeting  and  of  the  altar,  viz.  (i) 
6  "  covered  wagons,"  or  litters,  for  the  transport  of  the  fabric  of 
the  Tabernacle  by  the  Gershonites  and  Merarites,  w.  1-9  ;  (2) 
vessels  for  use  at  the  altar,  and  animals  for  sacrifice,  vv.  10-89. 

The  ch.  (in  the  names  of  the  12  princes,  and  the  use  of  the  6  wagons) 
presupposes  cc.  1.4;  and  yet  the  occasion  to  which  it  relates  precedes  Nu. 
I,  I  (comp.  zro.  I.  10.  84  with  Ex.  40,  17.  Lev.  8,  lo-ii).  The  origin 
of  this  incongruity  must  remain  uncertain.  The  particularity  of  detail  which 
characterizes    P   generally   here   reaches   its  climax,    5   entire  verses   being 


NUMBERS.  57 

repeated  verbatim  12  times.  But  the  aim  of  the  writer,  no  doubt,  was  to 
dilate  upon  the  example  of  liberality  displayed  upon  the  occasion  by  the 
heads  of  the  people. 

C.  8.  {a)  Vv.  1-4  instructions  for  fixing  (see  RV.  marg.)  the 
lamps  upon  the  golden  candlestick;  {b)  vv.  5-22  consecration  of 
the  Levites  to  their  duties  (connecting  with  3,  5-13);  W  ^^• 
23-26  the  period  of  the  Levites'  service  (from  25  to  50  years  of 
age). 

In  4,  3.  23.  30  the  limits  are  from  thirty  to  fifty  years  of  age.  The  law 
here  must  represent  the  practice  (or  theory)  of  a  different  time  from  that  of 
c.  4,  and  is  in  all  probability  a  later  modification  of  that  law.  The  supposi- 
tion that  the  regulations  in  c.  4  are  temporary  and  refer  only  to  the  transport 
of  the  Tabernacle  in  the  wilderness,  while  the  regulation  here  is  permanent, 
relating  to  the  service  of  the  I.evites  generally,  introduces  an  arbitrary  distinc- 
tion :  the  terms  used  in  the  text  are  precisely  the  same  in  both  cases  (8,  24** 
and  4,  3''-4.  23''.  30").  In  the  time  of  the  Chronicler  {c.  300  B.C.)  liability  to 
service  began  in  the  20lh  year  (2  Ch.  31,  17.  Ezr.  3,  8) :  the  change  from  the 
30th  year  is  attributed  (i  Ch.  23,  3.  24-27)  to  David. 

C.  9.  {a)  The  Passover  of  the  second  year,  followed  by  the 
institution  of  a  supplementary  or  "Little"  Passover,  a  month  after- 
wards, for  the  sake  of  those  hindered  accidentally  from  keeping  the 
Passover  at  the  regular  time,  vv.  1-14;  i)^)  the  signals  given  by 
the  cloud  for  the  marching  and  halting  of  the  camp,  vv.  15-23. 

C.  10.  {a)  The  use  of  the  silver  trumpets  in  starting  the  several 
camps,  and  on  other  occasions,  vv.  i-io  ;  {b)  the  departure  of  the 
Israelites  from  Sinai,  and  order  of  their  camps  on  the  march, 
vv.  11-28  ;  {c)  (JE)  the  services  of  Hobab  secured  for  the  guid- 
ance of  the  Israelites  in  the  wilderness  ;  and  the  functions  of  the 
ark  in  directing  the  movements  of  the  Israehtes,  vv.  29-36. 

C.  II— 12  (JE).  The  murmuring  of  the  people  atTaberah  and 
Kibroth-hattaavah.  Appointment  of  seventy  elders  to  assist 
Moses.     Quails  given  to  satisfy  the  people.     Miriam's  leprosy. 

C.  II  appears  to  show  marks  of  composition  (see  Dillm.),  though,  as  is 
often  the  case  in  JE,  the  data  do  not  exist  for  separating  the  sources  employed 
with  confidence.     C.  12  belongs  probably  to  E. 

C  13 — 14.  The  narrative  of  the  spies. 

P     13,1-17''.  21.  25-26*  (to  iPtf ;-(/«).  32*. 

JE       '  17"- 20.  22-24.  26''-3i.  32*- 33. 

P      14,  1-2.1  5-7.  10.  26-38.1 

JE  3-4.         8-9.         11-25.  39-45-  

1  In  the  main. 


58  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

The  double  character  of  the  narrative  is  very  evident.  Observe 
(i)  that  13,  22  \s parallel io  v.  21,  v.  32  to  vv.  27-31,  and  14,  26-34 
to  14,  II.  22-25;  observe  (2)  the  difference  of  representation 
which  characterizes  the  two  accounts :  in  JE  the  spies  go  only  as 
far  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Hebron,  in  the  south  of  Judah  (13, 
22-24);  in  P  they  explore  the  whole  coufitry,  to  Rehob  (Jud. 
18,  28)  in  the  far  north  (13,  21  :  with  this  agrees  the  expression 
in  13,  32  and  14,  7  ^^  through  which  we  have  passed''):  in  JE, 
upon  their  return,  they  represent  the  land  as  a  fertile  one,  but 
one  which  the  Israelites  have  not  the  means  of  conquering  ' 
(13,  27-31);  in  P  they  represent  it  as  one  that  "  eateth  up  its 
inhabitants,"  i.e.  as  an  impoverished  land  (see  Lev.  26,  38.  Ez. 
36,  13),  not  worth  conquering  (13,  32)  :  in  JE  Joshua  is  not 
named  as  one  of  the  spies,  and  Caleb  alone  stills  the  people,  and 
is  exempted  in  consequence  from  the  sentence  of  exclusion  from 
Palestine  (13,  30.  14,  24);  in  P  Joshua  as  well  as  Caleb  is 
among  the  spies  ;  both  are  named  as  pacifying  the  people,  and 
are  exempted  accordingly  from  the  sentence  of  exclusion  (14,  6. 
30.  38  ;  cf  26,  65  P).  This  last  difference  is  remarkable,  and  will 
meet  us  again  :  had  the  whole  narrative  been  by  a  single  writer, 
who  thought  of  Joshua  as  acting  in  concert  with  Caleb,  it  is 
difficult  not  to  think  that  Joshua  would  have  been  mentioned 
beside  Caleb — not,  possibly,  in  13,  30,  but — in  14,  24,  when 
the  exemption  from  the  sentence  of  exclusion  from  Palestine  is  first 
promised.  In  P  the  spies  start  from  the  "  wilderness  of  Paran  " 
(13,  3  ;  cf  26) :  in  JE,  though  it  is  not  here  so  stated,  it  may  be 
inferred  from  Nu.  32,  8  (cf.  Dt.  i.  19.  Josh.  14,  6)  that  they 
started  from  Kadesh ;  and  with  this  agree  the  words  to  Kadesh 
in  13,  26.  If  the  passages  assigned  to  the  two  narratives  be 
read  continuously,  it  will  be  found  that  each  is  nearly  as  com- 
plete as  in  the  case  of  the  narrative  of  the  Flood  in  Genesis  : 
oniy  the  beginning  in  JE  is  replaced  by  the  fuller  particulars 
from  P.     The  phraseology  of  the  two  narratives  differs  as  usual. 

C.  15  (P).  {a)  Vv.  1-16  the  Meal-  and  Drink-offering  ai)pointed 
to  accompany  every  Burnt-offering  and  Peace-offering ;  (/>)  vv. 
17-21  a  cake  of  the  first  dough  of  the  year  to  be  offered  as  a 
Heave -offering;  (r)  vv.  22-31  the  Sin-offering  of  the  com- 
munity, or  of  an  individual,  for  accidental  derelictions  of  duty; 
{d)  vv.  32-36  narrative  of  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  a 
Sabbath-breaker;  (f)  vv.  37-41  the  law  of  "Fringes." 


NUMBERS.  59 

Vv.  22-31  belong  to  the  general  subject  of  Lev.  4,  i — 5,  13  ;  the  Sin-offer- 
ing of  the  congregation  having  been  already  prescribed  there  (4,  13-21),  but 
the  animal  being  a  different  one,  viz.  a  bullock.  The  language  of  v.  22 
supports  the  view  that  here  sins  of  omission  are  referred  to,  while  in  Lev.  4 
the  reference  is  to  sins  of  commission.  Those  who  are  not  satisfied  with  this 
explanation  suppose  that  the  two  laws  represent  the  practice  of  different 
times  (so  Dillm.,  remarking  that  in  v.  24  the  language  of  .r^wmission  is  used, 
and  in  Lev.  5,  i  that  of  amission).     On  vv.  37-41  see  p.  54. 

C.  16 — 17.  The  rebellion  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram. 
Confirmation  of  the  priestly  prerogatives  enjoyed  by  the  tribe  of 
Levi. 

(  P    16,  I*.  2^-7\  {7^-11).  (1^17)-  18-24.  27«.      32". 

j  ]E  i''-2*.  12-15.  25-26.  27''-34. 

(  P    16,  35.  (36-40).  41-50-  c-  17. 
UE 

Here  two,  if  not  three,  narratives  have  been  combined.  If  the 
parts  assigned  to  each  in  the  table  be  read  continuously,  the 
following  will  appear  as  their  several  characteristics  : — 

1.  In  JE  Dathan  and  Abiram,  Reubenites,  give  vent  to  their 
dissatisfaction  with  Moses,  complaining  (2>.  14)  that  his  promises 
have  been  unfulfilled,  and  resenting  the  authority  (13*')  and 
judgeship  (15*')  possessed  by  him  :  they,  with  their  tents  and 
households,  are  swallowed  up  by  the  earth  vv.  27-34.  This  is  a 
rebellion  of  laymen  against  the  civil  authority  claimed  by  Moses. 
The  narrative  is  nearly  complete,  there  being  only  some  slight 
omissions  at  the  beginning. 

2.  In  P  there  appear  to  be  two  strata  of  narrative.  In  the 
parts  not  enclosed  within  parentheses,  Korah,  at  the  head  of  250 
princes  of  the  congregation,  not  themselves  all  Levites,^  opposes 
Moses  and  Aaron  in  the  interests  of  the  community  at  large, 
protesting  against  the  limitation  of  priestly  rights  to  the  tribe  of 
Levi,  on  the  ground  (^.  3)  that  "^//  the  congregation  are  holy." 
Invited  by  Moses  to  establish  their  claim  by  appearing  with 
censers  at  the  sanctuary,  they  are  consumed  by  fire  from  Jehovah. 
With  this  representation  agrees  16,   41-50.  c.    17,  the  point  of 

1  As  appears,  partly  from  the  general  expression  in  v.  2  ("princes  of  the 
congregation,"  with  no  limitation  to  Levites),  partly  from  the  fact  that  in 
27,  3  Manassites  disown,  on  behalf  of  their  father,  complicity  in  the  insurrec- 
tion of  Korah,  which,  if  all  his  company  had  consisted  of  Levites,  would 
evidently  have  been  unnecessary. 


6o  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

which  is  to  confirm — not  the  exclusive  rights  of  Aaron,  as  against 
the  rest  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  but — the  exclusive  right  to  the 
priesthood  possessed  by  Levi,  against  Lsrael  generally  (the 
opposition  is  clearly  not  between  Aaron  and  the  other  Levites, 
but  between  Levi  and  the  other  tribes;  the  words  in  17,  12  f. 
also  are  spoken  from  the  point  of  view  of  \\\q  people  at  large). 

3.  This  narrative  appears  to  have  been  afterwards  enlarged  by 
additions  (the  parts  enclosed  within  parentheses),  emphasizing  a 
somewhat  different  point  of  view,  and  exhibiting  Korah,  at  the 
hef.H  of  250  Levites^  as  setting  hin)self  in  opposition  to  Aa?'on,  ' 
and  protesting  on  behalf  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  generally  against 
the  exclusive  right  claimed  by  the  sons  of  Aaron  (observe  7*  ye 
sons  of  Levi,  and  9  ff.  where  Korah's  company  are  described  as 
dissatisfied  with  their  menial  position,  and  claiming  equal  rights 
with  Aar'oii).  With  this  representation  agrees  16,  36-40  (see 
V.  40  "  that  no  stranger  that  is  7wt  of  the  seed  of  Aaron,'^  &c.). 

Thus  JE  mentions  only  Dathan  and  Abiram,  P  only  Korah; 
and  the  motives  and  aims  of  the  malcontents  are  in  each  case 
different.  The  phraseology  of  the  two  main  currents  of  the 
narrative  is  that  of  JE  and  P  respectively.  A  more  general 
ground,  tending  to  show  the  composite  character  of  the  narrative, 
is  the  inequality  of  the  manner  in  which  Korah,  Dathan,  and 
Abiram  appear  in  it ;  whereas  in  v.  i  f,  they  are  represented  as 
taking  part  in  a  common  conspiracy,  they  afterwards  continually 
act  sei}arate]y :  Moses  speaks  to  Korah  without  Dathan  and 
Abiram,  and  to  Dathan  and  Abiram  without  Korah  {irj,  4-1 1  ; 
12-14;  16-22;  25  f);  Dathan  and  Abiram  do  not  act  in 
concert  with  Korah  vv.  16-22,  but  remain  in  their  tents  at  a 
distance  vv.  26-27  \  finally,  their  fate  is  different.  In  other 
words,  Korah  is  united  with  Dathan  and  Abiram,  not  in  reality, 
but  07ily  in  the  7ta?'?'ative :  he  represents  different  interests,  and 
acts  throughout  indejjendently  of  them.  Observe,  further,  the 
threefold  speech  of  Moses  to  Korah  vv.  5-7.  8-ri.  16  f.  (the 
third  in  part  repeating  simply  the  substance  of  the  first). 

The  important  distinction  between  the  two  strata  of  P  is  that 
in  the  main  narrative  there  is  no  indication  of  any  opposition 
between  Aaron  and  Levi  {i.e.  between  priests  and  Levites),  while 
in  the  secondary  narrative  this  opposition  is  palpable,  and  the 
gulf  separating  priests  and  Levites  is  strongly  emphasized  (cf. 
the  emphasis  laid  on  the  same  distinction  in  Nu.  3.  4.  8). 


NUMBERS.  6 1 

Wellh.  originally  {Comp.  io6f.)  assigned  No.  2  to  an  independent  source, 
used  by  the  compiler  of  JE,  and  No.  3  to  P  ;  but  in  consequence  of  Kuenen's 
criticisms  {T/ieol.  Tijdschr.  1878,  p.  139 ff.),  he  has  since  {Comp.  339 f.) 
abandoned  that  position,  and  agrees  with  the  analysis  expressed  in  the  text, 
which  is  accepted  also  by  Dillm.  (p.  89)  and  Baudissin  (/V/(?j-/^;-///«w,  p.  35). 
In  vv.  24.  27  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  original  reading  was  "  the  tabernacle 
oi /ekovah^'  (as  17,  13)  ;  not  only  is  the  sing,  "tabernacle"  remarkable,  but 
the  word  (pt^^)  is  never  m  prose  (whether  in  the  Pent,  or  elsewhere)  applied 
to  a /z?<wa;;z  habitation,  whereas  it  is  used  repeatedly  of  "the  Tabernacle.' 
LXX  (each  time)  has  only  "  the  tabernacle  of  Korah." 

C.  18  (P).  {a)  Vv.  1-7  duties,  and  relative  position,  of  priests 
and  Levites  :  the  sons  of  Aaron  to  act  as  priests,  to  be  responsible 
for  the  service  of  the  Sanctuary  and  Altar ;  the  other  Levites  to 
assist  them  in  subordinate  offices;  {b)  vv.  8-19  the  revenues  of 
the  priests  defined ;  {c)  vv.  20-24  the  tithe  to  be  paid  by  the 
people  to  the  Levites;  but,  vv.  25-32,  a  tithe  of  the  tithe  to  be 
])aid  by  the  Levites  to  the  priests. 

The  ch.  stands  in  close  connexion  with  the  main  narrative  of  P  in  c. 
16 — 17,  17,  12  f.  forming  the  transition  to  it  :  notice  how,  as  there,  the  rights 
of  the  tribe  of  Levi  (whether  in  the  persons  of  "  pries's  "or  "  Levites  ")  are 
protected  against  the  "stranger"  belonging  to  another  tribe,  vv.  4*'.  5''.  7''. 
22  (with  evident  allusion  to  16,  35.  46.  17,  13).  In  v.  i  "bear  the  iniquity 
of  the  sanctuary  "  =  be  liable  for  any  damage  or  desecration  which  may  befall  it 
through  their  neglect,  in  one  word,  be  responsible  'for  it  (cf.  p.  46,  No.  20'). 
In  V.  2  "joined  "  there  is  in  the  Hebrew  a  play  on  the  name  Levi. 

C.  19  (P).  The  rite  of  purification  (by  means  of  water  mingled 
with  the  ashes  of  a  red  heifer)  after  defilement  with  a  corpse,  vv. 
1-T3;  with  details  for  the  application  of  the  rite  in  particular 
cases,  vv.  14-22. 

C.  20 — 22,  I  (P  and  JE).  Israel  at  Kadesh  ;  with  their  journey- 
ings  thence  to  the  olains  of  Moab. 

O  1 

20,  I- 1 3  death  of  Miriam  ;  murmurings  of  the  people  for  water,  and  sin  of 
Moses  and  Aaron  at  Meribah  ;  14-21  refusal  of  Edom  to  permit  the  Israelites 
to  pass  through  their  territory  ;  22-29  death  of  Aaron,  and  investiture  of 
Eleazar  as  his  successor,  on  Mount  Hor.  21,  1-3  defeat  of  the  king  of 
Arad  ;  4-9  impatience  of  the  people  while  making  the  circuit  of  the  land  of 
Edom  ;  the  brazen  serpent  ;  10-20  their  itinerary  to  the  "  field  of  Moab  "  at 
Pisgah  ;  21-23  refusal  of  Sihon  to  allow  Israel  to  cross  his  border  ;  24-35 
conquest  by  the  Israelites  of  the  territory  of  Sihon,  and  of  Og  the  king  of 
Bashan  ;  22,  I  arrival  at  the  plains  of  Moab. 

(  P  20,  I*  (to  month).        2.         3^.  6.  12-13.  22-29. 

(JE  I^       3».  4-5.       7- II.  14-21.  21,1-3. 

(  P  21,  4*  (to  Hor).  lo-ii.  22,  I. 

JJE  4^-9.  12-35. 


62  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

20,  14-21.  21,  4*'-9.  12-30  may  belong  in  particular  to  E. 

In  21,  10  ff.  it  is  observable  that  the  form  of  the  itinerary  in  P  and  JE  is 
slightly  different.  In  F  (v.  10  f.)  the  verd  stands  first  ;  in  JE  (vv.  12.  13.  16. 
19.  20)  ihe  place  stands  first  ("from  .  .  .  they  journeyed,"  &c.).  The 
same  distinction  recurs  elsewhere  :  contrast  c.  33  (V)  passim  with  11,  35. 

C.  2  2,  2 — 36,  13.   Israel  in  the  plains  of  Moab. 

22,  2 — c.  24.  The  history  of  Balaam  (JE). 

22,  2-41  (except  vv.  22-35*)  ^^Y  be  assigned  with  some  con- 
fidence to  E ;  observe  God  almost  uniformly  (not  Jehovah) ;  and 
comp.  vv.  9*.  20*  with  Gen.  20,  3.  31,  24  (both  E).  Vv.  22-35* 
(the  episode  of  the  ass)  are  taken  from  a  different  source,  viz.  J  ; 
notice  {a)  mv.  21  Balaam  goes  "  with  the  princes  of  Moab,"  in  v. 
2  2ff.  he  is  evidently  alone;  (b)  in  the  main  narrative  of  the  ch. 
Balaam,  at  the  second  message  from  Balak,  receives  permission 
to  go,  provided  only  that  he  speaks  what  is  put  into  his  mouth 
by  God  ;  the  episode  implies  that  no  permission  to  go  had  been 
given  to  him,  and  he  is  first  taught  by  the  angel  on  the  way  that 
he  is  only  to  speak  what  is  put  into  his  mouth ;  (3)  Jehovah  (not 
God).  The  narrative  at  35*  reaches  the  same  point  as  20^' :  35^ 
(repeating  21'')  appears  to  have  been  added  by  the  compiler  for 
the  purpose  of  leading  back  into  the  text  of  E.  It  is  uncertain 
whether  c.  23 — 24  belong  to  J  or  E,  or  whether  they  are  the 
work  of  the  compiler  who  has  made  use  of  both  sources  :  critics 
differ,  and  it  is  wisest  to  leave  the  question  undetermined.  The 
early  part  of  c.  22  seems  to  contain  elements  derived  from  a 
different  source  from  the  main  body  of  the  ch. :  thus  v.  2  is  super- 
fluous before  v.  4^  3*  and  3''  are  different  statements  of  sub- 
stantially the  same  fact ;  and  the  notices  of  the  "  elders  of  Midian  " 
in  vv.  4.  7  (and  not  afterwards)  suggests  the  inference  that  they 
are  derived  from  a  narrative  which  told  more  fully  how  the 
Midianites  made  common  cause  with  Moab  against  Israel. 

C.  25.  The  Israelites  seduced  at  Shittim  into  idolatry  and 
immorality :  the  zeal  of  Phinehas  rewarded  with  the  promise 
of  the  permanency  of  the  priesthood  in  his  family.  Vv.  1-5 
belong  to  JE  ;  vv.  6-18  to  P. 

The  beginning  of  P's  narrative  has  been  omitted  in  favour  of  that  of  JE. 
From  31,  16  it  may  be  inferred  that  it  contained  some  account  of  the 
treacherous  (see  v.  18)  "counsel  of  Balaam,"  given  with  the  view  of  seducing 
the  men  of  Israel  into  sin,  and  so  of  bringing  them  into  disfavour  with 
Jehovah.  Of  the  two  narratives,  one  (JE)  names  the  Moabites,  the  other 
(?)  the  Midianites,  as  those  who  led  Israel  into  sin  ;  the  latter  supplies  the 


NUMBERS.  63 

motive  for  the  war  against  Midian  described  in  c.  31  (comp.  Delitzsch, 
ZKIVL.  1888,  p.  122).  For  Midianites  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Moab,  cf 
22,  4.  7.  Gen.  36,  35. 

C.  26 — 31  all  belong  to  P. 

C.  26.  The  second  census  of  Israel  (see  c.  i  f.)  during  the 
wanderings.  The  sum-total  of  males  (from  20  years  old)  is  given 
at  601,730,  exclusive  of  the  Levites  (from  one  month  old),  23,000. 

Vv.  9-1 1,  which  are  based  upon  c.  16  in  its  present  (composite)  form,  are 
probably  an  insertion  in  the  original  text  of  the  ch.  :  likewise  v.  58*  (the 
details  of  which  are  not  in  harmony  with  P's  genealogy  of  Levi  in  Ex.  6, 
17-19.  Nu.  3,  20.  21.  27.  33,  and  are  disregarded  in  the  verses  that 
follow). 

C.  27.  (a)  Vv.  i-ii  the  law  of  the  inheritance  of  daughters,  in 
families  in  which  there  was  no  son,  arising  out  of  the  case  of  the 
daughters  of  Zelophehad  ;  {b)  vv.  12-23  Moses  commanded  to 
view  Palestine  before  his  death ;  and  Joshua  instituted  as  his 
successor. 

C.  28 — 29.  A  priestly  calendar,  defining  the  public  sacrifices 
proper  for  each  season. 

C.  28,  1-2  introduction;  vv.  3-8  the  daily  morning  and  even- 
ing Burnt-offering \v.^i.  the  Sabbath  ;  vv.  1 1-15  the  New  Moons  ; 
V.  id  Passover;  vv.  17-25  Mazzoth\  vv.  26-31  the  day  of  First- 
fruits  \i.e.  the  Feast  of  Weeks  :  so  called  only  here,  cf.  Ex.  23, 
16*.  34,  22^];  29,  1-6  New  Year's  Day;  vv.  7-11  Day  of  Atone- 
ment ;  vv.  12-34  the  seven  days  of  the  Feast  of  Booths,  with  the 
supernumerary  eighth  day  vv,  35-38  ;  v.  39  f.  subscription. 

28,  3-8  is  largely  a  verbal  repetition  of  Ex.  29,  38-42.  For  the  rest,  the 
ch.  is  supplementary  to  the  calendar  in  Lev.  23  (which,  as  a  rule,  alludes  to, 
but  does  not  describe  in  detail,  the  special  sacrifice),  from  which  some  of  the 
particulars  are  repeated  (as  28,  17.  18.  25.  26''.  29,  I.  7.  12.  35  ;  cf.  Lev.  23, 
6-8.  21.  24f.  27.  34.  36).  The  New  Moons  (28,  11-15)  are  not  mentioned 
in  Lev.  23. 

C.  30.  The  law  of  vows. 

K  2  a  vow  made  by  a  man  to  be  in  all  cases  binding :  z'.  3  ff.  conditions 
for  the  validity  of  vows  made  by  women. 

C.  31.  The  war  of  vengeance  against  Midian  (see  25,  16-18). 

Though  cast  into  narrative  form,  the  ch.  has  really  a  legislative  object, 
viz.  to  prescribe  a  principle  for  the  distribution  of  booty  taken  in  war.  Of 
the  place,  circumstances,  and  other  details  of  the  war  we  learn  nothing  :  we 


64  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

are  told  only  of  the  issue,  how,  viz.,  12,000  Israelite  warriors,  without  losing  a 
man  (t:  49),  slew  all  the  males  and  married  women  of  Midian,  to  )k  captive 
32,000  virgins,  and  brought  back  800,000  head  of  caltl*^,  besides  other  booty. 
In  the  high  figures,  and  absence  of  specific  details,  the  narrative  resembles 
the  descriptions  of  wars  in  the  Chronicles  or  in  Jud.  20.  The  account,  as 
we  have  it,  contains  elements  which  are  not  easy  to  reconcile  with  his- 
torical probability.  The  difficulties  of  the  section  are  mitigated  by  the 
supposition  that  the  simpler  materials  supplied  by  tradition  have  here  been 
elaborated  by  the  compiler,  in  accordance  with  his  love  of  system,  into  an 
ideal  picture  of  the  manner  in  which  a  sacred  war  must  have  been  conducted 
by  Israel. 

C.  32.  Allotment  by  Moses  of  the  trans-Jordanic  region  to  the 
tribes  of  Gad,  Reuben,  and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh. 

p  18-19.  28-32.  (33). 

JE  32,  1-17  (in  the  main).  20-27  (in  the  main).  34~42. 

Throughout  vv.  1-32  the  negotiations  with  Moses  are  con- 
ducted on  the  part  of  Gad  and  Reuben  alone  :  the  half-tribe  of 
Manasseh  is  named  for  the  first  time — and  apparently  only  for  the 
sake  of  completeness — in  the  summary  statement,  v.  33.  As 
regards  the  structure  of  the  ch.,  in  some  parts  the  style  of  P  is 
manifest  throughout,  in  others  only  in  traces.  It  would  seem 
that  the  compiler  has  combined  P  and  JE,  sometimes  following 
P  exclusively,  sometimes  following  in  the  main  JE,  but  intro- 
ducing elements  from  P. 

Thus  in  vv.  1-4  "  Eleazar  the  priest,"  the  "princes,"  and  the  "  congrega- 
tion "  [i.e.  2^  and  part  of  4)  belong  to  P:  in  "jv.  5-15  the  expressions  are 
chiefly  those  of  JE,  and  the  allusions  are  nearly  entirely  to  JE's  narrative  in 
c.  13 — 14  ;  but  isolated  phrases  appear  to  have  been  introduced  from  P  {v.  5 
"for  a  possession;"  v.  II  "from  20  years  old  and  upward;"  v.  12 
"Joshua;"  v.  13,  cf.  14,  '^yT,  P) ;  similarly  in  vv.  20-27,  where  the  phrases 
suggestive  of  P  might  even  be  removed  without  injury  to  the  narrative  {v.  22« 
to  bifore  the  Lord;  22''  from  and  this  land  [the  preceding  "then  after- 
ward .  .  .  and  be"  may,  of  course,  with  equal  propriety  be  rendered  "and 
afterward  ...  ye  shall  be  guiltless  "j  ;  perhaps  v.  24''  (cf.  30,  3''  P)  ;  v.  27 
"every  one  that  is  armed  for  war").  On  the  other  hand,  vv.  34-38 
evidently  point  back  to  vv.  3.  16  f.  24"  (JE).  It  is  not  impossible  that  v.  33 
is  a  late  addition  to  the  ch.  On  vv.  39-42  comp.  Wellh.  Comp.  p.  117; 
Dillm.  p.  200. 

C.  '^:^.  P's  itinerary  of  the  journeyings  of  the  Israelites  from 
Rameses  to  the  plains  of  Moab,  vv.  1-49  ;  followed  by  directions 
respecting  the  occupation  of  Canaan,  vv.  50-56  (introductory 
to  c.  34). 


DEUTERONOMY.  6$ 

In  w.  50-56  directions  from  P  relative  to  the  method  of  allotment  of 
Canaan,  vv.  50.  51.  54,  have  been  combined,  as  it  seems,  with  two  excerpts 
from  H  respecting  the  extirpation  of  Canaanitish  idolatry,  w.  52-53.  55-56. 
Observe  the  two  rather  noticeable  terms  nC2  and  fT'D^'D  (^'  52),  occurring 
elsewhere  in  the  Pent,  only  Lev.  26,  i.  30  (H). 

C.  34  (P).  The  borders  of  Canaan  proper  (W.  of  Jordan),  vv. 
1-15,  with  the  names  of  those  appointed  for  the  purpose  of 
assisting  Joshua  and  Eleazar  in  its  allotment,  vv.  16-29. 

C.  35  (P).  Appointment  of  48  cities  for  the  residence  of  the 
Levites,  vv.  1-8 ;  and  of  6  among  them,  3  on  each  side  of 
Jordan,  as  cities  of  refuge  for  the  manslayer,  with  conditions 
regulating  their  use,  vv.  9-34. 

C.  36  (P).  Heiresses  possessing  landed  property  to  marry  into 
their  own  tribe  (in  order,  viz.,  to  preserve  the  inheritance  of  each 
tribe  intact). 

A  provision  rendered  necessary  by  the  ordinance  of  27,  6-1 1, 


§  5.  Deuteronomy. 

Literature. — See  p.  i  f.  ;  and  add  :  Ed.  Riehm,  Gesetzgebung  Hose's  im 
Lande  Moab,  1854  (cf.  also  Einleitiing,  i.  pp.  233-248,  311-318);  F.  W. 
Schultz,  Das  Deulerono77iium  erkldrt,  1859  (the  Mosaic  authorship  here 
maintained  was  afterwards  abandoned  by  the  author,  being  no  longer  con- 
sidered by  him  to  be  required  by  the  terms  of  31,  9);  P.  Kleinert,  Das 
Deiiteronofnium  u.  der  Deiiteronomiker,  1872,  with  Riehm's  review  in  the 
Stud,  imd  Kritiken,  1873,  PP-  1 65-200;  Aug.  Kayser,  Das  Vorexilische  Bitch 
der  Urgeschichte  Israels,  1874  (deals  in  particular  with  the  relation  of  Dt.  to 
Gen. — Nu. );  J.  Hollenberg  in  the  Shid.  und  Kriiikejt,  1874,  pp.  472-506 
(on  the  "margins"  of  Dt.  [i.e.  Dt.  1-4.  29-34],  and  their  relation  to  the 
Deuteronomic  sections  of  Joshua). 

On  c.  32  the  monograph  of  Ad.  Kamphausen,  Das  Lied  Hose's,  \%(>i ;  and 
on  c.  33  that  of  K.  H.  Graf,  Der  Segen  Hose's,  1857.^ 

Deuteronomy  is  called  by  the  Jews  (from  the  opening  words) 
D''n2"nn  npt5,  or  more  briefly  C^Il^.  The  English  name  is  derived 
from  the  (inexact)  rendering  of  17,  18  riN-in  minn  T\iy}d^  in  the 

^  The  writer  has  dealt  more  fully  with  some  questions  relating  to  this  book 
in  an  article  on  Deuteronomy  contributed  by  him  to  the  forthcoming  second 
edition  of  Smith's  Dictioiiary  of  the  Bible,  of  which  the  following  pages  may 
be  regarded  as  an  abbreviation. 

^  Which  signifies  a  repetition  (i.e.  copy)  of  this  laiVt  not  this  repetition  of  the 
law, 

E 


66  LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

LXX  TO  8€VT€pov6/xLov  TovTo.  It  rccords  the  events  of  the  last 
month  (i,  3.  34,  8)  of  the  forty  years'  wanderings  of  the  children 
of  Israel.  The  greater  part  of  the  book  is  occupied  by  the  dis- 
course in  which  Moses,  before  his  death,  sets  before  the  Israelites 
the  laws  which  they  are  to  obey,  and  the  spirit  in  which  they  are 
to  obey  them,  when  they  are  settled  in  the  Promised  Land.  This 
is  preceded  and  followed  by  other  matter,  the  nature  of  which 
will  appear  from  the  following  table  of  contents  : — 

I,  1-5.  Historical  introduction,  describing  the  situation  and  occasion 
on  which  the  discourses  following  were  delivered. 

1,  6 — 4,  40.  Moses' y?;'j/  discourse,  consisting  of  a  review  of  the  circum- 
stances under  which  the  Israelites  had  arrived  at  the  close  of  their 
wanderings,  and  concluding  with  an  eloquent  practical  appeal  (c.  4) 
not  to  forget  the  great  truths  impressed  upon  them  at  Horeb. 

4,  41-43.  Historical  account  of  the  appointment  by  Moses  of  three  cities 
of  refuge  east  of  Jordan. 

4,  44-49.  Historical  introduction  to  Moses'  second  discourse,  forming  the 
legislation  proper. 

C.  5 — 26.  The  legislation,  consisting  of  two  parts  :  (i)  c.  5 — II  hortatory 
introduction,  developing  the  first  commandment  of  the  Decalogue,  and 
inculcating  the  gen<'ral  theocratic  principles  by  which  Israel,  as  a 
nation,  is  to  be  guided  ;  (2)  c.  12 — 26  the  Code  of  special  laws. 

C.  27.  Injunctions  (described  in  the  third  person)  relative  to  a  symbolical 
acceptance  by  the  nation  of  the  preceding  Code,  after  taking  possession 
of  Canaan. 

C.  28 — 29,  I.  Conclusion  to  the  Code  (connected  closely  with  26,  19), 
and  consisting  of  a  solemn  declaration  of  the  consequences  to  follow 
its  observance  or  neglect. 

29,  2 — 30,  20.  Moses'  //^z></ discourse,  embracing  (i)  the  establishment 
of  a  fresh  covenant  between  the  people  and  God  (c.  29) ;  (2)  the 
promise  of  restoration,  even  after  the  abandonment  threatened  in  c.  28, 
if  the  nation  should  then  exhibit  due  tokens  of  penitence  (30,  l-io) ; 
(3)  the  choice  set  before  Israel  (30,  11-20). 

31,  1-13.  Moses'  farewell  to  the  people,  and  commission  of  Joshua. 
His  delivery  of  the  Deuteronomic  law  to  the  Levitical  priests. 

31,  14 — 32,  47.  The  Song  of  Moses,  with  accompanying  historical 
notices. 

32,  48—34,  12.  Conclusion  of  the  whole  book,  containing  the  Blessing 
of  Moses,  and  describing  the  circumstances  of  his  death. 

The  structure  of  Dt.  is  relatively  simple.  The  body  of  the 
book  is  pervaded  throughout  by  a  single  purpose,  and  bears  the 
marks  of  being  the  work  of  a  single  writer,  who  has  taken  as  the 
basis  of  his  discourses,  partly  the  narrative  and  laws  of  JE  as  they 
exist  in  the  previous  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  partly  laws  derived 


DEUTERONOMY.  ^J 

from  Other  sources ;  and  who  also,  towards  the  end  of  his  work, 
has  incorporated  extracts  from  JE,  recording  incidents  connected 
with  the  death  of  Moses.  One  of  the  final  redactors  of  the 
Pentateuch  has  likewise,  towards  the  end  of  the  book,  introduced 
notices  of  P  relating  to  the  same  occasion.  The  analytical 
scheme  of  the  book  is  accordingly  as  follows  : — 


(.D 


T  'P  27    ^~7  • 

c  1-26.  27,  1-4.         *  7''-8.  9-IO-  "-I3-  (14-26).  c.  28.  c.  29-30. 

32,  48-52. 


\    fJE  31,  14-22.  32,  1-43-  44-  /         M 

(  Id  31, 1-13.  23-30.  45-47.  (c  33)- 

(,  Id  34,  i"*-?.'  "-12. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  consider  first  the  character  and  scope 
of  the  central  part  of  the  book,  c.  5—26,  and  c.  28. 

As  will  be  seen  from  the  table  of  contents,  the  Deuteronomic 
legislation,  properly  so  called,  is  contained  in  c.  12—26,  to 
which  c.  5 — II  form  an  introduction,  and  c.  27—28  a  con- 
clusion. In  Dt.  itself  the  Code  (including  c.  28)  is  referred  to 
frequently  (i,  5-  4,  8.  17,  18.  19.  27,  3-  8.  26.  28,  58.  61.  29,  29. 
31,  9.  II.  12.  24.  26)  as  this  laiv,  or  as  this  book  of  the  law  (29, 
21.  30,  10;  cf  Josh.  I,  8). 

That  these  expressions  refer  to  Dt.  alone  (or  to  the  Code  of  laws  contained 
in  it),  and  not  to  the  entire  Pent.,  appears  (i)  from  the  terms  of  i,  5.  4,  8, 
which  point  to  a  law  about  to  be,  or  actually  being,  set  forth  ;  (2)  from  the 
parallel  phrases,  this  commandment,  these  statutes,  these  judgments,  often 
spoken  of  as  inculcated  to-day  (7,  12,  see  z;.  II  ;  15,  5-  I9.  9-  26,  16.  30,  11), 
and  this  covenant  (29,  9.  H),  which  clearly  alludes  to  the  Deuteronomic 
legislation  (cf.  vv.  19.  20  "the  curse  written  in  this  book,''  i.e.  m  c.  28),  and 
is  distinguished  from  the  covenant  made  before  at  Sinai  (29,  l). 

In  order  rightly  to  estimate  the  character  of  Dt.,  it  is  necessary 
to  compare  it  carefully  with  the  previous  books  of  the  Pentateuch. 
The  accompanying  synopsis  oi  laws  in  Dt.  will  show  immediately 
which  of  the  enactments  in  it  relate  to  subjects  not  dealt  with  m 
the  legislations  of  JE  and  P,  and  which  are  parallel  to  provisions 
contained  in  either  of  those  codes. 

1  Incorporated  from  an  independent  source.  '  In  the  main. 


6S 


LITERATURE   OF  THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  LAWS  IN  DEUTERONOMY. 


JE. 


Ex,  20,  2-17. 
23,  12  (cf.  34,  21). 
20,  24.* 
23,24.34,  12.  i5f. 


Deuteronomy. 


P  (including  H). 


22,  31. 

23. 19' ;  34,  26^ 


23,   10  f.* 

2r,  2-11.* 
22,30;  13,  11-12; 

34,  19. 


23,  14-17;  34,  18. 

20''.  22-25. 

23,  1-3.  6-8. 


22,  20. 


22,       18      (witch 

alone). 
21,  12-14.* 


23,  I- 


5,  6-21  (the  Decalogue). 

,,    14^  (object  of  Sabbath), 

12,  1-28  (place  of  sacrifice). 

,,    29-32  (not  to  imitate  Canaanite 

rites). 
,,    16.  23  ;  15,  23  (blood  not  to  be 

eaten). 


13  (seduction  to  idolatry). 
14,  I  f.  (disfigurement  in  mourning). 
„    3-20  (clean  and  unclean  animals), 

„    21^  (food  improperly  killed). 
,,    21^  (kid  in  mother's  milk), 
,,    22-29  (tithes). 


15,  I-II  (Sabbatical  year). 
,,    12-18  (Hebrew  slaves). 
,,    19-23  (firstlings  of  ox  and  sheep 
cf.  12,  6.  i7f. ;  14,  23). 


16,  I-17  (the  three  annual  pilgrim- 

ages). 
„    18  (appointment  of  judges). 
„    19  f,  (just  judgment). 
,,    21  f.  (erection  of  Asherahs  and 

"pillars"  prohibited). 

17,  I    (offerings     to      be     without 

blemish  :  cf.  15,  21). 
,,    2-7  (idolatry,  especially  worship 

of  the  "host  of  heaven"). 
,,    8-13  (court  of  final  appeal). 
,,    14-20  (law  of  the  king). 

18,  1-8  (rights  of  the  tribe  of  Levi). 


,,   9-22  (law  of  the  prophet). 

,,    10*  (Molech-worship  ;  cf.  12,31). 

,,  io''-ii  (different  kinds  of  divi- 
nation). 

19,  1-13  (asylum  for  manslaughter  : 
murder), 

ff    14  (the  landmark). 

„    15-21  (law  of  witnesses). 


Lev.  17,  1-9.* 
Nu.  33,  52. 

Lev.    17,    10-14; 
19,  26';  (cf.  *- 

3,    17;     7, 
26  f,  ;  Gen. 

9,  4). 

„     19,  28. 

,,     II,  2-22;  20, 

25- 
„    17,15;  11,40. 

„    27,    30-33; 

Nu.  18,  21- 

32.* 
,,    25,  1-7.* 
,,    25,  39-46.* 
Nu.   18,  17  f.*  (cf. 

Ex,  13,  If.; 

Lev.        27, 

26 ;   Nu.   3, 

13;  8,  17). 
Lev.  23* ;  Nu.  28 

— 29,* 

„    19,  15- 
„    26,  I'. 

„    22,  17-24. 


„  7,  32-34*; 
Nu.  18,  8- 
20.* 

,,     18,    21  ;    20, 

2-5. 
,,     19,   26^    31  ; 
20,  6.  27. 
Nu.  35  ;  Lev.  24, 
17.  21. 

Lev.  19,  16". 


DEUTERONOMY. 


69 


JE. 


Deuteronomy. 


P  (including  H). 


21,  15.  17. 
23.  4  f» 


22,  16  £ 


22,  25. 


22,  26  f. 
21,  16. 


22,  21-24  ;  23,  9. 


17,  14. 

cf.    22,    29*;    2 

19' ;  34,  26'' 


20   (military  service   and  war :    cf. 

24,  5)- 

21,  1-9    (expiation     of    uncertain 

murder). 
,,      10-14    (treatment     of    female 

captives). 
„    15-17  (primogeniture). 
,,    18-21  (undutiful  son). 
,,    22  f.  (body  of  malefactor). 

22,  1-4  (animals  straying  or  fallen). 
,,    5  (sexes  not  to  interchange  gar- 
ments). 

,,    6  f .  (bird's  nest). 
,,    8  (battlement). 
,,    9-11   (against  non-natural  mix- 
tures). 
„    12  (law  of  "  fringes  "). 
,,    13-21  (slander  against  a  maiden). 
,,    22-27  (adultery). 
,,    28  f.  (seduction). 
,,    30  (incest  with  step-mother). 

23,  1-8  (conditions   of  admittance 

into  the  theocratic  community). 
,,    9-14  (cleanliness  in  the  camp). 
,,    15  f.  (humanity  to  escaped  slave). 
,,   1 7 f. (against religiouspro^titution). 
„    19  (usury). 
,,    21-23  (vows). 
,,    24    f.    (regard    for    neighbour's 

crops). 

24,  1-4  (divorce). 

,,    6.  10-13  (pledges). 

,,    7  (man-stealing). 

„    8  f.  (leprosy). 

,,  14  f.  (justice  towards  hired  ser- 
vants). 

,,  16  (the  family  of  a  criminal  not 
to  suffer  with  him). 

,,  17  f.  (justice  towards  stranger, 
widow,  and  orphan). 

,,    19  f.  (gleanings).  _ 

25,  1-3  (moderation  in  the  infliction 

of  the  bastinado). 
,,    4  (ox  not  to  be  muzzled  while 

threshing). 
,,    5-10  (law  of  the  levirate), 
,,    II  f.  (modesty). 
,,    13-16  (just  weights). 
,,    17-19  (Amalek  !). 

26,  l-ii  (thanksgiving  at  the  ofiering 

of  tirst-fruits). 
,,    12-15  (thanksgiving  at  the  offer- 
ing of  triennial  tithes). 


Lev.  20,  9, 


,,    19,  19. 
Nu.  15,  37-41 
Lev.  18,  20;  20,10, 

,,     18,  8;  20,  II. 

Nu.  5,  1-4.* 


Lev.  25,  35-37. 
Nu.  30,  2. 


Lev.  13 — 14. 
„    19,  13- 


„    19,  33  f. 

„    19, 9  f.;  23, 22. 


,,    19,  35f- 
cf.  Nu.  18,  12  f. 


70 


LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 


JE. 

Deuteronomy. 

P  (including  H). 

20,   4.   23;    34,    17. 

27,  15  [cf.  7,  25]. 

Lev. 

19,  4  ;  26,  i». 

21,   17. 

,    16  [cf.  21,  18-21]. 
1    17  [19,  14]- 

>) 

20,  9. 

,    18. 

19,  14- 

22,  21-24  ;  23,  9. 

,    19   24,  17]. 

I9>  33  f- 

,    20   22,  30]. 

18,  8;  20,  II. 

22,   19. 

,    21. 

18,23;  20,15. 

,    22. 

20,  17;  18,9. 

,    23. 

18,17;  20,14. 

21,    12. 

,    24. 

24,  17. 

23,8. 

,    25  [16,  19b]. 

23,  20-33. 

2 

S   (closing  exhortation). 

»» 

26,  3-45- 

13,  9.  16. 

23,  13  ;  34,  14. 

13,  H- 

23,  32  f. ;  34>  12. 

15  f. 
23,  24 ;  34,  13. 

19,  6;  22,  30. 


22,  21 ;  23,  9. 


21,  23-25. 


6,  8  ;  II,  18  (law  of  frontlets). 

,,    14;  II,  1 6 (against "other gods"). 
,,    20  f.  (instruction  to  children). 

7,  2-4.  16  (no  compact  with  Canaan- 

itis). 

,,    5;  12,  3  (Canaanite  altars,  "pil- 
lars," &c.  to  be  destroyed). 

„    6;    14,   2.    21  ;    26,   19;    28,   9 

(Israel  a  holy  people). 

(in  different  connexions.) 

10,  19  (to  love  the  stranger). 

16,  13.      15     (feast     of    "booths," 

"seven  days"). 

17,  6;  19,  15  ("two  or  three  wit- 

nesses"). 
19,  21  {lex  talionis). 

(but  in  a  different  application  in 
each  case.) 


Nu.  33,  55. 

>>    ZZi  52- 

Lev.  II,  44f. ;  19, 
2;  20,  7.  26; 
Nu.  15,  40. 

,.    19,  34- 

„    23,    34.    39. 

41-43- 
Nu.  35,  30. 

Lev.  24,  19  f. 


The  passages  should  be  examined  individually :  for  sometimes, 
especially  in  the  case  of  the  right-hand  column,  the  parallelism 
extends  only  to  the  subject-matter,  the  details  being  different, 
or  even  actually  discrepant.  The  instances  in  which  the  diver- 
gence is  most  marked  are  indicated  by  an  asterisk  (*).  The  first 
important  fact  that  results  from  such  an  examination  is  this,  that 
the  laws  in  JE^  viz.  Ex.  20 — 23  (repeated,  partially,  in  34,  10-26), 
and  the  kindred  section  13,  3-16,  form  the  foundation  of  the 
Deuteronomic  legislation.  This  is  evident  as  well  from  the  numer- 
ous verbal  coincidences^  as  from  the  fact  which  is  plain  from  the 

'^  E.g.  Dt.  16,  i''  and  Ex.  23,  15  (  =  34,  18);  3  viiddle  zxiA  13,  6  (  =  23, 
15  =  34,  18)  ;  4  and  13,  7  ;  4''  and  23,  18.  34,  25  &c. 


DEUTERONOMY.  71 

left-hand  column,  viz.  that  nearly  the  whole  ground  covered  by- 
Ex.  20 — 23  is  included  in  it,  almost  the  only  exception  being  the 
special  compensations  to  be  paid  for  various  injuries  (Ex.  21,  18 
— 22,  15),  which  would  be  less  necessary  in  a  manual  intended 
for  the  people.  In  a  few  cases  the  entire  law  is  repeated  verbatim^ 
elsewhere  only  particular  clauses  {e.g.  6,  8.  20.  15,  12.  16.  17), 
more  commonly  it  is  explained  (16,  19^  22,  4'')  or  expanded; 
fresh  definitions  being  added  (16,  1-17),  or  a  principle  applied 
so  as  to  cover  expressly  particular  cases  (17,  2-7.  18,  lo^  11). 
Sometimes  even  the  earlier  law  is  modified ;  discrepancies  arising 
from  this  cause  will  be  noticed  subsequently.  The  additional 
civil  and  social  enactments  make  provision  chiefly  for  cases  likely 
to  arise  in  a  more  complex  and  developed  community  than  is 
contemplated  in  the  legislation  of  Ex.  20 — 23. 

In  the  right-hand  column  most  of  the  parallels  are  with  Lev. 
17 — 26  (the  Law  of  Holiness).  These  consist  principally  of 
specific  moral  injunctions;  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  legis- 
lation in  Dt.  is  based  upon  this  code,  or  connected  with  it 
organically,  as  it  is  with  Ex.  20 — 23.  With  the  other  parts  of 
Lev. — Nu.  the  parallels  are  less  complete,  the  only  remarkable 
verbal  one  being  afforded  by  the  description  of  clean  and 
unclean  animals  in  14,  4*.  6-19^  ( =  Lev.  11,  2^-20,  with 
insignificant  differences  ^) ;  in  some  other  cases  the  differences 
are  great,  —  in  fact,  so  great  as  to  be  incapable  of  being 
harmonized. 

An  example  or  two  will  illustrate  the  different  relation  in  which  Dt.  stands 
to  the  other  Pentateuchal  codes.  If  16,  1-17  be  compared  with  the  parallels  in 
JE,  it  will  be  seen  to  be  an  expansion  of  them,  several  clauses  being  quoted 
verbally  (see  p.  70,  note),  and  only  placed  in  a  new  setting.  If  it  be  compared 
with  Lev.  23,  the  general  scope  will  be  seen  to  be  very  different,  though, 
with  the  parts  of  Lev.  23  which  belong  to  H,  there  are  two  or  three 
expressions  in  common,  viz.  in  16,  1 1*.  13.  15.  With  the  table  of  sacrifices 
in  Nu.  28  f.  there  is  no  point  of  contact  in  Dt.  The  laws  in  14,  22-29. 
15,  19-23.  18,  1-8  diverge  most  remarkably  from  those  on  the  s-ame  subjects 
in  LfV. — Nu.  In  other  instances,  also,  there  are  differences,  though  less 
considerable. 

The  different  relation  in  which  Dt.  stands  to  the  other  codes 
may  be  thus  expressed.  It  is  an  expansion  of  that  in  JE  (Ex. 
20 — 23);  it  is,  in  several  features,  parallel  to  that  in  H  (Lev. 
17 — 26);  it  contains  allusions  to  laws  such  as  those  codified  in 

^  14,  9-10.  20  zxt  brief er  ihan  Lev.  11,  9-12.  21-22  ;   14,  4^-5  is  not  in  I  ev 


72  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

some  parts  of  P,  while  from  those  contained  in  other  parts  its 
provisions  differ  widely.^ 

In  so  far  as  it  is  a  law-book,  Dt.  may  be  described  as  a  manual, 
which  without  entering  into  technical  details  (almost  the  only 
exception  is  14,  3-20,  which  explains  itself)  would  instruct  the 
Israelite  in  the  ordinary  duties  of  life.  It  gives  general  direc- 
tions as  to  the  way  in  which  the  annual  feasts  are  to  be  kept  and 
the  principal  offerings  paid.  It  lays  down  a  few  fundamental 
rules  concerning  sacrifice  (12,  5  f .  20.  23.  15,  23.  17,  i) :  for  a 
case  in  which  technical  skill  would  be  required,  it  refers  to  the' 
priests  (24,  8).  It  prescribes  the  general  principles  by  which 
family  and  domestic  life  is  to  be  regulated,  specifying  a  number 
of  the  cases  most  likely  to  occur.  Justice  is  to  be  equitably  and 
impartially  administered  (16,  18-20).  It  prescribes  a  due  posi- 
tion in  the  community  to  the  prophet  (13,  1-5.  18,  9-22),  and 
shows  how  even  the  monarchy  may  be  so  established  as  not  to 
contravene  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  theocracy  (17, 
14  ff). 

Deuteronomy  is,  however,  more  than  a  mere  code  of  laws ;  it 
is  the  expression  of  a  profound  ethical  and  religious  spirit,  which 
determines  its  character  in  every  part.  At  the  head  of  the 
hortatory  introduction  (c.  5 — 11)  stands  the  Decalogue;  and  the 
First  Commandment  forms  the  text  of  the  chapters  which  follow. 
Having  already  (4,  12  ff.)  dwelt  on  the  spirituality  of  the  God  of 
Israel,  the  lawgiver  emphasizes  here,  far  more  distinctly  than 
had  been  before  done,  His  unity  2L'Ci^  unique  Godhead  {6,  4.  10, 
17:  cf.  3,  24.  4,  35.  39),  drawing  from  this  truth  the  practical 
consequence  that  He  must  be  the  sole'  object  of  the  Israelite's 
reverence  (6,  13.  10,  20).  He  exhorts  the  people  to  keep  His 
statutes  ever  in  remembrance  (5,  i.  6,  6-9.  17  f.  &:c.),  warning 
them  with  special  earnestness  lest  in  days  of  prosperity  and 
thoughtlessness  they  should  forget  Him  (6,  10-12.  8,  11-18  &c.), 
and  yield  to  the  temptations  of  idolatry,  and  setting  before  them 
the  dangers  of  disobedience  (6,  14  f.  7,  4.  8,  19  f.  11,  16  f.  :  so 
4,  25  ff. — a  prelude  of  c.  28).  He  reminds  them  of  the  noble 
privileges,  undeserved  on  their  part  (7,  7  f.  9,  4-6 ;  and  the 
retrospect  following,  as  far  as  10,  11),  which  had  been  bestowed 

^  From  what  has  b?en  said  in  the  text,  it  will  be  apparent  how  incorrect 
is  the  common  description  of  Deuteronomy  as  a  "  recapitulation  "  of  the  laws 
contained  in  the  preceding  books. 


DEUTERONOMY.  Tl 

upon  them  (to,  14  f.  22:  so  4,  37);  and  re-asserts  with  fresh 
emphasis  the  old  idea  (Ex.  24,  8.  34,  10)  of  the  covenant  sub- 
sisting between  the  people  and  God  (5,  2.  3.  26,  16-19:  so  4, 
23.  32.  29,  12-15),  assuring  them  that  if  they  are  true  on  their 
side  God  will  be  true  likewise  (7,  9-13-  8,  18.  11,  22-28).  Par- 
ticularly he  emphasizes  the  love  of  God  (7,  8.  13.  10,  15.  23,  5'': 
so  4,  37),  tracing  even  in  his  people's  affliction  the  chastening 
hand  of  a  father  (8,  2  f.  5.  16),  and  dwelling  on  the  providential 
purposes  which  His  dealings  with  Israel  exemplified. 

Duties,  however,  are  not  to  be  performed  from  secondary 
motives,  such  as  fear,  or  dread  of  consequences :  they  are  to  be 
the  spontaneous  outcome  of  a  heart  from  which  every  taint  of 
worldliness  has  been  removed  (10,  16),  and  which  is  penetrated 
by  an  all-absorbing  sense  of  personal  devotion  to  God  ("with 
all  the  heart,  and  with  all  the  soul ; "  see  p.  94).  Love  to  God, 
as  the  motive  of  human  action,  is  the  characteristic  doctrine  of 
Deuteronomy  (6.  5.  10,  12.  11,  i.  13.  22.  13,  3.  19,  9.  30,  6.  16. 
20) :  as  here  dweU  upon  and  expanded,  the  old  phrase  those  that 
love  me  is  filled  with  a  moral  significance  which  the  passing  use 
of  it,  in  passages  like  Ex.  20,  6.  Jud.  5,  31,  would  scarcely 
suggest.  The  true  principle  of  human  action  cannot  be  stated 
more  profoundly  than  is  here  done :  it  was  a  true  instinct 
which  in  later  times  selected  Dt.  6,  4-9  for  daily  recitation  by 
every  Israelite  ;i  and  it  is  at  once  intelligible  that  our  Lord 
should  have  pointed  to  the  same  text,  both  as  the  "first  com- 
mandment of  all"  (Matt.  22,  37  f.  Mark  12,  29  f.),  and  as  em- 
bodying the  primary  condition  for  the  inheritance  of  eternal  life 
(Luke  10,  27  f.). 

The  code  of  special  laws  (c.  12—26)  is  dominated  by  similar 
principles.  Sometimes,  indeed,  the  legislator  is  satisfied  to  leave 
an  enactment  to  explain  itself:  more  commonly  he  insists  upon 
the  object  which  it  is  to  subserve  {e.g.  14,  23.  21,  23  &c)  or  the 
motive  which  should  be  operative  in  its  observance.  An  ethical 
and  religious  aim  should  underlie  the  entire  life  of  the  com- 
munity. Local  sanctuaries  were  apt  to  be  abused,  and  to 
degenerate  into  homes  of  superstition  and  idolatry  :  alloft'erings 
and  public  worship  generally  are  to  take  place  at  the  central 
sanctuary,  "the  place  which  Jehovah  thy  God  shall  choose"  (c. 
12,  and  often).  Old  enactments  are  repeated  (12,  3;  cf.  7,  5), 
1  The  Shemd :  C.  Taylor,  Sayings  of  the  Jewish  Fathers  (1S77),  pp.  52,  130. 


74  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

and  fresh  enactments  to  meet  special  cases  (c.  13.  20,  ]6-i8)  are 
added,  for  the  purpose  of  neutraUzing  every  inducement  to 
worship  "  other  gods."  The  hoHness  of  the  nation  is  to  be  its 
standard  of  behaviour,  even  in  matters  which  might  appear 
indifferent  (14  i  f.  3-20.  21);  its  perfect  devotion  to  its  God  is 
to  exclude  all  customs  or  observances  inconsistent  with  this  (i8», 
9-14).  In  particular  the  duties  of  humanity,  philanthropy,  and 
benevolence  are  insisted  on,  towards  those  in  difficulty  or  want 
(12,  19.  15,  7-11.  22,  1-4.  24,  12  f  14  f.  27,  18),  and  towards 
slaves  (15,  13  f.  23,  15  f ),  especially  upon  occasion  of  the  gregit 
annual  pilgrimages  (12,  12.  18.  14,  27.  29.  16,  11.  14.  26,  11. 
13).  Gratitude  and  a  sense  of  sympathy  evoked  by  the  recollec- 
tion of  their  own  past,  are  the  motives  again  and  again  incul- 
cated :  two  forms  of  thanksgiving  form  the  termination  of  the 
code  (c.  26).  Already  in  the  Decalogue  the  reason  assigned  for 
the  observance  of  the  fourth  commandment,  "  that  thy  man- 
servant and  thy  maid-servant  may  rest  as  well  as  thou,"  and  the 
motive,  "  And  thou  shalt  remember  that  thou  wast  a  bondman  in 
the  land  of  Egypt"  (5,  14^^.  15),  indicate  the  lines  along  which 
the  legislator  moves,  and  the  principles  which  it  is  his  desire  to 
impress  (add  13,  5.  to.  15,  15.  16,  3^  12.  23,  7.  24,  18.  22). 
Forbearance,  equity,  and  forethought  underlie  the  regulations 
20,  5-1 1.  19  f.  21,  10-14.  ^5-17-  22,  8.  23,  24.  25.  24,  5.  6.  16. 
19-22.  25,  3  ;  humanity  towards  animals,  those  in  22,  7.  25,  4. 
Not  indeed  that  similar  considerations  are  absent  from  the  older 
legislation  (see  e.g.  Ex.  22,  21-24.  27.  23,  9.  11.  12),  and  (as  the 
table  will  have  shown)  some  of  the  enactments  which  have  been 
cited  are  even  borrowed  from  it ;  but  they  are  developed  in  Dt. 
with  an  emphasis  and  distinctness  which  give  a  character  to  the 
entire  work.  Nowhere  else  in  the  OT.  do  we  breathe  such  an 
atmosphere  of  generous  devotion  to  God,  and  of  large-hearted 
benevolence  towards  man  ;  and  nowhere  else  is  it  shown  with 
the  same  fulness  of  detail  how  these  principles  may  be  made  to 
permeate  the  entire  life  of  the  community. 

l)t.  contain.s,  however,  two  historical  retrospects,  i,  6 — 3,  22 
and  9,  6 — 10,  11,  besides  allusions  to  the  history  in  other  places; 
and  the  relation  of  these  to  the  four  preceding  books  must  next 
be  examined.  The  following  table  of  verbal  coincidences  shows 
that  in  the  history  Dt.  is  even  more  closely  dependent  upon 
the  earlier  narrative  than  in  the  laws.     The  reader  who  will  be  at 


DEUTERONOMY.  75 

the  pains  to  underline  (or,  if  he  uses  the  Hebrew,  to  overVme) 
in  his  text  of  Dt.  the  passages  in  common,  will  be  able  to  see  at 
a  glance  (i)  the  passages  of  Ex. — Nu.  passed  over  in  Dt,  (2)  the 
variations  and  additions  in  Dt. 


Dt. 

I, 

.    7^ 

(Nu 

I.  14,  25).l 

>> 

9^ 

(Nu 

.  II,  14). 

11 

12 

(Nu 

1.  II,  17*^). 

>> 

J  3a 

Cf. 

Ex.  18,  2i». 

»» 

15 

Ex. 

18,  25. 

>> 

If 

,1 

18,  22.  26. 

>j 

9; 

,    6  ^«a^ 

>> 

32,  9-  33,  3-  5-  34.  9- 

»> 

9- 

)> 

24,  12. 

if 

9  middle 

)) 

24,  18". 

if 

9  d-W^ 

(Ex 

•  34,  28»). 

>} 

10" 

Ex. 

31,  i8\ 

>» 

12 

jj 

32, 7.  8^ 

»> 

13 

>> 

32,  9- 

» 

H'' 

>> 

32,  10''  (Nu.  14,  11% 

» 

15 

>> 

32,  15- 

n 

16 

>» 

32,  19".  8\ 

n 

17 

»> 

32,  i9>'. 

»» 

18-19 

>> 

34,  28  (cf.  9). 

>> 

20 

. 

. 

tt 

2l2 

>> 

32,  20. 

»> 

22 

See 

Nu.  II,  1-3.  Ex.  17,  7.  Nu.  II, 
4-  34. 

f) 

23-24 

[See  Dt.  1,  19  e7id.  26.  32]. 

»> 

25 

(Resumption  of  Dt.  9,  18). 

a 

263 

(Ex 

.  32,  1 1''). 

>f 

27» 

(Ex 

•  32,  13). 

»> 

28 

(Nu 

.  14,  16;  cf.  Ex.  32,  12). 

»> 

29" 

(Ex 

•  32,  11"). 

)> 

10, 

I» 

Ex. 

34,  I*. 

^  The  parenthesis  indicates  that,  though  there  is  a  coincidence  in  the 
language,  the  passage  quoted  does  not  describe  the  same  event,  but  is 
borrowed  from  another  part  of  the  narrative.  Thus  Dt.  i,  9-17  alludes  to 
the  appointment  of  judges  to  assist  Moses,  described  in  Ex.  18  ;  but  some  of 
the  phrases  seem  borrowed  from  the  narrative  of  the  70  elders  in  Nu.  II. 
So  in  2,  27''.  28".  29*',  alluding  to  Nu.  21,  22  (the  message  to  Sihon),  the 
expressions  are  borrowed  from  Nu.  20,  17.  19  (the  message  to  Edo77i). 

^  This  verse  does  not  necessarily  descrile  the  sequel  of  v.  20  ;  it  may  be 
rendered:   "And  your  sin  .   .  .   I  took  (  =  //a^/ /a/rw)." 

3  Vv.  26-29  cannot  refer  actimlly  to  Ex.  32,  11-13,  because  the  inter- 
cession there  recorded  was  made  before  Moses'  first  descent  from  the  mount, 
whereas  in  Dt.  v.  25  points  back  to  v.  18,  which  clearly  relates  what  took 
place  after  it  (viz.  Ex.  34,  9,  28"). 


76  LITERATURE   OF    THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Dt. 


10,    I*" 

Ex.  34,  2. 

I'  (the  ark) 

. 

2" 

Ex.  34,  I". 

2-3*  (the  iirk) 

. 

Ex.  34,  4. 

4 

Ex.  34,  28\ 

5.  6-9 

. 

io(  =  9,  i8) 

Cf.  Ex.  34,  9  f.  28. 

1 1 

(Ex.  33,  I). 

The  dci)e?idence  of  Dt.  i,  24-40.  41-46  on  Nu.  13,  17 — 14,  25. 
14,  40-45.  20,  I,  and  of  2,  1  —  3.  3  on  Nu.  21,  4-35''  (3,  4-1 1  being 
an  cxi»an.sion  of  Nu.  21,  35^),  it  must  be  left  to  the  reader  to 
work  out  for  liimself.  Apart  from  the  verbal  coincidences,  while 
there  are  sometimes  omissions,  as  a  rule  the  substance  of  the 
earlier  narrative  is  reproduced  freely  with  amplificatory  additions. 
A  singular  cliaracterislic  of  both  retrospects  is  the  manner  in  which, 
on  several  occasions,  a  phrase  describing  originally  one  incident 
is  app  ied  in  Dt.  to  a?wther.  Allusions  to  the  narrative  of  Gen. — 
Nu.  occur  also  in  other  parts  of  Dt.^  But  the  remarkable  circum- 
stance is  that,  as  in  the  laws,  so  in  the  history,  Dt.  is  dependent 
upon  J E.  Throughout  the  parallels  just  tabulated  (as  well  as  in 
the  others  occurring  in  the  book),  not  the  allusions  only,  but  the 
words  cited,  will  be  found,  all  but  uniformly,  to  be  in  JE,  not  in 
P.  An  important  conclusion  follows  from  this  fact.  Inasmuch 
as,  in  our  existing  Pent.,  JE  and  P  repeatedly  cross  one  another, 
the  constant  absence  of  any  reference  to  P  can  only  be  reason- 
ably explained  by  one  supposition,  viz.  that  when  Dt.  was  com- 
posed JE  atid  P  were  ?iot  yet  united  i?ito  a  si?igle  work.,  and  JE 
alone  formed  the  basis  of  Dt} 

This  conclusion,  derived  primarily  from  the  two  retrospects,  is 
confirmed  by  other  indications.  Dt.  speaks  regularly,  not  of 
Sinai,  but  oi  Horeb  (as  Ex.  3,  i.  17,  6.  33,  6),  a  term  never  used 
by  P:  Dt.  names  Dathan  and  Abiram  (11,  6),  but  is  silent  as 
to  Korah  ;    in  the  composite  narrative  of  Nu.   16  Dathan  and 

^  As  I,  8.  6,  10  and  often  (the  oath)  to  Gen.  22,  16  f.  24,  7.  26,  3  ;  6,  16 
to  Ex.  17,  7;  II,  6  to  Nu.  16,  i^.  32';  24,  9  to  Nu.  12,  10.  Comp.  also 
7,  14.  20  (the  hornet).  22  and  Ex.  23,  26.  28.  30.  29";  9,  3''  and  Ex.  23,  23. 
27.  31'';   II,  23.  25  and  Ex.  23,  27  ;   12,  20  and  Ex.  34,  24  &c. 

'  Notice  esp.  the  transition  from  Dt.  I,  40  (^^Nu.  14,  25*')  to  Dt.  i,  41 
(  =  Nu.  14,  40),  the  intervening  zn>.  26-39,  which  belong  in  the  main  to  P, 
being  disregarded.  A  single  instance  of  this  kind  would  not  be  conclusive; 
but  the  consistent  disregard  of  P  in  Dt.  admits  of  but  one  interpretation. 


DEUTERONOMY.  ^^ 

Abiram  alone  (p.  60)  belong  to  JE.  Similarly  the  exception 
of  Caleb  alone  (without  Joshua)  in  i,  36  agrees  with  JE,  Nu. 
14,  24  (p.  58).  The  allusions  to  Gen. — Ex.  are  likewise  con- 
sistently to  JE :  thus,  while  the  promise  (i,  8)  is  found  both  in 
JE  and  P,  the  oath  is  peculiar  to  JE.  If  the  author  of  Dt.  was 
acquainted  with  P,  he  can  only  have  referred  to  it  occasionally, 
and  certainly  did  not  make  it  the  basis  of  his  work.  The 
verdict  of  the  historical  allusions  in  Dt.  thus  confirms  that  of 
the  laws  (p.  70  f.).^ 

Authorship  and  date  of  Deuteronomy. 

Even  though  it  were  clear  that  the  first  four  books  of  the  Pent, 
were  written  by  Moses,  it  would  be  difficult  to  sustain  the  Mosaic 
authorship  of  Deuteronomy.     For,  to  say  nothing  of  the  remark- 
able difference  of  style,  Dt.  conflicts  with  the  legislation  of  Ex.— 
Nu.  in  a  manner  that  would  not  be  credible  were  the  legislator 
in  both  one  and  the  same.     Even  in  Dt.  15,  17'"  compared  with 
Ex.  21,  2  ff.,  and  Dt.  15,  i-n  compared  with  Ex.  23,  10  f.  (both 
JE),  there  are  variations  difficult  to  reconcile  with  both  being  the 
work  of  a  single  legislator  (for  they  are  of  a  character  that  cannot 
reasonably  be  attributed  to  the  altered  prospects  of  the  nation  at 
the  close  of  the  40  years'  wanderings,  and  point  rather  to  the 
people  having  passed  during  the   interval  into  changed  social 
conditions)  :  but  when  the  laws  of  Dt.  are  compared  with  those 
of  P,    such   a   supposition    becomes    impossible.      For   in    Dt. 
language  is  used  implying  that  fimdanie?ital  institutions  of  F  are 
tmk?iown  to  the  author.     Thus,  while  Lev.  25,  39-43  enjoins  the 
release  of  the  Hebrew  slave  in  the  year  of  Jubile,  in  Dt.  15,  12-18 
the  legislator,  without  bringing  his  new  law  into  relation  with  the 
different  one  of  Lev.,  prescribes  the  release  of  the  Hebrew  slave 
in  the  7th  year  of  his  service.     In  the  laws  of  P  in  Leviticus  and 
Numbers  a  sharp  distinction  is  drawn  between  the  priests  and 
the  common  Levites :  in  Dt.  it  is  implied  (18,  i^)  that  all  mem- 
bers of  the  tribe  of  Levi  are  qualified  to  exercise  priestly  func- 
tions;  and  regulations  are  laid  down  (18,  6-8)  to  meet  the  case 
of  any  member  coming  from  the  country  to  the  central  sanctuary, 
and  claiming  to  officiate  there  as  priest.^     Moreover,  in  P  par- 

1  The  dependence  of  Dt.  upon  JE  is  generally  recognised  by  critics ;  see 
e.g.  Delitzsch,  ZKVVL.  1882,  p.  227  ;  Dillm.  NDf.  p.  609. 

2  The  terms  used  in  v.  7  to  describe  the  Levites'  services  are  those  used  else- 
where regularly  oi priestly  duties.    ^"Z'l  HlC'  to  minister  in  the  Jiame,  as  18,  5 


78      I.ITF.RATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

ticular  provision  is  made  for  the  maintenance  of  both  priests  and 
Levites,  and  in  Nu.  35  (cf.  Josh.  21)  48  cities  are  appointed  for 
their  residence.  In  I)t.,  under  both  heads,  the  provisions  are 
very  different.  Dt.  18,  3  is  in  conflict  with  Lev.  7,  32-34;  and 
Dt.  18,  6  is  inconsistent  with  the  institution  of  Levitical  cities 
prescribed  in  Xu.  35  :  it  impHes  that  the  Levite  has  no  settled 
residence,  but  is  a  "sojourner"  in  one  or  other  of  the  cities 
("gates,"  see  p.  92)  of  Israel.  The  terms  of  the  verse  are 
indeed  entirely  compatible  with  the  institution  of  Levitical  cities, 
supposing  it  to  have  been  imperfectly  put  in  force ;  but  they  fall 
strangely  from  one  who,  ex  hypothesis  had  only  6  months  previously 
assigned  to  the  Levites  permanent  dwelling-places.  The  same 
representation  recurs  in  other  parts  of  Dt. :  the  Levites  are  fre- 
quently alluded  to  as  scattered  about  the  land,  and  are  earnestly 
commended  to  the  Israelite's  charity  (12,  12.  18.  19.  14,  27.  29. 
16,  11.  14.  26,  II.  12-13).  Further,  Dt.  12,  6.  17  f.  15,  igf. 
conflict  with  Nu.  18,  18  :  in  Nu.  the  firstlings  of  oxen  and  sheep 
are  assigned  expressly  and  absolutely  to  the  priest ;  in  Dt.  they 
are  to  be  eaten  by  the  oivner  himself  at  the  central  sanctuary. 
Lastly,  the  law  of  tithes  in  Dt.  is  in  conflict  with  that  of  P  on  the 
.^ame  subject.  In  Nu.  18,  21-24  the  tithes — viz.  both  animal 
and  vegetable  alike  (Lev.  27,  30.  32) — are  definitely  assigned  to 
the  Levites,  who,  in  their  turn,  pay  a  tenth  to  the  priests  (Nu.  18, 
26-28) :  in  Dt.  there  appears  to  be  no  injunction  respecting  the 
tithes  of  animal  produce;  but  the  reservation  of  a  tithe  of  vege- 
table produce  (12,  17  f.  14,  22  f.)  is  enjoined,  which  is  to  be  con- 
sumed by  the  offerer,  like  the  firstlings,  at  a  sacrificial  feast,  in 
which  the  Levite  shares  only  in  company  wiih  others  as  the 
recipient  of  a  charitable  benevolence. .  A  large  proportion,  there- 
fore, of  what  is  assigned  in  Nu.  to  the  Levites  remains  implicitly 
the  property  of  the  lay  Israelite  in  Dt.^    It  is  held,  then,  that  these 

(of  the  priest:  cf.  17,  12.  21,  5);  ••32^  "nr^V  to  stand  before— i.e.  to  wait  on 
(see  ^.i"-.  I  Ki.  10,  2>)—Jehoz>ah,  as  Ez.  44,  15.  Jud.  20,  28,  cf.  Dt.  17,  12. 
18,  5,  (The  Levites  "stand  before" — i.e.  wait  uj^on — the  congregation  Nu, 
16,  9.  Ez.  44,  If''.     In  2  Ch.  29,  II  priests  are  present  :  see  v.  4.) 

^  The  common  assumption  that  in  Dt.  a  second  i'whe,  on  vegetable  produce 
only,  in  addition  to  that  referred  to  in  Nu.  is  meant,  is  inconsistent  wiih  ihe 
manner  in  which  it  is  spoken  of  in  Dt.  :  even  supposing  the  first  tithe  to  be 
taken  for  granted  as  an  established  usage,  it  is  not  credible  that  a  second 
tithe  .should  be  \.\\\x^  for  the  first  time  instituted  yNXihoMi  a  word  to  indicate 
that  it  was  an  innovation,  or  in   any  respect  difTerent  from  what  would   be 


DEUTERONOMY.  79 

differences  of  detail  between  the  laws  of  Dt.  and  those  of  P  are 
greater  than  could  arise  were  the  legislator  the  same  in  both, 
and  that  they  can  only  be  explained  by  the  supposition  that  the 
two  systems  of  law  represent  the  usage  of  two  distinct  periods  of 
the  nation's  life.  For  though  it  is  no  doubt  thoroughly  conceiv- 
able that  Moses  may  have  foreseen  the  neglect  of  his  own  institu- 
tion, this  will  not  explain  his  enjoining  observances  in  conflict 
with  those  which  he  had  already  prescribed  ;  while,  as  regards 
the  impoverished  condition  of  the  Levites,  there  is  no  indication 
that  this  is  merely  a  future  contingency  for  which  the  legislator 
is  making  provision  ;  it  is  represented  throughout  as  the  condition 
which  the  writer  sees  around  him  (cf  Jud.  17,  7  f  19,  i  ff.). 

There  are  also  discrepancies  between  Dt.  and  other  parts  of  P,  as  i,  22  (the 
people  suggest  spying  out  the  land  of  Canaan)  and  Nu.  13,  i  ff.  (the  same 
suggestion  referred  to  Jehovah)  ;  10,  3  {Moses  makes  the  ark  before  ascending 
Sinai  the  second  time)  and  Ex.  37,  i  {Bezaleel  makes  it  after  Moses'  return 
from  the  mount) ;  lo,  6  and  Nu.  33,  31.  38  ;  10,  8  and  Ex.  28  f.  Lev.  8 
&c.  In  the  light  of  the  demonstrated  dependence  of  Dt.  upon  JE,  it  can 
scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  real  solution  of  these  discrepancies  is  that  the 
representation  in  Dt.  is  based  upon  parts  of  the  nnrrative  of  JE,  which  were 
still  read  by  the  author  of  Dt.,  but  which,  when  JE  was  afterwards  combined 
with  P,  were  not  retained  by  the  compiler.  Notice  that  in  10,  7  the  form  of 
the  itinerary  agrees  with  that  ofJE  (p.  62). 

There  are,  moreover,  expressions  in  the  retrospects  (esp.  the 
repeated  "at  that  time"  2,  34.  3,  4,  8.  12.  18.  21.  23,  and  "unto 
this  day"  3,  14)  implying  that  a  longer  interval  of  time  than  6 
months  (t,  3  compared  with  Nu.  2)'h->  3^  ^'^'^  20,  22-28)  had  elapsed 
since  the  events  referred  to  had  taken  place,^  And  the  use  of 
the  phrase  "beyond  Jordan  "  for  Eastern  Palestine  in  i,  i.  5.  3,  8. 
4,  41.  46  f.  49,  exactly  as  in  Josh.  2,  10.  7,  7.  9,  10  &c.  Jud.  5,  17. 
10,  8,  implies  that  the  author  was  resident  in  Western  Palestine 
(the  same  usage,  implying  the  same  fact,  in  Nu.  22,  i.  34,  15).^ 

ordinarily  understood  by  the  word  "tithe."  And  if  a  larger  and  more  im- 
portant tithe  had  to  be  paid,  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  there  should  be  no 
reference  to  it  in  the  solemn  profession  26,  12  f. 

1  The  curious  transition  in  i,  37  from  the  2nd  to  the  40th  year  of  the 
exodus,  and  back  again  to  the  2nd  year  in  i,  39.  points  in  the  same  direction 
— unless,  indeed  (which  is  quite  possible),  the  solution  suggested  above  be 
here  also  the  true  one,  and  the  reference  be  to  some  incident  of  the  2nd  year 
recorded  in  JE,  but  not  preserved  in  our  existing  Pentateuch. 

*  The  variations  between  Dt.  and  Ex. — Nu.,  in  connexion  with  the  attempts 
that  have  been  made  to  reconcile  them,  are  considered  more  fully  in  the  article 


So  litp:rature  of  the  old  testament. 

But  in  fact  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  Gen. — Nu.  cannot  be 
sustained.  P,  at  any  rate,  must  belong  to  a  widely  different 
age  from  JR.  Can  any  one  read  the  injunctions  respecting  sacri- 
fices and  feasts  in  Ex.  23,  14-19  beside  those  in  P  (Lev.  1—7. 
Nu.  28— 29,  for  instance),  and  not  feel  that  some  centuries  must 
have  intervened  between  the  simplicity  which  characterizes  the 
one  and  the  minute  specialization  which  is  the  mark  of  the  other? 
The  earliest  of  the  Pentateuchal  sources,  it  seems  clear,  is  JE ; 
but  at  whatever  date  this  be  i)laced,  Dt.  must  follow  it  at  a  con- 
siderable interval :  for  the  legislation  of  Dt.  imjjlies  a  more 
elaborately  organized  civil  community  than  that  for  which  pro-, 
vision  is  made  in  the  legislation  of  JE.  Nor  is  this  more  elaborate 
organization  merely  anticipated  in  Dt.  :  it  is  presupposed  as 
already  existing.  And  in  fact  the  historical  books  afford  a  strong 
])resumption  that  the  law  of  Dt.  did  not  originate  until  after  the 
establishment  of  the  monarchy.  In  Dt.  the  law  respecting 
sacrifice  is  unambiguous  and  strict :  it  is  not  to  be  offered  in 
Canaan  "in  every  place  that  thou  seest "  (12,  13),  but  only  at  the 
l)lace  chosen  by  God  "  out  of  all  thy  tribes  to  set  his  name  there  " 
(12,  5.  14.  18.  14,  23  and  often),  i.e.  at  some  central  sanctuary. 
Now  in  Ex.  it  is  said  (20,  24^),  "In  every  place  where  I  record 
my  name,  I  will  come  unto  thee  and  bless  thee ; "  and  with  the 
principle  here  laid  down  the  practice  of  Josh. — i  Ki.  6  conforms  : 
in  these  books  sacrifices  are  frequently  described  as  offered  in 
different  parts  of  the  land,  without  any  indication  (and  this  is  the 
imi)ortant  fact)  on  the  part  of  either  the  actor  or  the  narrator  that 
a  law  such  as  that  of  Deut.  is  beinsj  infringed.  After  the  exclu- 
sion  of  all  uncertain  or  exceptional  cases,  such  as  Jud.  2,  5.  6, 
20-24,  where  the  theophany  may  be  held  to  have  justified  the 
erection  of  an  altar,  there  remain  as  instances  of  either  altars 
or  local  sanctuaries  Josh.  24,  1''.  26^  i  Sa.  7,  9  f.  17,  9,  12-14. 
10,  3-  5-  8  (13.  9f'-)-  II,  15-  M,  35-  20,  6.  2  Sa.  15,  12.  32. 

The  inference  whicli  .ippears  to  follow   from   these  passages  is  sometimes 
met  by  the  conteniion  that  the  period  from  the  abandonment  of  Shiloh  to  the 
erection  of  the  Temple  wa-  an  exceptional  one.     The  n.iiion  was  in  di-grace 
and  undergoing  a  course  of  discipline,  its  spiritual  privileges  being  withheld 
till  it  was  ripe  to  iiave  them  restored  ;  and,  in  so  far  as  Samuel  appears  often 


in  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  ^^5  1 1,  14,  16,  17.  See  also  {J§  18  ("  beyond  Jordan  "), 
20  (-//-/(Egyptian  customs  alluded  to  in  Dt.),  31-32  (language),  33  (bearing 
of  the  prophets  and  historical  books  on  the  date  of  Dt.). 


DEUTERONOMY.  8 1 

as  the  agent,  his  function  was  an  extraordinary  one,  limited  to  himself.  It 
may  be  doubted  whether  this  answer  is  satisfactory.  There  is  no  trace  in 
the  narrative  of  such  disciplinary  motives  having  actuated  Samuel  ;  and  the 
narrator  betrays  no  consciousness  of  anything  irregular  or  abnormal  having 
occurred.  .See  especially  i  Sa.  9,  12  ff.  10,  3-5,  where  ordinary  and  regular 
customs  are  evidently  described  ;  and  14,  35,  which  implies  that  Saul 
frequently  built  altars  to  Jehovah. 

The  sanctuary  at  which  the  Ark  was  for  the  time  located  had 
doubtless  the  pre-eminence  (cf.  Ex.  23,  19;  i  Sa.  i — 3);  but, 
so  far  as  the  evidence  before  us  goes,  sacrifice  was  habitually 
offered  at  other  places,  the  only  limitation  being  that  they  should 
be  properly  sanctioned  and  approved  ("in  every  place  where  I 
record  my  name  ").^  The  non-observance  of  a  law  does  not,  of 
course,  imply  necessarily  its  non-existence ;  still,  when  men  who 
might  fairly  be  presumed  to  know  of  it,  if  it  existed,  not  only 
make  no  attempt  to  put  it  in  force,  but  disregard  it  without 
explanation  or  excuse,  it  must  be  allowed  that  such  an  inference 
is  not  altogether  an  unreasonable  one. 

The  history  thus  appears  to  corroborate  the  inference  derived 
above  from  c.  i — 4  &c.,  and  to  throw  the  composition  of  Dt.  to 
a  period  considerably  later  than  the  Mosaic  age.  Can  its  date 
be  determined  more  precisely?  The  termi?ius  ad  quern  is  not 
difficult  to  fix :  it  must  have  been  written  prior  to  the  iSth  year 
of  King  Josiah  (b.c.  621),  the  year  in  which  Hilkiah  made  his 
memorable  discovery  of  the  "book  of  the  law"  in  the  Temple 
(2  Ki.  22,  8  ff.).  For  it  is  clear  from  the  narrative  of  2  Ki.  22 — 23 
that  that  book  must  have  contained  Deuteronomy ;  for  although 
the  bare  description  of  its  contents,  and  of  the  effect  produced  by 
it  upon  those  who  heard  it  read  (22,  11.  13.  19)  might  suit  Lev. 
26  equally  with  Dt.  28,  yet  the  allusions  to  the  cove?iant  contained 
in  it  (23,  2.  3),  which  refer  evidently  to  Dt.  (29,  i.  9.  21.  25  : 
cf.  27,  26),  and  the  fact  that  in  the  reformation  based  upon  it 
Josiah  carries  out,  step  by  step  (2  Ki.  22,  13.  19.  23,  3-5.  7.  9-11. 
24  &c.),  the  principles  of  Dt.,  leave  no  doubt  upon  the  matter. 

How  much  earlier  than  b.c.  621  it  may  be  is  more  difficult  to 
determine.  The  supposition  that  Hilkiah  himself  was  concerned 
in  the  composition  of  it  is  not  probable  :  for  a  book  compiled  by 
the  high  priest  could  hardly  fail  to  emphasize  the  interests  of  the 

1  The  expression  DIpQ  7D3  may  include  equally  places  conceived  as 
existing  contemporaneously  (cf.  the  same  idiomatic  use  of  pD,  Lev.  ii,  24''), 
or  selected  successively. 

F 


S2  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

priestly  body  at  Jerusalem,  which  Dt.  does  not  do  (i8,  6-8).^ 
Tiie  book  is  stated  to  have  been  found  while  some  repairs  were 
being  carried  on  in  the  Temple  :  and  there  is  force  in  the  argument 
that  it  could  hardly  have  been  lost  during  the  early  years  of 
Josiah  (who  appears  to  have  been  throughout  devoted  to  the 
service  of  Jehovah) ;  but  this  might  easily  have  happened  during 
the  heathen  reaction  under  Mnnasseh.  Hence  it  is  probable  * 
that  its  composition  is  not  later  than  the  reign  of  Manasseh.^ 

The  conclusion  that  l)t.  belongs,  at  least  approximately,  to 
this  age,  is  in  agreement  with  the  contents  of  the  book. 

(i.)  The  differences  between  Dt.  and  Ex.   21-23,  point  with , 
some  cogency   to  a  period  considerably  removed  from   that  at 
which  the  Israelites  took  possession  of  Canaan,  and  presuppose 
a  changed  social  condition  of  the  people. 

(2.)  The  law  of  the  kingdom,  17,  14  ff.,  is  coloured  by  reminis- 
cences of  the  monarchy  of  Solomon.  The  argument  does  not 
deny  that  iMoses  may  have  made  provision  for  the  establishment 
of  a  monarchy  in  Israel,  but  affirms  that  the  form  in  which  the 
provision  is  here  cast  bears  traces  of  a  later  age. 

(3.)  The  forms  of  idolatry  alluded  to,  specially  the  worship  of 
the  "host  of  heaven"  (4,  19.  17,  3),  seem  to  point  to  the  middle 
period  of  the  monarchy.  It  is  true,  the  worship  of  the  sun 
and  moon  is  ancient,  as  is  attested  even  by  the  names  of  places 
in  Canaan  ;  but  in  the  notices  (which  are  frequent)  of  idolatrous 
practices  in  Jud. — Kings  no  mention  occurs  of  "the  host  of 
heaven  "  till  the  period  of  the  later  kings.^  That  the  cult  is 
presupposed  in  Dt.  and  not  merely  anticipated  prophetically, 
seenis  clear  from  the  terms  in  which  it  is  referred  to.  While 
we  are  not  in  a  position  to  affirm  positively  that  the  danger  was 

'  \V.  R.  Smith,  OTJC.  p.  362;  Dilm.  614.  Colenso's  opinion,  that 
Jeremiah  was  the  author,  has  found  no  favour  with  critics,  and  is  certainly 
incorrect  ;  it  is  true,  the  language  of  Jeremiah  often  remarkably  resembles 
that  ol  Dt.,  but  when  the  two  are  compared  minutely,  it  appears  that  many 
ofuhe  characteristic  expressions  of  each  are  absent  from  the  other. 

''So  Ewald,  Hist.  i.  127,  iv.  221  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  Add.  .4«J7tvr  (Edin. 
1878),  78;  Kiticl,  pp.  57-59.  Reuss,  La  Bible  {1879),  i-  156  ff.  ;  Kuenen, 
Hex.  p.  214,  and  (though  less  conhdently)  Dillmann,  NDJ.  p.  613  f.,  prefer 
the  reign  of  Josiah.  Dclitzsch,  Studicii,  xi.  561,  and  Riehm,  Eiul.  (18S9)  p. 
246  f.,  assign  it  to  the  reign  of  Ilezekiah. 

^2  Ki.  23,  12  names  Ahaz  (cf.  Is.  17,  8  end,  belonging  to  the  same  reign); 
2  Ki.  21,  3.  5  fcf.  23,  4.  5]  Manasseh  ;  17,  16  is  vague  ;  Zeph.  i,  5.  Jer.  7, 
iS.  iJ.  2,  iq,  13.  44,  17.  Ezck.  8,  16  belong  to  a  somewhat  later  period. 


DEUTERONOMY.  83 

not  felt  earlier,  the  law,  as  formulated  in  Dt.,  seems  designed  to 
meet  the  form  which  the  cult  assumed  at  a  later  age. 

(4.)  The  influence  of  Dt.  upon  subsequent  writers  is  clear  and 
indisputable.  It  is  remarkable,  now,  that  the  early  prophets, 
Amos,  Hosea,  and  the  undisputed  portions  of  Isaiah,  show  no 
certain  traces  of  this  influence;^  Jeremiah  exhibits  marks  of  it  on 
nearly  every  page ;  Zephaniah  and  Ezekiel  are  also  evidently 
influenced  by  it.  If  Dt.  were  composed  in  the  period  between 
Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  these  facts  would  be  exactly  accounted  for. 

(5.)  The  language  and  style  of  Dt.,  clear  and  flowing,  free  from 
archaisms,  but  purer  than  that  of  Jeremiah,  would  suit  the  same 
period.  It  is  difficult  in  this  connexion  not  to  feel  the  force  of 
Dillmann's  remark  (p.  611),  that  "the  style  of  Dt.  implies  a  long 
development  of  the  art  of  public  oratory,  and  is  not  of  a  char- 
acter to  belong  to  the  first  age  of  Israelitish  literature." 

(6.)  The  prophetic  teaching  of  Dt.,  the  point  of  view  from  which 
the  laws  are  presented,  the  principles  by  which  conduct  is 
estimated,  presuppose  a  relatively  advanced  stage  of  theological 
reflexion,  as  they  also  approximate  to  what  is  found  in  Jeremiah 
and  EzekieL 

(7.)  In  Dt.  16,  22  we  read,  "Thou  shalt  not  set  thee  up  a 
mazzebah  (obelisk  or  pillar),  which  the  Lord  thy  God  hateth." 
Had  Isaiah  known  of  this  law  he  would  hardly  have  adopted  the 
mazzebah  (19,  19)  as  a  symbol  of  the  conversion  of  Egypt  to  the 
true  faitii.  The  supposition  that  heathen  pillars  are  meant  in  Dt. 
is  not  favoured  by  the  context  {v.  2\^)',  the  use  of  these  has, 
moreover,  been  proscribed  before  (7,  5.  12,  3). 

If,  however,  it  be  true  that  Deuteronomy  is  the  composition  of 
another  than  Moses,  in  what  light  are  we  to  regard  it?  In 
particular,  does  this  view  of  its  origin  detract  from  its  value  and 
authority  as  a  part  of  the  Old  Testament  Canon  ?  The  objection 
is  commonly  made,  that  if  this  be  the  origin  of  the  book  it  is  a 
"  forgery : "  the  author,  it  is  said,  has  sought  to  shelter  himself 
under  a  great  name,  and  to  secure  by  a  fiction  recognition  or 
authority  for  a  number  of  laws  devised  by  himself.  In  estimating 
this  objection,  there  are  two  or  three  important  distinctions  which 
must  be  kept  in  mind.  In  the  first  place,  though  it  may  appear 
paradoxical  to  say  so,  Dt.  does  not  c/aim  to  be  written  by  Moses  : 
whenever  the  author  speaks  himself,  he  purports  to  give  a 
^  Reminiscences  of  c.  32  occur  (probably)  in  Hosea  and  Isaiah  I. 


84  LITKRATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

description  ///  the  third  person  of  what  Moses  did  or  said.^  The 
true  "author"  of  Dt.  is  thus  the  writer  who  introduces  Moses  in 
the  third  person  ;  and  the  discourses  which  he  is  represented  as 
having  spoken  fall  in  consequence  into  the  same  category  as  the 
speeches  in  the  historical  books,  some  of  which  largely,  and 
others  entirely,  are  the  comi)Osition  of  the  compilers,  and  are 
l)la.:ed  by  them  in  the  mouths  of  historical  characters.  This  * 
freedom  in  ascribing  speeches  to  historical  personages  is  charac- 
teristic, more  or  less,  of  ancient  historians  generally ;  and  it 
certainly  was  followed  by  the  Hebrew  historians.  The  proof 
lies  in  the  j^reat  similarity  of  style  which  these  speeches  con-*- 
stantly  exhibit  to  the  parts  of  the  narrative  which  are  evidently 
the  work  of  the  compiler  himself.  In  some  cases  the  writers  may 
no  doubt  have  had  information  as  to  what  was  actually  said  on 
the  occasions  referred  to,  which  they  recast  in  their  own  words  ; 
but  very  often  they  merely  give  articulate  expression  to  the 
thoughts  and  feelings  which  it  was  presumed  that  the  persons 
in  question  would  have  entertained.  The  practice  is  exemplified 
with  particular  clearness  in  the  Book  of  Chronicles,  where  David, 
Solomon,  and  dilTerent  prophets  all  express  ideas  and  use  idioms 
which  are  distinctively  late,  and  are  mostly  pecuHar  to  the  com- 
piler of  Chronicles  himself;  but  there  are  many  instances  in  other 
books  as  well.-  An  author,  therefore,  in  framing  discourses 
ajjj)ropriate  to  Moses'  situation,  especially  if  (as  is  probable)  the 
ek'iiients  were  provided  for  him  by  tradition,  would  be  doing 
nothing  inconsistent  with  the  literary  usages  of  his  age  and  people. 
Secondly,  it  is  an  altogether  false  view  of  the  laws  in  Dt.  to 
treat  them  as  the  author's  "  inventions."  Many  are  repeated  from 
the  Hook. of  the  Covenant;  the  existence  of  others  is  independ- 
ently attested  by  the  *'  Law  of  Holiness;"  others,  upon  intrinsic 
grounds,  are  clearly  ancient.  In  some  cases,  no  doubt,  an  aim 
formerly  indistinctly  expressed  is  more  sharply  formulated,  as  in 
others  modifications  or  adaptations  are  introduced  which  the 
tendencies  of  the  age  required ;    but,  on  the  whole,  the  laws  of 

J  See  I,  1-5.  4,  41-43-  44—5.  '•  27,  i-  9'  H-  29,  2  (Ileb.  i).  31,  1-30. 
Undoub:cilly,  ihe  tliird  person  may  have  been  used  by  Moses  ;  liut  it  is 
unreasonable  lo  assert  that  he  nnul  have  used  it,  or  to  contend  that  passages 
in  which  it  occurs  could  only  hr\ve  been  written  by  him.  See  Delilzsch, 
S!tuHni,  X.  p.  503  f.  ;  or,  more  briefly,  Genesis  (18S7),  p.  22. 

■■'  .See  Ixdow,  under  b)shua,  Kinijs,  and  Chronicles. 


DEUTERONOMY.  8$ 

Dt.  are  unquestionably  derived  from  pre-existcnt  lesage ;  and  the 
object  of  the  author  is  to  insist  upon  their  importance,  and  to 
supply  motives  for  their  observance.  The  ntw  element  in  Dt. 
is  thus  not  the  laws,  but  their  parenetic  setting,  Deuteronomy 
may  be  described  as  the  prophetic  re-fonmilation,  and  adaptation 
to  new  needs,  of  an  older  legislation.  Judging  from  the  manner 
in  which  the  legislation  of  JE  is  dealt  with  in  Dt.,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  there  existed  the  tradition — perhaps  even  in  a 
written  form- — of  a  final  address  delivered  by  Moses  in  the  plains 
of  Moab,  to  which  some  of  the  laws  peculiar  to  Dt.  were  attached, 
as  those  common  to  it  and  JE  are  attached  to  the  legislation  at 
Horeb.  There  would  be  a  more  obvious  motive  for  the  plan 
followed  by  the  author  if  it  could  be  supposed  that  he  worked 
thus  upon  a  traditional  basis.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  the  bulk  of 
the  laws  contained  in  Dt.  is  undoubtedly  far  more  ancient  than 
the  time  of  the  author  himself:  and  in  dealing  with  them  as  he 
has  done,  in  combining  them  into  a  manual  for  the  guidance  of 
the  people,  and  providing  them  with  hortatory  introductions  and 
comments,  he  cannot,  in  the  light  of  the  parallels  that  have  been 
referred  to,  be  held  to  be  guilty  of  dishonesty  or  literary  fraud. 
There  is  nothing  in  Dt.  implying  an  interested  or  dishonest 
motive  on  the  part  of  the  (post-Mosaic)  author :  and  this  being 
so,  its  moral  and  spiritual  greatness  remains  unimpaired ;  its 
inspired  authority  is  in  no  respect  less  than  that  of  any  other 
part  of  the  OT.  Scriptures  which  happens  to  be  anonymous. 

The  view  of  Dt.  as  the  re-formulation,  with  a  view  to  new 
needs,  of  an  older  legislation,  meets  the  objection  that  is  some- 
times urged  against  the  date  assigned  to  it  by  critics,  viz.  that  it 
contains  provisions  that  would  be  nugatory  in  8-7  cent.  B.C. ;  for 
instance,  the  injunction  to  give  no  quarter  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Canaan  (7,  1-5.  20,  16-18),  Of  course,  as  \\\&  creatioti  of  that 
age,  such  an  injunction  would  be  absurd  :  but  it  is  repeated  horn. 
Ex.  23,  31-33  ;  in  a  recapitulation  of  Mosaic  principles,  supposed 
to  be  addressed  to  the  people  when  they  were  about  to  enter 
Canaan,  it  would  be  naturally  included ;  and  so  far  from  being 
nugatory  in  8-7  cent.  B.C.,  it  would  indirectly  have  a  real  value  : 
occurring,  as  it  does,  in  close  connexion  with  the  prohibition  of 
all  intercourse  with  the  Canaanites,  it  would  be  an  emphatic 
protest  against  tendencies  which,  under  Ahaz  and  Manasseh, 
became  disastrously  strong.     The  injunction  respecting  Amalek 


S6  LITKRATURK   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

(25,  17-19)  is  repeated  for  a  similar  reason;  it  formed  an  indis- 
putable part  of  the  older  legislation  (Ex.  17,  16),  and  would  be 
suitable  in  Moses'  mouth  at  the  time  when  the  discourses  in  Dt. 
are  represented  as  having  been  spoken. 

The  much-debated  'Maw  of  the  kingdom"  (17,  14-20)  appears 
also  in  its  kernel  to  be  old.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  limi- 
tations laid  down  are  all  theocratic:  the  law  does  not  define  a 
political  constitution,  or  limit  the  autocracy  of  the  king  in  civil 
matters.  It  stands  thus  out  of  relation  with  i  Sam.  8,  11-17. 
10.  25.  Its  object  is  to  show  how  the  monarchy,  if  established, 
is  to  conform  to  the  same  Mosaic  principles  which  govern  other 
departments  of  the  theocracy.  V.  \^  asserts  the  primary  con- 
dition which  the  monarchy  must  satisfy, — "Thou  mayest  not 
set  a  foreigner  to  be  king  over  thee  : "  a  condition  conceived 
thoroughly  in  the  spirit  of  Ex.  23,  32  f.,  and  designed  to  secure 
Israel's  distinctive  nationality  against  the  intrusion  of  a  heathen 
clement  in  this  most  important  dignity.  The  prohibitions,  v, 
i6  f.,  guard  against  the  distractions  too  often  caused  by  riches 
and  luxury  at  an  Oriental  Court ;  danger  from  this  source  may 
well  have  been  foreseen  by  Moses  :  still,  these  verses  certainly 
wear  the  appearance  of  being  coloured  by  recollections  of  the 
court  of  Solomon  (i  Ki.  10,  25-28.  11,  2-4),  or  even  of  the 
eagerness  of  a  powerful  party  in  the  days  of  Isaiah  to  induce  the 
king  to  strengthen  himself  by  means  of  Egyptian  cavalry  (Isa.  30, 
16.  31,  I  ;  cf  Jer.  2,  18.  36).  The  injunctions,  v,  18  ff.,  secure 
the  king's  personal  familiarity  with  the  principles  of  the  Deutero- 
n;jmic  law,  for  the  reason  assigned  in  v.  20.  As  the  re-formu 
lation  of  an  older  law,  embodying  the  theocratic  ideal  of  the 
monarchy,  the  law  of  the  kingdom  contains  nothing  that  is  ill- 
ad.ipled  to  a  date  in  8-7  cent.,  or  that  would  have  sounded 
*' absurd  "to  the  author's  contemporaries,  supposing  that  to  be 
the  period  at  which  he  lived. ^ 

For  reasons  that  have  been  stated,  the  law  of  the  Central 
Sanctuary  appears,  in  its  exclusiveness,  to  be  of  comparatively 
modern  origin  ;  but  this  law  in  reality  only  accentuates  the  old 
pre-eminence  in  lh<.'  interests  of  a  i)rinciple  which  is  often  insisted 

'  Witli  the  last  three  paragraphs  comp.  Delitzsch,  Studien,  xi.  passim.  That 
thf  I»-('islation  of  Dt.  is  based  generally  upon  pre-existing  sources  is  fully 
rccogm-ed  by  critics:  see  e.f^.  Graf,  Cesch.  Biicher,  pp.  20,  22,  24;  Reuss, 
J.a  luhU\  i.  159  f.  ;  Dillmann  in  his  commentary, /ajjm,  esp.  p.  604  ff. 


DEUTERONOMY.  ?,y 

on  in  JE,  viz.  the  segregation  of  Israel  from  heathen  influences. 
History  had  shown  that  it  was  impossible  to  secure  the  local 
sanctuaries  against  abuse,  and  to  free  them  from  contamination 
by  Canaanitish  idolatry.  The  prophets  had  more  and  more 
distinctly  taught  that  Zion  was  emphatically  Jehovah's  seat ;  and 
it  became  gradually  more  and  more  plain  that  the  progress  of 
^spiritual  religion  demanded  the  unconditional  abolition  of  the 
local  shrines.  It  was  not  enough  (Ex.  23,  24.  34,  13)  to  demolish 
heathen  sanctuaries:  other  sanctuaries,  even  though  erected  osten- 
sibly for  the  worship  of  Jehovah,  must  not  be  allowed  to  take  their 
place.  Hezekiah,  supported,  it  may  be  presumed,  by  prophetical 
authority,  sought  to  give  practical  effect  to  this  teaching  (2  Ki.  18, 
4.  22.  21,  3).  But  he  was  unable  to  bring  it  really  home  to  the 
nation's  heart ;  and  the  heathen  reaction  under  Manasseh  ensued. 
Naturally,  this  result  only  impressed  the  prophetical  party  more 
strongly  with  the  importance  of  the  principle  which  Hezekiah 
has  sought  to  enforce ;  and  it  is  accordingly  codified,  and 
energetically  inculcated,  in  Deuteronomy.  Josiah  (2  Ki.  22 — 
23),  acting  under  the  influence  of  Dt.,  abolished  the  high  places 
with  a  strong  hand ;  but  even  he,  as  Jeremiah  witnesses  {passim)^ 
could  not  change  radically  the  habits  of  the  people  ;  and  the  ends 
aimed  at  in  Dt.  were  only  finally  secured  after  the  nation's  return 
from  the  Babylonian  captivity. 

It  has  been  shown  above  that  the  legislation  proper  of  Dt.  is 
comprised  in  c.  5 — 26,  to  which  4,  44-49  forms  a  superscription 
and  c.  28  a  conclusion.  In  what  relation  now  does  c.  i — 4,  40 
stand  to  the  body  of  the  book  ?  It  is  thought  by  some  critics, 
partly  on  account  of  slight  disagreements  with  statements  in 
c.  5 — 26  which  it  exhibits,  partly  on  account  of  the  separate 
heading  4,  44-49,  which  appears  to  be  superfluous  after  i,  1-4, 
to  be  not  part  of  the  original  Dt.,  but  to  have  been  added,  as  an 
introduction,  by  a  somewhat  later  hand.  It  is  doubtful  if  this 
view  is  correct.  The  incongruities,  though  they  no  doubt  exist, 
are  scarcely  sufiiciently  serious  to  outweigh  the  strong  impression 
produced  by  the  language  of  c.  i — 4,  40,  that  it  is  by  the  same 
hand  as  c.  5  ff".i  But  the  separate  heading,  especially  if  its 
circumstantiality  be  considered,  certainly  wears  the  appearance 
of  being  due  to  a  writer  who  was  not  acquainted  with  the  intro- 

^  The  most  noticeable  is  that  between  2,    14-16  and  5,  2-3.  11,  2-7.     See 
the  article  in  the  Did.  of  the  Bible,  §  26.     On  c.  29  f.,  also,  see  ib.  §  28. 


88  LITERATURE   OE   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

duction  to  c.  5  ff.  contained  in  c.  i — 4,  40.  Perhaps  Kleinert. 
with  some  older  scholars,  is  right  in  supposing  (pp.  33,  168  f.)  that 
4,  44 — c.  26  was  the  part  of  Dt.  that  was  first  completed,  and 
that  c.  I — 4,  40.  41-43  was  prefixed  afterwards  by  the  author 
himself  as  an  introduction. 

C.  27.  This  chapter,  which  enjoins  certain  ceremonies  to  be 
])errormed  after  the  Israelites  have  entered  Canaan,  interrupts  * 
the  connexion  between  c.  26  and  c.  28,  and  has  probably  been 
removed  from  the  position  which  it  originally  occupied.  Vz'.  9-10 
may  have  once  formed  the  connecting  link  between  c.  26  and 
c.  28.  In  the  rest  of  the  ch.  four  distinct  ceremonies  are*- 
enjoined — (i)  the  inscription  of  the  Deuteronomic  law  on  stones 
upon  Mount  Ebal  vv.  1-4.  8;  (2)  the  erection  of  an  altar  and 
offering  of  sacrifices  on  the  same  spot  vv.  5-7;  (3)  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  new  covenant  by  the  people  standing  on  /w^/t  moun- 
tains vv.  11-13;  (4)  the  twelve  curses  uttered  by  the  Levites 
and  responded  to  by  the  whole  people  tjv.  14-26.  Fv.  1-8 
appear  to  be  based  upon  an  older  narrative,  which  has  been 
expanded  and  recast  by  the  author  of  Dt.  P'v.  11-13  are 
disconnected  with  1-8,  the  situation  and  circumstances  being 
both  different;  but  they  must  be  taken  in  connexion  with  11, 
29  f,  and  understood  to  specify  the  symbolical  ceremony  which 
is  there  contemplated.  The  connexion  of  vv.  14-26  with  vv. 
11-13  is  very  imperfect.  F.  12  f.  represent  six  of  the  tribes 
(including  Levi,  which  is  reckoned  here  as  a  lay-tribe,  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh  being  treated  as  one)  on  Gerizim  and  six  on  Ebal 
—  in  tolerable  accordance  with  Josh.  8,  33 ;  and  we  expect 
(cf.  II,  29)  some  invocation  of  blevssings  and  curses  on  the  two 
mountains  respectively.  F.  14  ff".,  on  the  contrary,  describe  only 
a  series  of  curses,  uttered  by  the  Levites,  to  which  all  Israel 
respond.  The  two  representations  are  evidently  divergent,  and 
give  an  inconsistent  picture  of  the  entire  scene.  Either  some- 
thing which  made  the  transition  clear  has  dropped  out  between 
vv.  13  and  14,  or  v.  14  ff.  have  been  incorporated  from  some 
independent  source  (see  Dillmann,  pp.  367-9). 

^'  3^  I — 32.  47>  including  the  "Song  of  Moses"  (32,  1-43). 

Argument  of  the  Soni;.  After  an  exordium  (j/z/.  1-3),  the  poet  states  his 
theme  {v.  4'  As  for  the  A'ocl;  His  -cork  is  perfect),  the  upri<;htness  and  failli- 
fiilnts!^  of  Ithovah,  as  ilhislratcd  in  His  dealings  with  a  corrupt  and  ungr.Ue- 
ful  nation  [I'v.  4-6).      He  dwells  on   the  providential  care  with  which  the 


DEUTERONOMY.  89 

people  had  been  guided  to  the  home  reserved  for  them,  how  prosperity  had 
there  tempted  it  to  be  untrue  to  its  ideal  ("Jeshurun")  character,  until  the 
punishment  decreed  for  this  had  all  but  issued  in  national  extinction,  and  the 
final  step  had  only  been  arre&ted  by  Jehovah's  "dread  "  of  the  foe's  malicious 
triumph  {vv.  7-27).  Nov^r,  therefore,  in  Ilis  people's  extremity,  Jehovah  will 
interpose  on  their  behalf ;  and  when  the  gods  whom  they  have  chosen  are 
powerless  to  aid  them,  will  Himself  take  up  and  avenge  His  servants'  cause 
{w.  28-43).  Thus  the  main  idea  of  the  poem  is  the  rescue  of  the  people  by 
an  act  of  grace,  at  a  moment  when  ruin  seemed  imminent.  The  poem  begins 
reproachfully  ;  but  throughout  tenderness  prevails  above  severity,  and  at  the 
end  the  strain  becomes  wholly  one  of  consolation  and  hope. 

The  Song  shows  great  originality  in  form,  being  a  presentation 
of  prophetical  thoughts  in  a  poetical  dress,  which  is  unique  in 
the  OT.  The  standpoint — whether  assumed  or  real  —  from 
which  the  poet  speaks  is  subsequent  to  the  Mosaic  age,  to  which, 
vv.  7-12,  he  looks  back  as  to  a  distant  past.  The  style  of  treat- 
ment, as  a  historical  retrospect,  is  in  the  manner  of  Hos.  2, 
Jer.  2,  Ezek.  20,  Ps.  106.  The  theme  is  developed  with  great 
literary  and  artistic  skill ;  the  images  are  varied  and  expressive ; 
the  parallelism  is  usually  regular,  and  very  forcible. 

It  would  be  going  too  far  to  affirm  that  the  Song  ca7t?wt  be  by 
the  same  hand  as  the  body  of  Deut.  At  the  same  time,  most  of 
the  characteristic  expressions  are  different,  and  it  presents  many 
fresh  thoughts ;  so  that  internal  evidence,  though  it  does  not 
absolutely  preclude  its  being  by  the  same  author,  does  not  favour 
such  a  supposition,  and  the  context  hardly  leaves  it  a  possibility. 
For  if  31,  14  ff.  be  examined  carefully,  it  will  be  seen  that  there 
are  really  two  introductions  to  the  Song,  viz.  vv.  14-22  and 
vv.  23-30.  These  appear  to  be  by  different  hands;  the  first 
exhibiting  several  phrases  not  found  elsewhere  in  Dt,  the 
second  being  in  the  general  style  of  the  body  of  the  book. 
Vv.  14-22  (as  also  32,  44)  are  held  to  form  part  of  JE ;  hence  we 
must  suppose  that  the  Song,  being  already  at  the  time  when  JE 
was  composed  attributed  to  Moses,  was  incorporated  as  such 
in  JE.  The  section  containing  it  was  excerpted  afterwards 
by  the  author  (or  redactor)  of  Dt,  who,  adding  31,  23-30 
and  32,  45-47,  gave  it  the  place  that  it  now  holds.  If  the 
song  be  older  than  JE,  it  is  a  fortiori  older  than  Dr.,  and 
(unless  JE  was  composed  in  the  lifetime  of  the  author  of 
Dt.)  cannot  be  by  the  author  of  the  book.  The  historical 
allusions  are   most  naturally    understood   as   spoken    from    the 


90  LITFRATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

poet's  actual  standpoint :  the  nation  is  already  in  possession  of 
Canaan,  has  already  suffered  itself  to  be  seduced  into  idolatry, 
and  is  on  the  verge  of  perishing.  Both  the  thought  and  the  style 
of  composition  exhibit  a  maturity  which  points  to  a  period  con- 
siderably later  than  that  of  Moses.  The  date  to  which  it  is  to 
be  assigned  will  depend  upon  the  interpretation  of  the  expression 
"no*  a  people"  in  v.  21.  By  some  this  is  considered  to  denote 
the  Syrians,  by  others  the  Assyrians.  Dillmann  adopts  the  former 
view,  and  ascribes  the  Song  to  the  period  of  the  Syrian  wars ;  in 
particular,  to  the  interval  between  2  Ki.  13,  4.  7  and  13,  23. 
25.  14,  25  f.  (c.  800  B.C.).  Certainly  this  period  exactly  agrees 
with  the  standpoint  from  which  the  ^ox\g  purports  to  be  spoken. 

C.  32,  48-52.  This  short  passage  bears  evident  marks  of  P's 
style;  it  is  j-^artly  identical  with  Nu.  27,  12-14. 

C.  33.  The  Blessing!;  of  Moses.  This  offers  even  fewer  points  of 
contact  with  the  discourses  of  Dt.  than  the  Song.  It  was  prob- 
ably handed  down  independently,  and  inserted  here,  when  Dt. 
as  a  whole  was  incorporated  in  the  Pent.  It  should  be  compared 
with  the  Blessing  of  Jacob  in  Gen.  49 ;  for  though  (with  the 
exception  of  the  blessing  on  Joseph,  which  contains  reminis- 
cences from  Gen.  49,  25  f.)  the  thoughts  here  are  original,  there 
is  a  general  similarity  of  character  and  structure  between  the  two 
blessings.  A  difference  in  external  form  may  be  noted :  each 
blessing  here  is  introduced  by  the  narrator  separately,  speaking 
in  his  own  person.  Compared,  as  a  whole,  with  the  Blessing  of 
Jacob,  it  may  be  said  to  be  pitched  in  a  higher  key  :  the  tone  is 
more  buoyant ;  while  the  former  in  the  main  has  in  view  the 
actual  characteristics  of  the  different  tribes,  the  Blessing  ot 
Moses  contemplates  them  in  their  ideal  glories,  and  views  them 
both  separately  and  collectively  {vv.  26-29)  ^^  exercising 
theocratic  functions  and  enjoying  theocratic  privileges.  The 
most  salient  features  are  the  (apparent)  isolation  and  depression 
of  Judah,  the  honour  and  respect  with  which  Levi  is  viewed,  the 
strength  and  si)lendour  of  the  double  tribe  of  Joseph,  and  the 
burst  of  grateful  enthusiasm  with  which  {vv.  26-29)  the  poet 
celebrates  the  fortune  of  his  nation,  settled  and  secure,  with  the 
aid  of  its  God,  in  its  fertile  Palestinian  home.  There  is  also 
a  special  exordium  {vv.  2-5},  describing  how  Jehovah,  coming 
/rom  [not  td\  Sinai,  gave  His  people  a  law  through  Moses,  and 
held  the  tribes  together  under  His  sovereignty. 


DEUTERONOMY.  9I 

V.  4,  if  not  also  w.  27''.  28  {drave  out,  said,  dwelt),  implies  a  date  later 
than  Moses  ;  as  regards  the  rest  of  the  Blessing,  opinions  differ,  and,  in  fact, 
conclusive  criteria  fail  us.  The  external  evidence  afforded  by  the  title  [v.  i) 
is  slight.  Internal  evidence,  from  the  obscure  nature  of  some  of  the  allusions, 
is  indecisive,  and  offers  scope  for  diverging  conclusions.  Kleinert  (pp. 
169-175),  urging  V.  7  (Judah's  isolation,  in  agreement  with  its  non-mention 
in  Deborah's  song),  assigns  it  to  the  period  of  the  Judges.  Graf,  understand- 
ing V.  7  differently,  and  remarking  the  allusion  to  the  Temple  in  v.  12,  and 
the  terms  in  which  the  power  of  Joseph  is  described  in  v.  17,  thinks  of  the 
prosperous  age  of  Jeroboam  II.  (2  Ki.  14,  25),  which  is  accepted  by  Kuenen, 
Reuss,  and  others.  Dillmann  (p.  415  f),  interpreting  vv.  7.  12  similarly, 
considers  that  the  terms  in  which  Levi  and  Judah  are  spoken  of  are  better 
satisfied  by  a  date  very  shortly  after  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  in  the  reign 
of  Jeroboam  I.,  and  adduces  reasons  for  supposing  it  to  be  the  work  of  a 
poet  of  the  northern  kingdom,  which  afterwards  came  to  be  attributed  to 
Moses.  Delitzsch  defends  the  Mosaic  authorship,  though  excepting  v.  4, 
which  he  allows  must  have  been  added  subsequently.  V.  7  "And  bring  him 
— not,  unto  his  land,  but — unto  his  people  "  is  very  difficult.  Perhaps  the 
allusion  is  to  some  circumstance  on  which  the  historical  books  are  silent  : 
in  default  of  a  better  explanation,  it  is  interpreted  by  many  as  a  prayer, 
uttered  from  the  point  of  view  of  an  Ephraimite,  for  the  reunion  of  Judah 
and  Israel,  either,  viz.  after  the  rupture  of  the  kingdom  under  Jeroboam  I. 
(Dillm.  &c. ),  or  (Riehm,  Einl.  p.  313)  during  the  rivalry  between  the  two 
kingdoms  of  David  at  Hebron  over  Judah,  and  of  Ishbosheth  over  Israel 
(2  S.  2 — 4).     The  style  of  c.  33  suggests  a  higher  antiquity  than  c.  32. 

Style  of  Deuteronomy.  The  literary  style  of  Dt.  is  very  marked 
and  individual.  In  vocabulary,  indeed,  it  presents  comparatively 
few  exceptional  words;  but  particular  words  and  phrases,  con- 
sisting sometimes  of  entire  clauses,  recur  with  extraordinary 
frequency,  giving  a  distinctive  colouring  \.o  every  part  of  the  work. 
In  its  predominant  features  the  phraseology  is  strongly  original, 
but  in  certain  particulars  it  is  based  upon  that  of  the  parenetic 
sections  of  JE  in  the  Book  of  Exodus  (esp.  13,  3-16.  15,  26. 
19,  3-8,  parts  of  20,  2-17.  23,  20  ff.  34,  10-26). 

In  the  following  select  list  of  phrases  characteristic  of  Dt.,  the 
first  10  appear  to  have  been  adopted  by  the  author  from  these 
sections  of  JE;  those  which  follow  are  original,  or  occur  so 
rarely  in  JE,  that  there  is  no  ground  to  suppose  them  to  have 
been  borrowed  thence.  For  the  convenience  of  the  synopsis, 
the  occurrences  in  the  Deuteronomic  sections  of  Joshua  are 
annexed  in  brackets. 

I.  ^nj^  to  love,  with  God  as  object  :  6,  5.  7,  9.  10,  12.  II,  I.  13.  22.  13,  3 
[Heb.  4].  19,  9.  30,  6.  16.  20.  [Josh.  22,  5,  23,  ii.]  So  Ex,  20,  6 
(=Dt.  5,  10).     A  characteristic  principle  of  Dt.     Of  God's  love  to 


92      LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

His  people :  4,  37.  7,  8.  13.  lo,  15.  23,  5  [Heb.  6].  Not  so  before. 
Othcrwi-e  fust  in  Hos.  3,  I.  9,  15.  II,  I,  cf.  4.  14,  4  [Heb.  5]. 

2.  CnnX  DV^Ss  other  gods  :  6,   14.   7,  4-   8,   19.   11,  16.  28.  13,  2.  6.  13 

[Heb.  i.-j.  14].  17,  3-  18,  20.  28,  14.  36.  64.  29,  26  [Heb.  25].  30, 
17.31,18.20.     [J ush.  23,  16.  24,  2.  16.]     So  Ex.  20,  3  (=Dt.  5,  7). 

23,  13;  cf.  34,  14  ("ImN  z'N).  Always  in  Dt.  (except  5,  7.  18,  20. 
31,  18.  20)  with  to  seii.'e  or  go  after.  Often  in  Kings  and  Jeremiah, 
but  (as  Kleinert  remarks)  usually  with  other  verbs. 

3.  That  your  {thy)  days  may  be  louii  \9^  to  prolong  days]  :  4,  26.  40.  5,  23 

[Ileb.  30].  6,  2\  II,  9.  17,  20.  22,  7.  25,  15.  30,  18.  32,  47.  So 
Ex.  20,  12  (=  Dt.  5,  16).  Elsewhere,  only  Is.  53,  10.  Prov.  28,  16. 
Eccl.  8,  13  ;  and,  rather  differently,  Josh.  24,  31  =:Jud.  2,  7.t 

4.  The  land  (pSH  :   less  frequently  the  ground,   nDlXH)  zuhich  Jehovah 

thy  God  is  giving  thee  (also  us,  you,  them,    i,   20  &c. ):    4,  40.  15, 

7,  and  constantly.     So  Ex.  20,  12  (=  Dt.  5,  16)  nCISn. 

5.  Cl^y  r.-n  house  of  Iwndage  (lit.  of  slaves)  :  6,  12.  7,  8.  8,  14.  13,  5.  lo 

[Heb.  6.  11].  [Josh.  24,  17.]  So  Jud.  6,  8.  Mic.  6,  4.  Jer.  34,  13. 
From  Ex.  13,  3.  14.  20,  2  (  =  Dt.  5,  6).t 

6.  In  thy  _(;ates  (of  the  cities  of  Israel)  :   12,  12.  15.  17.  18.  21.  14,  21.  27- 

29.    15,  7.  22.   16,   5.  II.  14.  18.  17,  2.  8.  18,  6.  23,  16  [Heb.  17]. 

24,  14.  26,  12.  28,  52.  55.  57.  31,  12.  So  Ex.  20,  10  (  =  Dt.  5,  14). 
Nowhere  else  in  this  application  :  but  cf.  I  Ki.  8,  37  =  2  Ch.  6,  28. 

7<2.   n'l^jD  Dy  <i  people  of  special  possession :  7,  6.  14,  2.  26,    i8.t     Cf.  Ex. 

19,  5  n^3D  '•b  DD^MV 
7t.  L**np  DV  «  ^'''(r  people  :  7,  6.  14,  2.  21.  26,  19.  28,  9.f     Varied  from 

Ex.  19,  6  ^T\\>  """IJ  <z  holy  nation:  cf.  22,  30  and  holy  men  shall  ye 

be  unto  me. 

8.  Which   I  command  thee  this  day:    4,  40.   6,  6.  7,  II,   and  repeatedly. 

So  Ex.  34,  II. 

9.  Take  heed  to  thyself  {yourselves)  lest,  &c.  :  4,  9.  23.  6,  12.  8,  1 1.  1 1,  16. 

12,  13.  19.  30.  15,  9  (cf.  24,  8);  comp.  2,  4.  4,  15.  [Josh.  23,  11.] 
So  Ex.  34,  12;  cf.  19,  12.  (Also  Ex.  10,  28.  Gen.  24,  6.  31,  24, 
cf.  29  ;  but  with  no  special  force.) 

10.  ./  mighty  hand  and  a  stretched  out  arm:  4,.  34.  5,  15.  7,  19.  II,  2.  26, 

8.  The  combination  occurs  first  in  Dt.  jl/ighty  hand  a.\one  :  Dt. 
3,  24.  6,  21.  7,  8.  9,  26.  34,  12  [cf.  Josh.  4,  24].  So  in  JE  Ex. 
3,  19.  6,  I.  13,  9.  32,  II.  (Nu.  20,  20  differently. )  Stretched  out 
arm  alone  :  Dt.  9,  29  (varied  from  Ex.  32,  11).     So  Ex.  6,  6  P. 

11.  in3  to  choose:  of  Israel  4,  37.  7,  6.   7.  10,   15.    14,  2, — the  priests  18, 

5.  21,  5, — of  the  future  king  17,  15, — and  especially  in  the  phrase 
"the  place  which  Jehovah  shall  choose  to  place  (fr  set)  His  name 
there,"  12,  5.  11.  14.  18.  21.  26.  14.  23-25.  15,  20.  16,  2.  6.  7.  i|. 
15.  i6.  17,  8.  10.  26,  2,  or  "  the  place  whicli  Jehovah  shall  choose" 
18,  6.  31,  II.  [josh.  9,  27.]  Very  characteristic  of  Dt.  :  not 
applieil  before  to  Ciod's  choice  of  Israel  ;  often  in  Kings  of  Jerusalem 
(l  Ki.  S,  44.  II,  32  &c.);  in  Jeremiah  once,  ^3^  24,  of  Israel. 
Also  cliaiact.  of  II.    Isaiah  (41,   8.   9.  43,  10.   44,  1.2:    cf.  chosen 


DEUTERONOMY.  93 

43,  20.  45,  4.  Of  iho.  fitiure,  14,  I.  65,  9.  15.  22:  and  applied  to 
Jehovah's  ideal  Servant,  42,  I.  49,  7). 

12.  (?X"1l;'"'J3^  *]3"lpD  J^in  n"iy21  and  thou  shalt  extinguish  the  evil  from  thy 

midst  {ox  from  Israel)-.  13,  5  [Heb.  6].  17,  7.  12.  19,  19.  21,  21. 
22,  21.  22.  24.  24,  y.f  This  phrase  is  peculiar  to  Dt.  ;  but  Jud. 
20,  13  is  similar. 

13.  That  the  Lord  thy  God  may  (or  Because  He  will)  bless  thee:  14,  24.  29. 

15,  4.  10.  16,  10.  15.  23,  20  [Heb.  21].  24,  19:  cf.  12,  7.  15,  6.  14. 

14.  The  stranger,  the  fatherless,  and  the  widoic :   10,  18.  24,  17.  19.  20.  21. 

27,  19.  Cf.  Ex.  22,  21  f.  Hence  Jer.  7,  6,  23,  3.  Ezek.  22,  7. 
Together  with  M(?  Z^///^ ;  14,  29.  16,  11.  14.  26,  12.  13. 

15.  p2T  /^  <r/t-az'i?,  of  devotion  to  God  :    10,  20.  11,  22.  13,  4  [Heb.  5].  30, 

20:  the  corresponding  adjective,  4,  4.  [Josh.  22,  5.  23,  8.]  So 
2  Ki.  18,  6  :  cf.  3,  3.  I  Ki.  n,  2.\ 

16.  And  remember  that  thou  wast  a  bondman  in  the  latid  of  Eg)'pt :  5,  15. 

15,  15.  16,  12.  24,  18.  22.t 
17-  (V^V-  "jry  D'lnn   "^  thine  eye  shall  not  spare  {him):  7,  16.  13,  8  [Heb. 
9].  19,  13.  21.  25,  12.     Also  Gen.  45,  20.  Is.  13,  iS,  and  frequently 
in  Ezek. 

18.  i^Dn  12  n*n"l  and  it  be  sin  in  thee:  15,  9.  23,  21  [Heb.  22].  24,  15  ;  cf. 

21,  22  :  with  not,  23,  22  [Heb.  23]. 

19.  nilOn  p^n  the  good  land  {oi  Canaan)  :    I,  35.  3,  25.  4,  21.  22.  6,  18. 

8,  10  (cf.  7).  9,  6.  II,  17.  [Josh.  23,  16.]  So  I  Ch.  28,  8.t  Dt. 
I,  25  (Nu.  14,  7)  and  Ex.  3,  8  are  rather  different. 

20.  Which  thou  {ye)  knoivest  (or  kncwest)  7iot :  8,  3.  16.  ii,  28.  13,  2.  6.  13 

[Heb.  3.  7.  14].  28,  33.  36.  64.  29,  26  [Heb.  25].  Chiefly  with 
reference  to  strange  gods,  or  a  foreign  people.     Cf.  32,  17. 

21.  That  it  may  be  well  with  thee  (1^5  aO"'''  |I,'D^  or  it^'N)  :  4.  40._  5'    16. 

29  [Heb.  26].  6,  3.  iS.  12,  25.  28.  22,  7.  Similarly  (DD^)  -]!?  DIDI : 
5,  33  [Heb.  30].  19,  13.  and  3Vi:b  6,  24.  10,  13. 

22.  2"'D^n,  inf.  abs.,  used  2id\exh\a.\\y  =  thoroughly :  9,  21.  13,  14  [Heb.  15]. 

17,  4.  19,  18.  27,  8.     Elsewhere,  as  thus  applied,  only  2  Ki.  11,  18. f 

23.  To  fear  God  {T\^'\'h  '  often  with  that  they  may  learn  prefixed)  :  4,  10. 

5,  29  [Heb.  26].  6,  24.  8,  6.  10,  12.  14,  23.  17,  19.  28,  58.  31,  13, 
cf.  12. 

24.  (^3V)  hy(r\  '^,  in  the  sense  of  not  to  be  allowed:    7,  22.  12,  17.  16,  5. 

17,  15.  21,  16.  22,  3.  19.  29.  24,  4.  A  very  uncommon  use  ;  cf. 
Gen.  43,  32. 

25.  To  do  that  which  is  right  (-|C*M)  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah  :  12,  25.  13,  18 

[Heb.  19].  21,  9:  with  31£Dn  that  which  is  good  added,  6,  18.  12, 
28.  So  Ex.  15,  26,  then  Jer.  34,  15,  and  several  times  in  the  frame- 
work of  Kings  and  the  parallel  passages  of  Chronicles. 

26.  To  do  that  tuhich  is  evil  (j/in)  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah  :  4,  25.  9,  18.  17, 

2.  31,  29.  So  Nu.  32,  13  ;  often  in  the  framework  of  Judges  and 
Kings,  Jeremiah,  and  occasionar.}  elsewhere.  Both  25  and  26 
gained  currency  through  Dt.,  and  are  rare  except  in  passages 
written  under  its  influence. 


94 


i.hi:katl'rk  of  the  old  testament. 


27.  The  priests  the  Lrvites  (  =  the  Levitical  priests)  :   17,  9.  18,  I.   24,  8. 

27,  9  :  the  priests  the  sons  of  Levi,  21,  5.  31,  9.  [Josh.  3,  3.  8,  33.] 
So  Jcr.  33,  18.  Ez.  43.  19-  44,  ^S-  2  Ch.  5,  5.  23,  18.  30,  27.  Ps 
expression  "  sons  of  Aaron  "  is  never  used  in  Dt. 

28.  With  all  thy  {your)  heart  and  with  all  thy  {your)  soul:  4,  29.  6,  5.  10, 

12.  II,  13.  13,  3  [tie!).  4].  26,  16.  30,  2.  6.  10.  [Josh.  22,  5.  23, 
14.]  A  genuine  expression  of  the  spirit  of  the  book  (p.  73).  Only 
besides  (in  the  third  i)erson)  I  Ki.  2,  4.  8,  48!!.  2  Ki.  23,  3.  25 1|. 
2  Ch.  15,  12. 

29.  ^:dS  ;n3,  in  the  sense  oi  delivering  up  to  :   I,  8.  21.  2,  31.  33.  36.  7,  2. 

23.  23,  14  [Heb.  15]    28,  7  and  25  (with  Pja^).  31,  5.     [Josh.  10,  12. 

II,  6.]  Also  Jud.  11,9.  I  Ki.  8,  46.  Is.  41,  2.t  The  usual  phrase 
in  this  sense  is  1^3  jn^ 

30.  7^0  turn  (ID)  neither  to  tlic  right  hand  nor  to  the  left :  2-,  27  lit.  (Nu.  20, 

17  has  r\\y:^)'.  so  i  Sa.  6,  12.  Metaph.  5,  32  [Heb.  29].  17,  II. 
2D.  28,  14.     [Josh.  I,  7.  23,  6.]     So  2  Ki.  22,  2||.  f 

31.  D^^  r*Z*Vt2  t he -vork  of  the  hands  (=  enterprise) :  2,  7.  14,  29.  16,  15. 

24,  19.  28,  12.  30,  9  :  in  a  bad  sense,  31,  29. 

32.  ms,   of  the  redemption  from  Egypt:    7,  8  (Mic.   6,  4).   9,   26.    13,   5 

[Heb.  6].  15,  15.  21,  8.  24,  18.  Not  so  before:  Ex.  15,  13  (the 
Song  of  Moses)  uses  7S3  (to  reclaim). 

33.  3"ip    midst,    in  different    connexions,    especially   "^DIpD,  "jQlpO.       A 

favovirite  word  in  Deut.,  though  naturally  occurring  in  JE,  as  also 
elsewhere.     In  P  "Jin  is  preferred. 

34.  To  rejoice  before  Jehovah :  12,  7.    12.    18.    14,  26.    16,  II.   14  (cf.   Lev. 

23,  40).  26,  II.  27,  7. 

35.  To  ?nake  His  name  dwell  there  (pti^,   \'3'dh):   12,  1 1.  14,  23.  16,  2.  6. 

II.  26,  2.  Only  besides  Jer.  7,  12.  Ezra  6,  12.  Neh.  i,  9.f  With 
D^Jiv  {to  set):  12,  5.  21.  14,  24.  This  occurs  also  in  Kings  (to- 
gether with  nvn'p,  nM\  which  are  not  in  Dt.) :   I  Ki.  9,  3.  1 1,  36  al. 

36.  (DDn\  yi^)  IT  rbV'O  that  to  which  thy  {your)  hand  is  ptit :  I2,  7.  18. 

15,  10.  23,  20  [Heb.  21].  28,  8.  2o.t 

37.  ./«</  .  .  .  shall  hear  and  fear  (of  the  deterrent  effect  of  punishment): 

13,  II  [Heb.  12].  17,  13.  19,  20.  21,  21. t 

38.  7*  observe  to  do  (DIK-'yi?  "IDtJ')  :   5,    I.  32  [Heb.  29].  6,  3  &c.   (sixteen 

times:  also  four  times  with  an  object  iniervening).  [Josh,  i,  7.  8. 
22,  5.]     Also  a  few  times  in  Kings  and  Chronicles. 

39.  To  observe  and  do :  4,  6.  7,  12.  16,  12.  23,  23  [Heb.  24].  24,  8.  26,  16. 

28,  13  ;  of.  29,  9  [Heb.  8].     [Josh.  23,  6.] 

40.  The  land  jvhither  ye  go  over  (or  enter  in)  to  possess  it :    4,   5.   14  and 

repeatedly.  Hence  Ezra  9,  11.  ^nt^^53  to  possess  it  follows  also 
which  Jehoz'ah  is  giving  thee  (Xo.  4):  12,  I.  19,  2.  14.  21,  I. 
[Josh.  I,  1 1''.  J  Cf.  Gen.  15,  7.  In  P,  with  similar  clauses,  r\\n^ 
is  used  :  Lev.  14,  34.  25,  45.  Nu.  32,  29.  Dt.  32,  49. 

41.  a.   mn^    nnjnn  Jehovah's  abomination,  esp.  as  the  final  ground   of   a 


DEUTERONOMY.  95 

prohibition  :  7,  25  (cf.  26).  12,  31.  17,  i.  18,  12*.  22,  5.  23,  18 
[Heb.  19].  24,  4.  25,  16.  27,  15:  b.  nnyin  alone,  chiefly  of  heathen 
or  idolatrous  customs,  13,  14  [Heb.  15].  14,  3.  17,  4.  18,  9.  I2>'. 
20,  18.  32,  16.  a.  So  often  in  Prov. ;  comp.  in  H,  Lev.  18,  22. 
26  f.  29  f.  20,  13  (but  only  of  sins  of  unchastity). 

There  are  one  or  two  points  of  contact  between  Dt.  and  H 
{e.g.  in  the  use  of  the  term  thy  brother  15,  3.  7.  9.  n.  12.  17, 
15.  22,  1-4.  23,  19  f.  25,  3,  as  Lev.  19,  17.  25,  14.  25.  35.  36. 
39.  47) ;  but  with  P  generally  it  shows  no  phraseological  con- 
nexion whatever.  In  the  few  laws  covering  common  ground, 
identical  expressions  occur  (as  c.  14  pO,  24,  8  nv"ivn  yjlJ);  but 
these  are  either  quotations  or  technical  expressions,  and  do  not 
constitute  any  real  phraseological  similarity  between  the  two 
writings ;  they  are  not  recurrent  in  Dt. 

Most  of  the  expressions  noted  above  occur  seldom  or  never 
besides,  or  only  m  passages  modelled  upon  the  style  of  Dt.  In 
addition,  other  recurring  features  will  be  noticed  by  the  attentive 
reader,  which  combine  with  those  that  have  been  cited  to  give  a 
unity  of  style  to  the  whole  work.  The  original  features  prepon- 
derate decidedly  above  those  that  are  derived.  The  strong  and 
impressive  individuality  of  the  writer  colours  whatever  he  writes  ; 
and  even  a  sentence,  borrowed  from  elsewhere,  assumes,  by  the 
setting  in  which  it  is  placed,  a  new  character,  and  impresses  the 
reader  differently  (so  especially  in  the  retrospects,  c.  1-3.  9-10), 
His  power  as  an  orator  is  shown  in  the  long  and  stately  periods 
with  which  his  work  abounds :  at  the  same  time  the  parenetic 
treatment,  which  his  subject  often  demands,  always  maintains  its 
freshness,  and  is  never  monotonous  or  prolix.  In  his  command 
of  a  chaste,  yet  warm  and  persuasive  eloquence,  he  stands  unique 
among  the  writers  of  the  Old  Testament. 

The  influence  of  Dt.  upon  subsequent  books  of  the  OT.  is 
very  great.  As  it  fixed  for  long  the  standard  by  which  men 
and  actions  were  to  be  judged,  so  it  provided  the  formulae  in 
which  these  judgments  were  expressed ;  in  other  words,  it 
provided  a  religious  terminology  which  readily  lent  itself  to 
adoption  by  subsequent  writers.  Its  influence  upon  parts  of 
Joshua,  Judges,  Kings  will  be  apparent  when  the  structure  of 
those  books  comes  to  be  examined:  in  a  later  age  it  shows  itself 
in  such  passages  as  Neh.  i,  5  ff.  c.  9;  Dan.  9.  Among  the 
prophets,   Jeremiah's   phraseology    is   modelled    most    evidently 


96  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

upon  that  of  Dt. ;    and  reminiscences  may  frequently  be  traced 
in  Ezekicl  and  Deutcro-Isaiah. 

Differences  should,  however,  1)6  noted,  as  well  as  resemblances;  for  instance, 
even  the  Dc-uteronomic  passages  in  Jud.  and  Kings  contain  new  expressions 
not  found  in  Dt.  {e.g.  I  Ki.  U,  2  fo  incline  the  heart  [often  in  Jer.]  ;  1 1,  4  a 
perfect  heart,  &c.):  on  Jeremiah,  comp.  p.  82,  note. 


§  6.  Joshua. 

Literature.— See  p.   if.;   and  add  :    HoUenberg  in  the  Stndien  ntid 
h'ritikcn,  1 874,  pp.  472-506  ;  and  Der  Charaktcr  der  Alexandrinischen  UJ>er-  ^ 
sctzuno  des  Bitches  Josua,  Moers,  1876;  Budde  in  the  ZA'/'Il^  1S87,  pp.  93" 
166  ;  1888,  p.  148.     Comp.  Delitzsch,  Genesis  (1887),  pp.  30-33- 

The  Book  of  Joshua  is  separated  by  the  Jews  from  the  Penta- 
teuch (the  Tcfni/i  or  Law),  and  forms  with  them  the  first  of  the 
group  of  writings  called  the  "Former  Prophets"  {t'.e.  Joshua, 
judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings).  This  distinction  is,  however,  an 
artificial  one,  depending  on  the  fact  that  the  book  could  not  be 
regarded,  like  the  Pentateuch,  as  containing  an  authoritative 
rule  of  life  ;  its  contents,  and,  still  more,  its  literary  structure, 
show  that  it  is  intimately  connected  with  the  Pentateuch,  and 
describes  the  final  stage  in  the  history  of  the  On'gmes  of  the 
Hebrew  nation, 

'I'he  book  divides  itself  naturally  into  two  parts,  the  first 
(c.  I  — 12)  narrating  the  passage  of  Jordan  by  the  Israelites,  and 
the  subsequent  series  of  successes  by  which  they  won  their  way 
into  Canaan  ;  the  second  (c.  13 — 24)  describing  the  allotment  of 
the  country  among  the  tribes,  and  ending  with  an  account  of  the 
closing  events  in  Joshua's  life.  Chronological  notes  in  the  book 
are  rare  (4,  19.  5,  10;  and  incidentally  14,  10).  The  period  of 
time  covered  by  the  book  can  only  be  determined  approximately ; 
for  though  Joshua  is  stated  to  have  died  at  the  age  of  no  years, 
there  is  no  distinct  note  of  his  age  on  any  previous  occasion.^ 
From  a  comparison  of  14,  10  with  Dt.  2,  14  it  would  seem  that 
in  the  view  of  the  writer  of  the  section  14,  6-15  the  war  of 
concjuest  occupied  about  7  years. 

Tlie  Book  of  Joshua  consists,  at  least  in  large  measure,  of  a 
continuation  of  the  documents  used  in  the  formation  of  the  Penta- 
teuch.     In  c.  I  — 12  the  main  narrative  consists  of  a  work,  itself 

*  He  is  called  a  "  youn.;  man,"  Ex.  23,  ii>  in  the  first  year  of  the  exodus. 


JOSHUA.  97 

also  in  parts  composite,  which  appears  to  be  the  continuation  of 
JE,  though  whether  its  component  parts  are  definitely  J  and  E, 
or  whether  it  is  rather  the  work  of  the  writer  who  combined  J  and 
E  into  a  whole,  and  in  this  book,  perhaps,  permitted  himself  the 
use  of  other  independent  sources,  may  be  an  open  question 
The  use  of  P  in  these  chapters  is  rare.  In  c.  13 — 24,  on  the 
contrary,  especially  in  the  topographical  descriptions,  the  work  of 
P  predominates,  and  the  passages  derived  from  JE  are  decidedly 
less  numerous  than  in  the  first  part  of  the  book.  There  is,  how- 
ever, another  element  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  besides  JE  and  P. 
JE,  before  it  was  combined  with  P,  seems  to  have  [)assed  through 
the  hands  of  a  writer  who  expanded  it  in  different  ways,  and  who, 
being  strongly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  Deuteronomy,  may  be 
termed  the  Deuteronomic  editor,  and  denoted  by  the  abbreviation 
D^.^  The  parts  added  by  this  writer  are  in  most  cases  readily 
recognised  by  their  characteristic  style.  The  chief  aim  of  these 
Deuteronomic  additions  to  JE  is  to  illustrate  and  emphasize  the 
zeal  shown  by  Joshua  in  fulfilling  Mosaic  ordinances,  especially 
the  command  to  extirpate  the  native  population  of  Canaan,  and 
the  success  which  in  consequence  crowned  his  efforts.^  In  point 
of  fact,  as  other  passages  show  (p.  108),  the  concjuest  was  by  no 
means  effected  with  the  rapidity  and  completeness  which  some 
of  the  passages  quoted  imply ;  but  the  writer,  as  it  seems, 
generalizes  with  some  freedom.  Another  characteristic  of  the 
same  additions  is  the  frequent  reference  to  the  occupation  of 
the  trans-Jordanic  territory  by  Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  half-tribe 
of  Manasseh,  not  merely  in  i,  12  ff.  and  22,  1-6,  but  also  2,  10. 
9,  10.  12,  2-6.  13,  8-12.  18,  7^ 

I.  C.  I  — 12.   The  Cotiquest  of  Palestine, 

C.  I — 2.  Preparations  for  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  and 
conquest  of  Canaan.  Joshua  is  encouraged  by  God  for  the  task 
imposed  upon  him,  and  receives  (according  to  the  stipulation, 
Nu.  32,  20-27)  the  promise  of  assistance  from  the  2\  tribes 
whose  territory  had  already  been  allotted  to  them  on  the  E.  of 
Jordan  (c.  i).  The  mission  of  the  spies  to  Jericho  and  the 
compact  with  Rahab  (c.  2). 

^  No  account  is  here  taken  of  the  distinction  drawn  by  Kittel,  p.  60. 
2  See  I,  1-9.  3,  7.  10.  4,  14.  5,  I.  6,  2.  8,   i.  29  (Dl.  21,  23).  30-35.   10, 
40-42.  II,  14  f.  16-23.  21,  43-45-  23,  3-  9-  14""-  24,  II  middle.  13. 

G 


98  I.ITKRATUKE   ( )F    THE    OIJ;   TESTAMENT. 

(JE  2,  1-9.  12-24. 

(D-  c    I.  2.  lo-ir. 

C.  I  is  based  probably  upon  an  earlier  and  shorter  narrative,  frcm  which, 
for  instance,  the  subs' ance  of  7'z:  i.  2.  10,  ii  may  be  deiived,  but  in  its 
present  form  it  is  the  composition  of  D^.  It  is  constructed  almost  entirely  ot 
phrases  borrowed  from  Dt.  :  comp.  z'v.  3-5^  and  Dt.  1 1,  24.  25*;  5'-6.  Dt. 
31,  23  rm/.  6.  7''.  8  (also  I,  38.  3,  28) ;  7.  Dt.  5,  32  (Heb.  29).  29,  9  (Heb.  8)  ; 
9.  '')t.  31,  6,  also  i7>.  I,  29.  7,  21.  20,  3  (the  uncommon  py) ;  II^  Dt.  ii,  , 
3'  ;  '3''-'5  i^f-  3)  '8-20;  17''  as  ?'.  5;  18''  as  v.  6*.  Even  where  the 
phrases  do  not  actually  occur  in  Dt,,  the  tone  and  style  are  those  of  Dt. 

The  greater  part  of  c.  2  sh'iws  no  traces  of  the  Deut.  style  ;  it  is,  however, 
very  evident  in  the  two  verses  lo-li  ;  see  Dt.  31,  4.  I,  28,  and  esp.  4,  39 
Uhe  plirase  //e  is  God  in  heaven  above.  Sec.  occurring  nowhere  else  in  the 
OT. );  comp.  also  Jo.sh.  4,  23.  5,  I  (both  D^).  K  9  contains  reminiscences 
from  the  Song  in  Ex,  1-5  {vv.  16,  15). 

C.  3 — 4.  The  passage  of  the  Jordan,  and  the  erection  of  two 
monuments  in  commemoration  of  the  event,  consisting  of  two 
cairns  of  stones,  one  set  up  in  the  bed  of  the  river  itself,  the 
other  at  the  first  camping-place  on  the  West  side,  Gilgal,  which 
henceforth  hcxomes  the  headquarters  jf  the  Israelites  till  the 
conquest  is  complete. 


(  j|.-  \  '^  3.  I-  5-  lo-ii.        M-^Z-  4.  1-3-  8, 

(       ( ^  12.  4-7,     9  II*. 

(  ly^  3,  2-4.      6-9.  ii**-ia. 

P     4,^3^ ^19- 

•*      (^  15-18. 

(  l->-         4.  14-  21-24. 

The  composite  structure  of  c.  3-4  is  apparent  from  the  follow- 
ing considerations,  (i)  After  it  l^as  been  stated,  3,  17,  in  express 
icrm.s,  that  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  was  completed,  the 
language  of  4,  4,  5.  10''  implies,  not  less  distinctly,  that  the 
\)cu\)\c  have  not  yet  crossed  ;  in  fact,  at  4,  11  the  narrative  is  at 
precisely  tiie  same  point  which  was  reached  at  3,  17.  (2)  4,  8 
and  4,  9  speak  of  two  diffen7it  ceremonies — the  location  of 
stones,  taken  from  Jordan,  at  Gilgal,  and  the  erection  of  stones 
in  the  bed  of  i/ie  river  itself:  v.  8,  now,  is  plainly  the  sequel  of 
V.  3,  while  V.  9  coheres  with  V7'.  4-7,  which,  on  the  other  hand,  inter- 
rupt the  connexion  o\  v.  3  with  v.  8,  (3)  3,  12  is  superfluous,  if 
it  and  4,  2  belong  to  the  same  narrative  ;  it  is,  however,  required 


/ 


JOSHUA.  99 

for  4,  4.  The  verses  assigned  to  a  form  a  consecutive  narrative, 
relating  to  the  stones  deposited  at  Gilgal.  The  narrative  b  is  not 
complete,  part  having  been  omitted  when  the  two  accounts  were 
combined  together.  In  the  parts  which  remain,  4,  4  is  the  sequel 
to  3,  12;  the  twelve  men  pass  over  before  the  ark  into  Jordan 
4,  4-7  ;  the  stones  are  erected  in  the  river  v.  9 ;  after  this,  the 
people  "hasten  and  pass  over"  {v.  10^):  in  the  other  narrative 
the  people  have  "  clean  passed  over "  before  the  ceremony  is 
even  enjoined.  The  combined  narrative  a  b  has  been  slighdy 
amplified  by  D^  in  the  verses  assigned  to  him  in  the  analysis — in 
3,  2-4.  6-9,  probably,  upon  the  basis  of  notices  belonging  to  JE. 
It  is  not,  however,  clear  that  the  two  main  narratives  are  J  and 
E  respectively ;  and  hence  the  letters  a  and  b  have  been  used  to 
designate  them.  With  4,  21  (i^n)  comp.  Dt.  11,  27.  18,  22; 
with  23^,  c.  2,  10.  5,  i;  with  24,  Dt.  28,  10.  4,  lo*';  and  above, 
p.  92,  No.  10. 

C  5 — 8-  Joshua  circumcises  the  people  at  Gilgal;  and  the  Pass- 
over is  kept  there  (5,  1-12).  He  receives  instructions  respecting 
the  conquest  of  Jericho :  the  city  is  taken  and  "devoted"  (Dt. 
7,  2.  25  f ),  Rahab  and  her  household  being  spared  according  to 
the  compact  of  c.  2.  After  this  Joshua  advances  against  Ai,  in 
the  heart  of  the  land,  near  Bethel ;  he  is  at  first  repulsed  in  con- 
sequence of  Achan's  offence  in  having  appropriated  a  portion  of 
the  spoil,  which  had  been  "  devoted  "  at  Jericho.  Achan  having 
been  punished,  the  Israelites  succeed  in  obtaining  possession  of 
the  city  by  a  stratagem  (7,  i — 8,  29).  Joshua  erects  an  altar  on 
Ebal,  the  mountain  on  the  north  of  Shechem,  and  fulfils  the 
injunctions  Dt.  27,  2-8. 

(     P    5>  10-12. rri^ 

\    j  JE  2-3.  8-9.  5,  13—6,  27.  7,  2-26.  8,  1-29. 

U  D2  5,  I.  4-7.  8,  30-35. 

6,  2.  27  show  signs  of  the  hand  of  D^ :  with  2»  comp.  8,  i.  Dt.  2,  24  ; 
with  2*',  c.  I,  14.  8,  3.  10,  7  ;  z/.  27  recalls  I,  5.  9.  17.  9,  9b.  On  the  question 
(which  cannot  here  be  properly  considered)  whether  the  rest  of  c.  6  exhibits 
marks  of  composition,  reference  must  be  made  to  Wellh.  {Comp.  pp.  121-4; 
and  the  Commentary  of  Dillm. 

In  8,  1-29  short  additions  or  expansions  due  to  D'  are  v.  I  ("Fear  not, 
neither  be  thou  dismayed  ;"  cf.  Dt.  I,  21.  31,  8.  c.  10,  25).  2^  27  (cf.  Dt. 
2,  35),  and  probably  a  few  phrases  besides,  both  here  and  in  c.  7.  (Comp. 
the  additions  sometimes  made  by  the  Chrofiicler  in  his  excerpts  from  Kings, 


lOO  LITI-RATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

e.g.  I  Ch.  21,  II''.  2  Ch.  7,  i2''-i6«.  8,  ii''.  i8,  3i»>.)     On  the  rest  of  8,  1-29, 
sec  Wellh.  Com/>.  125  f.,  and  Dillm.  p.  472  ff. 

With  regard  to  8,  30-35  a  difficulty  arises  from  the  position 
which  it  occupies  in  the  book.  Ebal  lies  considerably  to  the 
norfh  of  Ai,  and  until  the  intervening  territory  was  conquered 
(respecting  which,  however,  the  narrative  is  silent)  it  is  difficult  to 
understand  how  Joshua  could  have  advanced  thither.  Either  . 
the  narrative  is  misplaced,  and  (as  has  been  suggested)  should 
follow  II,  23  ;  or  (Dillm.)  JE  has  been  curtailed  by  the  compiler 
of  the  book,  and  the  details  which,  no  doubt,  it  once  contained 
rcsi)ccling  the  conquest  of  Central  Palestine — similar  to  those^ 
rcsi)ecting  that  of  the  South  (c.  10)  and  of  the  North  (c.  11)— 
have  been  omitted. 

S,  30-32  agrees  with  Dt.  27,  1-8;  v.  33  also  agrees  tolerably  with  Dt.  ii, 
29.  27,  11-13,  I'Ul  not  completely,  there  being  no  mention  of  the  curse.  The 
tva<//fig of  the  law  v.  34  f.  is  not  enjoined  in  Dt.  In  z'.  34  the  words  "the 
blessing  and  the  curse"  (which,  though  they  seem  to  be  epexegetical  of  "aA 
the  words  of  the  law,"  cannot  be  so  in  reahty)  may  be  a  late  insertion, 
designed  to  rectify  the  aj-iparent  omission  in  z'.  33.  With  the  expressions  in 
V.  35  cf.  II,  15.  Dt.  31,  30.  29,  10:  notice  aUo  in  v.  ;^;^  the  Deut.  phrase, 
"the   priests  the  Levites"(p.  94). 

C.  9.  The  Gibeonites,  by  a  stratagem  which  disarms  the  sus- 
picions of  the  Israelites,  secure  immunity  for  their  lives,  and  are 
|)ermitted  to  retain  a  position  within  the  community  as  slaves, 
performing  menial  offices  for  the  sanctuary  (tepoSovAot). 

/    p  I5^     17-21. 

\    IJE  3-9*.  1I-I5^        16,  22-23.  26-27" ( to rt'.T^j';. 

(  i  D2  9,  1-2.         9'-io.  24-25.  27". 

V7>.  22.  23.  26  f.  form  evidently  part  of  a  narrative  parallel  to  that  of  vv. 
17  21,  and  not  the  sequel  of  it  ;  and  the  style  of  tlie  latter  shows  that  it 
belongs  to  P  (notice  especially  "the  congregation,"  and  "the  princes" 
[p.  126],  who  here  take  the  lead  rather  than  Joshua).  In  v.  27  "for  the 
congiegation,  and,"  and  perhaps  in  w.  23.  27  "(both)  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water,"  will  liktiwise  be  elements  derived  from  P. 

C.  10.  The  conquest  oi  Southern  Canaan  :  Joshua  first  defeats 
at  Beth-horon  the  five  kings  of  Jerusalem,  Hebron,  Jarmuth, 
Lachish,  Eglon,  and  afterwards  gains  possession  of  Makkedah, 
Libnah,  Lachish,  Gezer,  Eglon,  Hebron,  Debir :  further  parti- 
culars are  not  given,  but  Joshua's  successes  in  this  direction  are 
generalized,  it.  40-43. 


JOSHUA.  lOI 

J  JE  lo,  1-7.       9-11.  i2*'-i4*.  15-24.        26-2J. 

\  D2  8.  I2\  I4^  25.  28-43. 

10,  1-14  forms  a  whole  from  JE,  with  additions  (to  which  the 
middle  clause  of  v.  i  may  be  added)  revealing  the  hand  of  D^, 
and  similar  in  style  to  those  made  by  him  in  c.  6  and  c.  8. 
V.  12^-13^  (to  enemies)  is  an  extract  from  an  ancient  collection 
of  national  songs,  called  the  Book  of  Jashar  or  of  the  Upright  (see 
also  2  Sa.  I,  18) :  v.  13^-14^  is  the  comment  of  the  narrator  (here, 
perhaps,  E)  upon  it.  In  12*  and  14^  notice  the  phraseology: 
delivered  up  (lit.  gave  before)  as  11,6  and  frequently  in  Dt.  (p.  94); 
^5^-i5^>  ^rv^  as  Dt.  31,  7  ',  fought  for  Israel  2.^  v.  42.  23,  3.  Dt.  i, 
30.  3,  22.  20,  4.  As  regards  the  account  in  vv.  28-43  ^^  the 
manner  in  which  Joshua  pursued  his  victory,  it  is  to  be  observed 
that  in  Jud.  i,  1-20  the  conquest  of  the  South  of  Palestine  is 
attributed  \.o  Judah ;  and  Hebron  and  Debir  are  represented  in 
Josh.  15,  14-19  (  =  Jud.  I,  10-15)  ^s  having  been  taken  under 
circumstances  very  different  from  those  here  presupposed.  It 
seems  that  these  verses  are  a  generalization  by  D^,  in  the  style 
of  some  of  the  latter  parts  of  the  book,  attached  to  the  victory 
at  Gibeon,  and  ascribing  to  Joshua  more  than  was  actually 
accomplished  by  him  in  person.  With  v.  40  comp.  11,  11.  14. 
Dt.  20,  16. 

C.  II.  The  conquest  of  Northern  Canaan;  Joshua  defeats 
Jabin,  king  of  Hazor,  with  his  allies,  at  the  waters  of  Merom,  and 
captures  the  towns  belonging  to  him  {vv.  1-15).  The  ch.  closes 
{^v.  16-23)  with  a  review  of  the  entire  series  of  Joshua's  suc- 
cesses, in  the  South  as  well  as  in  the  North  of  Canaan.  Vv.  1-9 
are  from  JE,  amplified  by  D^  in  parts  of  vv.  2.  3.  6.  7.  S'' :  vv. 
10-23  belong  to  D'^. 

In  vv.  10-15  ^'^^  consequences  of  the  victory  by  the  waters  of  Merom  are 
generalized  by  D-  in  the  same  manner  as  those  of  the  victory  at  Beth-horon  in 
10,  28-39.  The  survey  in  vv.  16-23  is  also  in  the  style  of  D^  In  ?7.  21  f. 
"what'in  other  accounts  (14,  12.  15,  15-19.  Jud.  I,  10-15)  is  referred  to 
Caleb  and  Judah  is  generalized  and  attributed  to  Joshua  "  (Dillmann). 

C  12.  A  supplementary  list  of  the  kings  smitten  by  the  Israel- 
ites— Sihon  and  Og  (with  a  notice  of  the  territory  belonging  to 
them)  on  the  East  of  Jordan,  and  31  kings  slain  under  Joshua, 
on  the  West  of  Jordan. 

Another  generalizing  review  by  D^.  The  retrospective  notice  of  Sihon 
and  Og  is  in  the  manner  of  this  writer  (p.  97).     Of  the  31  (or,  if  v.  18  be 


102  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

corrected  after  the  LXX,  30)  kings  named,  16  (15)  are  not  mentioned  else- 
where, at  least  explicitly,  among  those  conquered  under  Joshua,  viz.  the  kings 
of  Geder,  Adullam,  Bethel,  Tappuah,  Hepher,  Aphek  of  the  Sharon  (LXX), 
Taanach,  Megiddo,  Kedesh,  Jukneam,  Dor,  the  nations  of  Galilee  (LXX), 
Tirzah  (on  Ilormah  and  Arad,  comp.  Jud.  I,  17.  Nu.  21,  1-3);  hence, 
probably,  either  omissions  have  been  made  in  the  narrative  of  JE  (comp. 
what  was  said  above  on  8,  30-35)  in  the  process  of  incorporation  by  the 
compiler,  or  this  list  is  derived  from  an  independent  source. 

II.  C.  13 — 24.    The  Distribution  of  the  Territory, 

C.  13.  (i)  Vv.  1-13  Joshtia  receives  instructions  to  proceed 
with  the  allotment  of  the  conquered  territory  {vv.  1.  7.  Vv.  2-6^ 
contain  a  parenthetic  notice  of  the  districts,  chiefly  in  the  South- 
West  and  in  Lebanon,  not  yet  conquered.  Vv.  8-12  describe 
the  limits  of  the  territory  assigned  by  Moses  to  the  2h  trans- 
Jordanic  tribes  :  ?'.  13  is  a  notice  of  tribes  on  the  East  of  Jordan 
not  dispos.sessed  by  the  Israehtes) ;  {2)  vv.  14-33  the  borders  and 
cities  of  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes,  Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh.  Vv.  1 5-3  2  belong  to  P  (except,  probably,  parts 
of  vv.  29-31),  V.  13  to  JE,  V7'.  1-12.  14.  ;^^  to  D^. 

J'7>.  I.  7  may  also  be  derived  from  JE.  For  a  difficult  question  arising  out 
of  ,'•.  7  in  connexion  with  vv.  2-6,  it  must  suffice  to  refer  to  Wellh.  p.  130 f., 
or  Kuen.  //tx.  §  7.  27.  At  the  beginning  of  v.  8  the  text  (which  yields  an 
incorrect  sense)  must  be  imperfect;  .'■ee  Ddlm.,  or  QPBK  V.  ^t,  is  a 
repetition  o{  v.  14,  added  probably  by  a  late  hand  :  it  is  not  found  in  LXX. 

In  the  parts  of  this  ch.  assigned  to  P,  observe  the  recurring  superscriptions 
and  subscriptions  vv.  15.  23.  24.  28.  29.  32;  similaily  15,  20.  16,  8.  19,  i. 
8.  10.  16  &c.  The  framework  is  that  of  P;  but  the  details  are  in  some 
cases  (especially  in  c.  16)  derived  from  JE. 

C.  14.  Preparations  for  the  division  of  the  land  by  lot  by 
Joshua  and  Eleazar  (vv.  1-5);  Caleb  receives  from  Joshua  his 
portion  at  Hebron  in  accordance  with  the  promise  Dt.  r,  36 
(7-?;.  6-15).  Vv.  1-5  belong  to  P,  vv.  6-15  may  be  a  narrative 
of  Jl'',  expanded  or  recast,  in  parts,  by  D^. 

.  In  introducing  his  account  of  the  division  of  West  Palestine 
among  the  tribes,  the  comjjiler  of  the  book  has  followed  P; 
w.  1-5  being  evidently  dependent  on  Nu.  34,  13-17.  35, 
1-8,  and  showing,  moreover,  the  usual  marks  of  P's  style.  The 
corresponding  subscription,  from  the  same  source,  is  19,  51. 

Wellli.  Kuen.  Dillm.  at^'ree  in  supposing  that  18,  i  (which  certainly  reads 
more  a]i|)iopriately  as  an  introduction  to  the  narrntive  of  the  partition. of  the 
whole  land  than  to  that  of  a  part  only)  stood  originally  before  14,  1-5. 


JOSHUA.  103 

Vv.  6-15  display  traits  pointing  to  D-,  though  not  so  numerous  as  is  usually 
the  case.  They  also  contain  allusions  to  phrases  found  in  Dt.,  hut  7ioi  in 
JS'um.  13 — 14;  as  V.  J^-bTO  io  spy  out  to  Dt.  i,  24  (ihe  idea  is  expressed 
by  other  words  in  Nu.  13  —  14) ;  8*  to  Dt.  i,  28  ;  9^  to  Dt.  i,  36  ;  12  D"'p:j; 
to  Dt.  I,  28  D'p^y  ^^2  (Nu.  13,  22.  28  \):]iT]  n^b^) ;  14''  to  Dt.  i,  36.  The 
passage  in  its  original  form  appears,  like  JE  in  Nu.  13 — 14  (p.  58),  to 
have  presupposed  Caleb  alone  as  a  spy :  for  the  terms  used  in  z>v.  7.  8  ("  sent 
me,"  "went  up  with  me")  are  not  those  of  a  person  addressing  another  7c>/io 
was  Ms  companion  on  the  occasion  referred  to  ;  so  that  in  v.  6  the  worils  "  con- 
cerning me  and,"  it  seems,  must  have  been  added  for  the  purpose  of  accom- 
modating the  narrative  to  that  of  P  in  Nu.  13 — 14. 

C.  15.  Judah.  The  borders  of  Judah,  vv.  1-12  ;  Caleb's 
conquest  of  Hebron,  and  Othniel's  of  Kirjath-sepher  (Debir), 
vv.  13-19;  the  cities  of  Judah,  arranged  by  districts,  vv.  20-63. 

^P   15,  I -13.  20-44.  48-62. 


iJE  14-19.  45-47.  63. 


Vv.  45-47  ^"^6  an  insertion  in  P  from  some  different  source  ;  daughlers,  in 
the  sense  of  dependent  towns,  is  not  one  of  P's  expressions.' 

C.  16 — 17.  The  children  oi  Joseph  {i.e.  the  west  half  of  Man- 
asseh,  and  Ephraim).  The  description  is  less  complete  than  in 
the  case  of  Judah,  and  also  less  clearly  arranged.  16,  1-3 
describes  the  south  border  (but  only  this)  of  the  2  tribes  treated 
as  a  whole;  16,  5-10  describes  the  borders  of  Ephraim  with  a 
notice  (v.  9)  of  certain  cities  belonging  to  Ephraim,  but  situated 
in  the  territory  of  Manasseh,  and  {v.  io  =  Jud.  i,  29)  of  the  fact 
that  the  Israelites  did  not  succeed  in  dispossessing  the  Canaanites 
from  Gezer.  C.  17  describes  the  borders  of  Manasseh.,  with  a 
notice  of  the  cities  belonging  to  it  in  Issachar  and  Asher  {vv.  i— 
13),  concluding  {vv.  14-18)  with  an  account  of  the  complaint  of 
insufficient  territory  made  by  the  joint  tribes  to  Joshua,  and  of 
the  permission  given  to  them  by  him  to  extend  their  territory  for 
themselves. 

(P  4-8.  17,  i».  (i''-2).  3-4.  7.     9*.      9'=-Io^ 

IjE  16,  1-3.         9-10.  17,  5.  (6).       8.       9'>.  io'^-i8. 

The  main  description  is  that  of  JE,  the  compiler  having  here 
followed  P  less  than  usual.  Two  indications  of  compilation 
may  be  noted,     (i)   In  JE  the  lot  of  the  two  sons  of  Joseph  is 

*  It  occurs  (in  Gen. — Kings)  only  Nu.  21,  25.  32.  32,  42.  Josh.  15,  45.  47. 
17,  II  (6  times).  16.  Jud.  I,  27  (5  times).  II,  26.     (On  15,  28  LXX,  cf.  Dillm.) 


104        liti-ratukp:  of  the  old  testament. 

consistently  spoken  of  as  otie  (i6,  i.  17,  14-18;  so  iS,  5);  in 
P  it  is  expressly  described  as  twofold  (16,  5.  8.  17,  i*),  Manasseh 
being  named  yfrj/  (16,  4)  in  accordance  with  14,  4.  Gen.  48,  5 
by  the  same  narrator  j^  (2)  after  the  description  of  the  southern 
border  alone  of  "Joseph"  16,  1-3,  the  narrative  starts  afresh 
16,  4,  the  description  first  given  being  in  great  part  repeated 
(vv.  5-8).      V.  8"'  is  the  regular  subscription  of  P  (19,  8.  16  &c.). 

JE's  original  narrative  is  thus  restored  in  outline  by  ^Velih.  (p.  133) :  "The 
two  divisions  of  Jo-^cph  receive  but  one  territory  (16,  i,  of.  17,  14),  the 
borders  of  which  are  defined  (16.  1-3:  the  north  border  is  now  missing). 
In  this  territory  Ephraini  receives  we  do  not  know  how  many  portions,  and 
Manasseh  ten  (17,  5).  The  more  important  Ephraimite  cities  are  enumerated, 
and  a  limitation  follows  (16,  9).  Next,  Manasseh's  territory  is  described,  and 
it  is  mentioned  that  some  important  cities  situate  in  it  belong  to  Ephraim  (17, 
8.  Q**) ;  but  that,  on  the  other  hand,  Manasseh  also  extended  northwards  into 
Asher  and  Zebulun,  though  the  cities  belonging  to  it  there  remained  Canaan- 
itish  (17,  io'j-13).  The  account  is  concluded  by  17,  14-18,  which  is  of  the 
nature  of  an  appendix."     The  narrative  of  JE  is  continued  by  18,  2-10. 

C.  18.  {a)  Vv.  i-io  the  Israelites  assemble  at  Shiloh,  and 
set  up  the  Tent  of  Meeting :  at  Joshua's  direction  a  survey 
("describe"  ///.  write)  of  the  land  yet  undivided  is  made,  and  its 
distril)ution  by  lot  to  the  seven  remaining  tribes  is  proceeded 
with  at  Shiloh;  {b)  vv.  11-28  the  tribe  of  Benjami?i,  its  borders 
(w.  11-20),  and  cities  (vv.  21-28).  Vv,  i.  11-28  belong  to  P, 
TV.  2-6.  8-10  to  J  E,  V.  7  to  D2. 

On   18,  I  comp.  above  on  c.  14.     Wiih  the  notice  in  v.  7*,  cf.  13,  14.  33 
I-)t.  10,  9.  18,  i''.  2  ;  with  that  in  7^  2,  10  &c.  (p.  97). 

C.   19.   The   lots  of  Simeon  {vv.    1-9),   Zebiihm   (vv.    10-16), 
Issachar  (vv.    17-23),  AsJur  (vv.  24-31),  Naphtali  (vv.  32-39), 
and  Dan  (vv.  40-48),  with  a  notice  of  the  assignment  of  I'imnath- 
serah,  in  Kidiraim,  to  Joshua  (z^.  49  f.),  and  subscription,  v.  51. 
1'  19,  1-8.        10-46.  48.  51. 


It: 


47-  49- 


^'^-  35 -3S,  where  the  enumeration  differs  in  form  from  the  rest  of  the  ch., 
ni.ny  be  ;'n  excerpt  from  JE,  which,  to  judge  from  i8,  9,  would  appear  to  have 
contained  a  description  of  the  tribal  allotments /y/ rzV/<:\r— now  mostly  super- 
seded by  the  text  of  P.  The  notice  v.  49  f.  is  parallel  to  15,  13  (Caleb), 
and  is  presupposed  in  24,  30  (both  J E).      K  51  is  the  final  subscription  to 


'  Wiih   17,  1".  j-4,  cf.    Xu.   27,    III   (p).      V.    it'-2,  on  the  o'her  h.ind, 
differs  from  P  in  rei)resentaliun  (N'u.  26,  28-34),  and  appears  to  be  a  gloss. 


JOSHUA.  105 

P's  whole  account  of  the  division  of  the  land,  18,  i.  14,  i  ff.,  following  the 
particular  subscription,  v.  48,  relating  to  Dan,  just  as  Gen.  10,  32  follows 
Gen.  10,  31,  or  as  c.  21,  41  f.  follows  21,  40. 

C.  20.  The  appointment  of  cities  of  refuge,  in  accordance  with 
Nu.  35,  9  ff .  and  Dt.  19;  Dt.  4,  41-43  (the  appointment  of  the 
three  trans-Jordanic  cities  by  Moses)  being  disregarded. 

^P        20,1-3.1  b^  {\.o  judgment).  7-9. 

The  ch.,  as  a  whole,  is  in  the  style  of  P,  but  it  exhibits 
in  parts  points  of  contact  with  Dt.  It  is  remarkable,  now,  that 
just  these  passages  are  ODiitted  m  the  LXX  {vv.  3  "(and)  un- 
awares"; 4-5  ;  6  from  "(and)  until"  to  "whence  he  fled;"  also 
V.  8  "  at  Jericho  eastward  ").  As  no  reason  can  be  assigned  for 
the  omission  of  these  passages  by  the  LXX  translators,  had  they 
formed  a  part  of  the  Hebrew  text  which  they  used,  it  is  probable 
that  the  ch.  in  its  original  form  (P)  has  been  enlarged  by  addi- 
tions from  the  law  of  homicide  in  Dt.  (c.  19)  at  a  comparatively 
late  date,  so  that  they  were  still  wanting  in  the  MSS.  used  by 
the  LXX  translators.     Cf.  Hollenberg,  Alex.  Uebers.  p.  15. 

In  V.  3  observe  that  njjti'i  unwittingly  (lit.  in  error)  is  the  phrase  u{  P 
(Nu.  35,  II.  15.  Lev.  4,  2,  &c.)  ;  JiyT  "hl^  unaivares  is  the  phrase  of  Dt. 
(4,  42.  19,  4  :  not  elsewhere) :  it  is  the  latter  which  is  not  recognised  in  LXX. 

C.  21.  Forty-eight  cities  assigned  by  the  Israelites  to  the  tribe 
oi  Levi,  in  accordance  with  the  injunctions  contained  in  Nu.  35, 
1-8.      Vv.  1-42  belong  to  P,  vv.  43-45  to  D-. 

Vv.  43-45  form  D-'s  subscription,  not  to  21,  1-42,  but  to  D-'s  entire 
account  of  the  division  of  the  land,  as  19,  49  f.  is  JE's,  and  19,  51  P's. 

C  2  2.  The  division  of  the  land  being  thus  completed,  Joshua 
dismisses  the  2^  tribes  to  their  homes  on  the  east  of  Jordan, 
vv.  1-8.  The  incident  of  the  altar  erected  by  them  at  the  point 
where  they  crossed  the  Jordan,  vv.  9-34. 

S  P  (22,  9-34). 


D^  22,  1-6.  (7-8). 


Vv.  7-8  are  a  fragment  of  uncertain  origin,  attached,  as  it  seems,  to  v.  6 
by  a  later  hand.     The  source  of  vv.  9-34  is  also  uncertain.     The  phraseology 


^  Except  •■'  (and)  unawares"  {T\\r\  'hl'2)  'n  v.  3. 


Io6  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

is  in  the  main  that  of  P  (cf.  the  citations,  p.  123  ff.^) ;  but  the  narrative  does 
not  display  throughout  the  characteristic  style  ol  P,  and  in  some  pans  of  it* 
there  occur  expressions  which  are  not  those  of  P.  Eitlier  a  narrative  of  P 
has  been  combined  with  elements  from  another  source^  in  a  manner  which 
makes  it  difficult  to  effect  a  satisfactory  analysis,  or  the  whole  is  the  work  of 
a  distinct  writer,  whose  phraseology  is  in  part  that  of  P,  but  not  entirely. 

C.  23.  The^rsf  of  the  two  closing  addresses  of  Joshua  to  the^ 
people,  in  wliich  he  exhorts  them   to  adhere  faithfully  to   the 
jirinciples  of  the  Deuteronomic  law,  and  in  particular  to  refrain 
from  all  intercourse  with  the  native  inhabitants  of  Cunaan. 

C.  24.  (a)  The  second  of  Joshua's  closing  addresses  to  the^ 
people,  delivered  at  Shechem,  differing  in  scope  from  that  in 
c.  23,  and  consisting  of  a  review  of  the  mercies  shown  by  God  to 
His  people  from  the  patriarchal  days,  upon  which  is  based  the 
duty  of  discarding  all  false  gods,  and  cleaving  to  Him  alone. 
The  people,  responding  to  Joshua's  example,  pledge  themselves 
solemnly  to  obedience ;  and  a  stone,  in  attestation  of  their  act, 
is  erected  in  the  sanctuary  at  Shechem,  vv.  1-28  ;  {h)  notices  of 
the  death  and  burial  of  Joshua,  of  the  burial  of  Joseph's  bones 
at  Shechem,  and  of  the  death  and  burial  of  Eleazar,  vv.  29-33. 

|R  24,  x-w"  {\.o you).  II*.  12.  14-30.         32-33. 

I  D-  c.  23.  \i^  {io  Jehu  site).  13.  31. 

C.  23  shows  throughout  the  hand  of  T)^;  comp.  c.  I  and  22,  1-6  ;  its  object 
appircnfly  being  to  supplement  24,  i  ff.  by  inculcating  more  particularly  the 
pripriples  of  the  Deuteronomic  law.  C.  24  is  generally  admitted  to  belong 
to  !■: ;  it  is  incorporated  here,  with  slight  additions,  by  D"^  In  7>.  ii  the 
words  "the  Amorite  ...  the  Jebusite"  (cf.  Dt.  7,  i)  in  point  of  fact  inter- 
rupt the  connexion:  the  context  speaks  only  of  the  contest  with  the  "lords" 
of  Jericho.  Willi  t'.  13  comp.  Dt.  6,  lo".  II  ;  with  z^.  31  Dt.  II,  7.  Other 
siii.ilarsli;;ht  additions  by  D-  are  probably  v.  i  middle  clause  (cf.  Dt.  29,  io\ 
12*  \o  before  you  (cf.  Ex.  23,  28.  Dt.  7,  20).  in  v.  12  t7velve  iox  two  should 
certainly  be  read  with  LXX.     The  context  requires  imperatively  a  reference 


^  Wiiich,  however,  do  not  include  all  the  marks  of  P's  style  which  the 
section  ci>ntain>. 

'  K>p.  77'.  22-29,  ^I'd  in  the  expression  riD'^^'H)  D3C>  ^'^.  7-  9-  10.  1 1. 
13.  15.  21,  which,  though  comtnon  in  D  and  D-  {e.g.  i,  12),  occurs,  in  lieu  of 
l''s  regular  term  r!':':r)  riDD,  ""'y  in  two  doubtful  passages  of  P  (13,  29'. 
Nu.  32,  T,z). 

3  The  sense  of  7'.  11^  is  uncertain.  If  the  rendering  of  RV.  be  correct, 
one  chief  reason  for  treating  the  narrative  as  composite— viz.  that  the  altar  is 
represented  in  v.  10  as  on  the  wc>t  side  of  Jordan,  and  in  7>.  II  on  its  east 
—disappears.     (On  h^'O  cl.  W.  A.  \Vi  ight,  Journal  of  Philolooy,  xiii.  I17  fi. ) 


JOSHUA.  107 

to  some  event  subsequent  to  the  capture  of  Jericho  ;  so  that  the  hvo  kinc^s  of 
the  Amorites  on  the  east  of  Jordan  (Sihon  and  Og)  —  who  have,  morenvtr, 
been  noticed  in  v.  8 — are  here  out  of  place.  This  retrospect  differs  in  some 
respects  from  the  previous  narrative,  and  mentions  incidents  not  othtrwi.se 
recorded,  e.g.  the  worsliip  of  "other  gods"  beyond  the  Euphrates  vv.  2.  14; 
the  war  of  Balak  with  Israel  v.  9;  th^  "  lords  "  or  citizens  of  Jericho yf^'/^/'///_^' 
against  Israel  v.  11  ;  the  number  of  the  kings  in  v.  12,  which,  whether  two 
or  twelve,  disagrees  in  either  case  with  the  31  (30)  of  12,  24. 

Points  of  contact  with  E  :  Z'.  I  "before  God''  cf.  Ex.  18,  12;  vv.  12. 
15.  18  "the  Amorite"  (p.  112);  v.  25^  cf.  Ex.  15,  25  ;  further,  with  vv.  2''. 
23".  26''  (the  oak),  comp.  Gen.  35,  2-4;  with  v.  26,  Gen.  28,  18;  with 
V.  27,  Gen.  31,  44  f.  52  ;  and  with  v.  32,  Gen.  it,,  19.  30,  25.  Ex.  13,  19. 

The  Book  of  Joshua  thus  assumed  the  form  in  which  we  have 
it  by  a  series  of  stages.  First,  the  compiler  of  JE  (or  a  kindred 
hand),  utilizing  older  materials,  completed  his  work  :  this  was 
afterwards  amplified  by  the  elements  contributed  by  \)- \  finally, 
the  whole  thus  formed  was  combined  with  P.^  From  a  historical 
point  of  view,  it  is  of  importance  to  distinguish  the  different 
elements  of  which  the  narrative  is  composed.  Historical  matter, 
as  such,  is  not  that  in  which  D^  is  priaiarily  interested ;  except 
in  his  allusions  to  the  2J  trans-Jordanic  tribes  (which  are  of  the 
nature  of  a  retrospect),  the  elements  contributed  by  him  either 
give  prominence  to  the  motives  actuating  Joshua,  or  generalize 
and  magnify  the  successes  achieved  by  him.  Looking  at  JE, 
we  observe  that  it  narrated  the  story  of  the  spies  sent  to  explore 
Jericho,  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  (in  two  versions),  the  circum- 
cision of  the  Israelites  at  Gibeath-araloth  (5,  2  f.)  or  Gilgnl 
(5,  8  f.),  the  capture  of  Jericho  and  of  Ai  (c.  6  ;  7-8),  in  each  of 
which  accounts  traces  are  perhaps  discernible  of  an  earlier  and 
simpler  story  than  that  which  forms  the  body  of  the  existing 
narrative,  the  compact  made  with  the  Gibeonites,  the  defeat  at 
Beth-horon  of  the  five  kings  who  advanced  to  attack  Gibeon, 
with  their  execution  at  Makkedah,  and  Joshua's  victory  over  the 
kings  of  the  North  at  the  waters  of  Merom.  From  this  poiut  the 
narrative  of  JE  is  considerably  more  fragmentary,  consisting  of 
little  more  than  partial  notices  of  the  territory  occupied  by  jthe 
tribes  (15,  45-7,  and  parts  of  c.  16-17),  -^^d  anecdotes  of, the 
manner  in  which,  in  particular  cases,  they  completed,  or  faile^d 
to  complete,   the  conquest   of  the    districts    allotted   to    them/" 

^  This  view  is  preferred  deliberately  to  that  of  Dillmann. 
2  13,   13;  perhaps  the  nucleus  of  14,  6-15;  15,    13-19;  63;   16,  10 ;  17, 
12  f.;  14-18;  iS,  2-6;  8-10;  19,47. 


I08  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  account  of  the  close  of  Joshua's  life  is  preserved  more  fully 
c.  24  (E). 

That  JE's  narrative  is  incomplete  is  apparent  from  many 
indications,  e.s^.  the  isolated  notice  of  Bethel  assisting  Ai  in  8,  17, 
the  entire  absence  of  any  mention  of  the  conquest  of  Central 
Palestine  (p.  100),  the  fragmentary  character  of  the  notices  of  the 
conquest  of  Judah,  cS:c.  It  is,  however,  remarkable  that  a  series 
of  notices,  similar  in  form  and  representation,  and  sometimes  in 
great  measure  verbally  identical  with  those  found  in  the  Book 
of  Joshua,  occur  in  the  first  chapter  of  Judges;  and  the  resem- 
blance is  of  such  a  character  as  to  leave  little  doubt  that  the  tv»'o 
series  are  mutually  supplementary,  both  originally  forming  part 
of  one  and  the  same  continuous  account  of  the  conquest  of 
Palestine  (see  below,  under  Judges).  From  the  entire  group  of 
these  notices,  narrating,  partly  the  successes,  partly  the  failures, 
of  individual  tribes,  we  learn  that  the  oldest  Israelitish  tradition 
represented  the  conquest  of  Palestine  ns  having  been  in  a  far 
greater  degree  due  to  the  exertions  of  the  separate  tribes,  and  as 
having  been  efifected,  in  the  first  instance,  much  less  completely 
than  would  be  judged  to  have  been  the  case  from  the  existing 
Book  of  Joshua,  in  -which  the  generalizing  summaries  of  D- 
(^X-  >o»  40-43;  1I5  16-23;  21,  43-45)  form  a  frequent  and 
prominent  feature.  The  source  of  the  notices  in  question  is 
supposed  by  many  critics  (Budde,  p.  157)  to  be  J,  though  not  of 
18,  2-6.  8-10,  where  the  survey  of  Canaan  is  represented  as 
being  carried  out  as  though  no  unfriendly  population  were  still 
holding  its  own  in  the  land.  C.  24  also  stands  on  a  different 
footing  from  the  notices  referred  to  J,  the  conquest,  as  it  seems, 
being  conceived  as  more  completely  effected  {vv.  I2^  18)  than 
in  the  representation  contained  in  these  notices.  C.  24,  however, 
is  assigned,  upon  independent  grounds,  to  the  source  E,  which 
might  almost  be  said  to  be  written  from  a  standpoint  approach- 
ing (in  tliis  resj)ect)  that  of  D'-. 

P  entertains  the  same  view  of  the  conquest  as  I)-  (18,  i''), 
and  carries  it  to  its  logical  consequences  :  Eleazar  and  Joshua 
formally  divide  the  con([uered  territory  among  the  tribes  (18,  i  ; 
14,  1-5).  The  limits  of  the  different  tribes,  and  the  cities 
belonging  to  them,  arc  no  doubt  described  as  they  existed  in  a 
later  day  ;  but  the  i)artili()n  of  the  land  being  conceived  as 
ideally  effected  by  Joshua,  its  complete  distribution  and  occupa- 


JOSHUA.  109 

tion  by  the  tribes  are  treated  as  his  work,  and  as  accomplished  in 
his  lifetime.  A  difference  between  P  and  JE  may  here  be 
noted.  P  mentions  Eleazar  the  priest  as  co-operating  with 
Joshua,  and  even  gives  him  the  precedence  (14,  i.  17,  4-  i9v 
51.  21,  i;  cf.  Nu.  27,  19.  21.  34,  17  P);  in  JE  Joshua  always 
acts  alone  (14,  6.  15,  13.  i7,  H-  18,  3.  8.  10.  24,  i). 

On  the  phraseology  of  D-  see,  besides  the  citations  pp.  93  IT.,  98  ff., 
Joshua,  in  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible  (ed.  2),  §  5.  It  has,  in  paiticular,  affinities 
with  thew«r^--/«Jof  Dt.  ;  and  includes  also  a  few  expressions  not  found  in 
Dt  One  term,  frequent  in  D'^'s  summaries,  may  be  here  noted,  DnHH 
to  'ban  or  devote,  2,  10.  10,  i.  28.  35-  37-  39  f  n,  "  f-  20  f.  :  see  Dt.  2,  34. 
3,  6,  and  esp.  in  the  injunctions  (cf  p.  97,  ^^ote)  7,  2.  13,  15,  20,  17.  But 
the  Din  must  be  a  very  old  institution  in  Israel  :  it  is  mentioned  in  jE  Ex. 
22  20.  Nu.  21,  2  f.  Josh.  6—7.  Note  also  the  servant  of  Jehovah,  of  Moses  : 
i,'i.  2.  7.  13.  '15.  8,  31.  33-  9,  24.  II,  12.  15.  12,  6.  13,  8.  14,  7-  18,  7-  22, 
2.  4.  5  (Dt.  34,  5). 

§   7. 

Our  analysis  of  the  Hexateuch  is  completed,  and  the  time  has 
arrived  for  reviewing  the  characteristics  of  its  several  sources,  and 
for  discussing  the  question  of  their  probable  date.     Deuteronomy, 
indeed,   has    been    considered    at    sufficient    length;    but   there 
remain  J,  E,  and  P.     Have  we  done  rightly,  it  will  perhaps  be 
asked,  in  distinguishing  J  and  E?     That  P  and   "JE'^  formed 
originally  two  separate  writings  will  probably  be  granted  ;    the 
distinguishing  criteria  are  palpable  and  abundant:  but  is  this 
established  in  the  case   of  J  and  E?  is  it  probable  that  there 
should  have  been  two  narratives  of  the  patriarchal  and  Mosaic 
ages,  independent,  yet  largely  resembling  each  other,  and  that 
these  narratives  should  have    been    combined  together  into  a 
single  whole  at  a  relatively  early  period  of  the  history  of  Israel' 
(approximately,  in  the  8th  century  B.C.)  ?     The  writer  has  often 
considered    these    questions;    but,   while   readily    admitting    the 
liability  to  error,  which,  from  the  literary  character  of  the  narra- 
tive, accompanies  the  assignment  of  particular  verses  to  J  or  E, 
and  which  warns  the  critic  to  express  his  judgment  with  reserve, 
he  must  own  that  he  has  always  risen  from  the  study  of  "JE" 
Avith    the    conviction   that   it   is  composite ;    and  that   passages 
occur   frequently    in   juxtaposition    which    nevertheless    contain 
indications  of  not  being  the  work  of  one  and  the  same  hand 


no  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

It  is  no  doubt  possible  that  some  scholars  may  have  sought  to 
analyse  JE  with  too  great  minuteness  ;  but  the  admission  of  this 
fart  does  not  neutralize  inferences  drawn  from  broader  and  more 
obvious  marks  of  composition.  The  similarity  of  the  two  narra- 
tives, such  as  it  is,  is  sufficiently  explained  by  the  fact  that  their 
subject-matter  is  (approximately)  the  same,  and  that  they  both 
originated  in  the  same  general  period  of  Israelitish  literature. 
Specimens  have  already  been  given  of  the  grounds  upon  which  the 
analysis  of  JE  mainly  rests,  of  the  cogency  of  which  the  reader  will 
be  able  to  form  his  own  opinion  :  as  the  notes  appended  will 
have  shown,  the  writer  does  not  hold  the  particulars,  even  in 
the  book  of  Genesis,  to  be  throughout  equally  assured.  It, 
however,  minuter,  more  problematical  details  be  not  unduly 
insisted  on,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  inherent  improbability 
in  the  conclusion,  stated  thus  generally,  that  "JE"  is  of  the 
nature  of  a  compilation,  and  that  in  some  parts,  even  if  not  so 
frequently  as  some  critics  have  supposed,  the  independent  sources 
used  by  the  compiler  are  still  more  or  less  clearly  discernible. 

J  and  E,  then  (assuming  them  to  be  rightly  distinguished), 
ai)pear  to  have  cast  into  a  literary  form  the  traditions  rcsi)ecting 
the  b'.ginnings  of  the  nation  that  were  current  among  the 
people, — ai)proximately  (as  it  would  seem)  in  the  early  centuries 
of  the  monarchy.  In  view  of  the  principles  which  predominate 
in  it,  and  in  contradistinction  to  the  "  Priests'  Code,"  JE,  as  a 
whole,may  be  termed  the //-(^//^^//V^/ narrative  of  the  Hexateuch. 
In  so  far  as  the  analysis  contained  in  the  preceding  pages  is 
accej)ted,  the  following  features  may  be  noted  as  characteristic 
of  J  and  E  respectively.  In  the  Book  of  Genesis  both  narratives 
deal  largely  with  the  antiquities  of  the  sacred  sites  of  Palestine. 
The  people  loved  to  think  of  their  ancestors,  the  patriarchs,  as 
frecjuenting  the  spots  which  they  themselves  held  sacred  :  and 
the  traditions  attached  to  these  localities  are  recounted  by  the 
two  writers  in  question. 

Thus  in  J  Ahrah.im  builds  altars  at  Shechem,  Bethel,  and  Hebron  (12,  7. 
S;  13,  4.  18),  Isaac  at  lieer-sheba  (26,  25),  and  Jacob  erects  a  "  pillar  "  at 
l^cthel  (35,  14):  in  F  Abraham  builds  an  altar  on  Moriah  (22,  9);  Jacob 
erects  an<l  anoints  a  "pillar"  (28,  18.  22.  31,  13^  at  Bethel,  and  afterwards 
builds  an  abar  there  (35,  i.  3.  7)  ;  anoiher  pUlar  is  built  by  him  near  Bethel, 
over  Rachel's  prave  (35,  20)  ;  and  an  ahar,  on  ground  bought  by  himself,  at 
•''*^^"^''e'»  <33.  '9f.);  he  also  sacrifices  at  Beer-sheba  (46,  i).  Jacob  and 
Laban,  moreover,  erect  a  "pillar,"  marking  a  boundary,  in  Gilead  (31,  45. 


PROPHETICAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  HEXATEUCH.   Ill 

SI -2);  and  Joshua  sets  up  a  "great  stone"  in  the  sanctuary  at  Shechem 
Mosh.  24,  26).  T  explains  the  origin  of  the  names  Beer-lahai-roi  Gen.  16,  14, 
Beer-sheba  26,  "33,  Bethel  28,  19,  Penuel  32,  30,  Succoth  33,  17,  Al.tl- 
Mizraim  50,  17  :  E  those  of  Beer-sheba  21,  31  f.,  Mahanaim  32,  2,  Allon- 
l)achuth  (near  Bethel),  the  burial-place  of  Deborah,  35,  8.  In  J  Abraham 
journeys  through  the  district  of  Shechem  and  Bethel,  and  also  visits  Beer- 
sheba  (21,  33),  but  his  principal  residence  appears  to  be  Hebron,  afterwards 
the  gre2ii  Judaic  sanctuary  {13,  18.  18,  i)  ;  in  E  he  dwells  chiefly  in  Beer- 
sheba  (the  sanctuary  frequented  by  Ephraimites,  Am.  5,  5.  8,  14)  and  the 
neighbourhood  (20,  i.  21,  14.  22,  19).  Isaac's  home  is  in  or  near  Beer- 
sheba  in  boih  sources  (25,  ii\  21-23.  26,  7  ff-  J  ;  28,  lo  E).  Jacob's 
original  home  is  Beer-sheba  (25,  II^  21  ff.  J  ;  28,  10  E),  and  he  at  least 
pas'ses  through  it  in  46,  I-5  (prob.  E)  ;  but  the  places  wiih  which  he  is 
chiefly  associated  are  Bethel  28,  ii  ff".  J  and  E,  35,  I  ff.  E,  and  Shechem  33, 
19  f.  E,  48,  22  E  (alluded  to  here  as  assigned  expressly  to  Joseph,  i.e.  to 
northern  Israel).  Only  once,  37,  H  (J  «r  E?),  is  he  mentioned,  exception- 
ally, as  being  at  Shechem.  Allusions  to  sacred  trees  (mostly  terebinths  or 
oaks),  which,  it  may  be  supposed,  were  pointed  to  in  the  narrator's  own  day, 
occur'in  both  J  (12,  6.  13,  18.  18,  i)  and  E  (21,  33.  35,  4.  8.  Josh.  24,  26), 
as  also  in  Gen.  14,  13  (cf.  Jud.  4,  1 1.  6,  ii.  19.  9,  6.  -:,-].  I  Sa.  10,  3). 

As  compared  with  J,  E  frequently  states  more  paiticulars  :  he  is  "best 
informed  on  Egyptian  matters"  (Dillm.)  ;  the  names  Kliezer  (probably), 
Deborah,  Potiphar,  "Abrekh,"  Zaphenath  -  Pa'neach,  Asenath,  Potiphera 
(Gen.  15',  2  [contrast  24,  2  J].  35,  8  [contrast  24,  59  J].  37,  36.  41,  43-  45). 
Pithom,  Raamses,  Puah,  Shiphrah,  Hur  (tx.  I,  II.  15.  17,  10.  12.  24,  14),  are 
preserved  by  him  :  to  the  details  mentioned  above,  add  those  respecting  the 
burial-places  of  Jo^.hua,  Eleazar  (Josh.  24,  30.  33),  and  Joseph  {ib.  24,  32  ; 
cf.  Gen.  50,  25.  Ex.  13,  19).  The  allu.Mons  to  the  teraphim-worship  and 
polytheism  of  the  Aramaean  connexions  of  the  patriarchs  (Gen.  31,  19.  30.  53 
[see  the  Heb.].  35,  4.  Josh.  24,  2.  15)  are  all  due  to  him,  as  well  as,  probably, 
the  notices  of  Miriam  (Ex.  2,  4  ff".  15,  20  f.  Nu.  12.  20,  l),  of  Joshua  as  the 
minister  and  attendant  of  Moses  (Ex.  17,  9  f-  24,  I3-  32,  17-  33.  "•  Nu.  11, 
28  ;  cf.  josh.  I,  I),  and  of  the  rod  in  Moses'  hand  (Ex.  4,  17.  20".  7,  17.  9, 
22  f.  10*  12  f.  14,  16.  17,  5-  Nu.  20,  8.  II). 

The  Standpoint  of  E  is  the  prophetical,  though  it  is  not  brought 
so  prominently  forward  as  in  J,  and  in  general  the  narrative  is 
more  "objective,"  less  consciously  tinged  by  ethical  and  theo- 
logical reflexion  than  that  of  J.  Though  E  mentions  the  local 
sanctuaries,  and  alludes  to  the  "pillars"  without  offence,  he 
lends  no  countenance  to  unspiritual  service  :  the  putting  away 
or  "strange  gods"  is  noticed  by  him  with  manifest  approval 
Gen.  35,  2-4.  Josh.  24,  14-25.  Abraham  is  styled  by  him  a 
"prophet,"  possessing  the  power  of  effectual  intercession  (Gen. 
20,  7) ;  Moses,  though  not  expressly  so  termed,  as  by  Hosea 
(12,  14),  is  represented  by  him  essentially  as  a  prophet,  entrusted 


112  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

by  God  with  a  prophet's  mission  (Ex.  3),  and  holding  excep- 
tionally intimate  conimunion  with  Him  (Ex.  ^^,  11.  Nu.  12,  6-8  ; 
cf.  I)t.  34,  10).  In  his  narrative  of  Joseph,  the  didactic  import 
of  the  history  is  l)rought  out  50,  20  :  the  lesson  which  he  makes 
it  teach  is  the  manner  in  which  God  effects  His  purposes  through 
human  means,  even  though  it  be  without  the  knowledge,  and 
contrary  to  the  wishes,  of  the  agents  who  actually  bring  them 
about  (cf.  also  45,  5-8). 

Other  fcp.tures  that  have  been  noticed  in  E  are :  D^■^^^<  construed  as  a 
p  ttral  (Gen,  20,  13.  35,  7.  Josh.  24,  19);  God's  coining  in  a  dream  (Gen. 
20,  3.  31,  24.  Nu.  22,  8  f.  20:  not  so  elsewhere),  and  generally  the 
ficquency  of  the  dream  as  a  channel  of  revelation  in  his  representations 
(add  Gen.  28,  ii  f.  31,  10  i.  c.  40—41.  46,  2  :  cf.  yj,  5-1 1.  42,  9  ;  probably 
also  15,  I.  21,  12  [see  14].  22,  i  [see  3])  ;^  the  double  call  Gen.  22,  ii.  46,  2. 
Ex.  3,  4  ;  Jethro,  not  Reuel  (Ex.  2,  18  [p.  21].  Nu.  10,  29),  as  the  name  of 
Moses*  father-in-law  Ex.  3,  I.  4,  18.  18,  i  ff.  ;  and  (if  the  passages  quoted 
are  all  rightly  derived  from  E)  "  Horeb  "  ^  (Ex.  3,  2.  17,  6.  33,  6)  in  prefer- 
ence to  "Sinai,"  "mountain  of  God  "  (Ex.  3,  2  [cf.  i  Ki.  19,  8],  4,  27.  18, 
5.  24,  13) ;  "  Amorite,"  as  the  general  name  of  the  pre-Israelitish  population 
of  both  West  and  East  Palestine  (Gen.  15,  16.  48,  22.  Nu.  21,  21.  31  f.  Josh. 
24,  8.  12.  15.  18  [so  2  Sa.  21,  2.  Am.  2,  9.  10:  cf  Jud.  6,  10.  i  Sa.  7,  14]); 
J  prefers   "  Canaanite  "  (Gen.  12,  6.  13,  7.  24,  3.  y],  34,  30).' 

J,  if  he  dwells  less  than  E  upon  concrete  particulars,  excels 
in  the  power  of  delineating  life  and  character.  His  touch  is 
singularly  light :  with  a  few  strokes  he  paints  a  scene  which, 
before. he  has  finished,  is  impressed  indelibly  upon  his  readers' 
memory.  In  ease  and  grace  his  narratives  are  unsurpassed; 
everything  is  told  with  precisely  the  amount  of  detail  that  is  re- 
quired ;  the  narrative  never  lingers,  and  the  reader's  interest  is 
sustained  to  the  end.  His  dialogues  especially  (which  are  fre- 
quent) arc  remarkable  for  the  delicacy  and  truthfulness  with 
which  character  and  emotions  find  expression  in  them  :  who  can 
ever  forget  the  pathos  and  supreme  beauty  of  Judah's  inter- 
cession, Gen.  44,  18  ff?  Other  noteworthy  specimens  of  his 
st)le  are  afforded  by  Gen.   2 — 3.  11,  1-9.  c.  18 — 19.  c.  24.  27, 

'   Much  le-s  fref|uenlly  in  J  :  26,  24.  28,  13-16. 

2  As  in  Dl.  (I,  2.  b.  19.  4,  10.  15.  5,  2.  9,  8.  18,  16.  29,  i  [28,  69  Heb.]): 
not  elsewhere  in  the  I'cnt. 

'  The  lists  of  nations  Gen.  15,  19-21.  Ex.  t„  %.  17.  13,  5.  23,  23  &c. 
stand  upon  a  diflerent  fooling,  and  are  probably  due  mostly  to  the  compiler 
of  J  I'"..      Comp.  Hudde,  Die  Bibl.   Urgescltichte,  p.  345  ff. 


PROPHETICAL   NARRATIVE   OF  THE    HEXATEUCH.      II3 

1-46  (which  is  mostly,  i'  not  entirely,  the  work  of  J).  Ex.  4, 
1-16.  The  character  of  Moses  is  pourtrayed  by  him  with  singular 
attractiveness  and  force.  In  J,  further,  the  prophetical  element 
is  conspicuously  prominent.  Indeed,  his  characteristic  features 
may  be  said  to  be  the  fine  vein  of  ethical  and  theological  re- 
flexion which  pervades  his  work  throughout,  and  the  manner 
in  which  his  narrative,  even  more  than  that  of  E,  becomes  the 
vehicle  of  religious  teaching.  "  He  deals  with  the  problem  of 
the  origin  of  sin  and  evil  in  the  world,  and  follows  its  growth 
(Gen.  2 — 4.  6,  1-8);  he  notices  the  evil  condition  of  man's  heart 
even  after  the  Flood  (8,  21),  traces  the  development  of  heathen 
feeling  and  heathen  manners  (11,  i  ff.  9,  22  ff.  19,  i  ff.  31  ff.), 
and  emphasizes  strongly  the  want  of  faith  and  disobedience  visible 
even  in  the  Israel  of  Moses'  days  (Ex.  16,  4-5.  25-30.  17,  2.  7. 

14,  II  f.  32,  9-74.  S3y  12—34,  28.  Nu.  II.  14.  25,  I  ff.  Dt.  31, 
16-22).  He  shows  in  opposition  to  this  how  God  works  for  the 
purpose  of  counteracting  the  ruin  incident  to  man,  partly  by 
punishment,  partly  by  choosing  and  educating,  first  Israel's  fore- 
fathers to  live  as  godlike  men,  and  finally  Israel  itself  to  become 
the  holy  people  of  God.  He  represents  Abraham's  migration 
into  Canaan  as  the  result  of  a  divine  call  and  promise  (Gen.  12, 
1-3.  24,  7) ;  expresses  clearly  the  aim  and  object  of  this  call  (18, 
18  f.) ;  exhibits  in  strong  contrast  to  human  sin  the  Divine  mercy, 
long-suffering,  and  faithfulness  (Gen.  6,  8.  8,  21  f.  18,  23  ff.  Ex. 
32,  9-14.  T,$,  12  ff.) ;  recognises  the  universal  significance  of 
Israel  in  the  midst  of  the  nations  of  the  world  (Gen.  12,  2  f.  27, 
29.  Ex.  4,  22  f.  19,  5  f.  Nu.  24,  9);  declares  in  classical  words 
the  final  end  of  Israel's  education  (Nu.  11,  29;  cf.  Gen.  18,  19 
RV.  Ex.  19,  5  f.);  and  formulates  under  the  term  belief  "C^q  spirit 
in  w^iich  man  should  respond  to  the  revealing  work  of  God  (Gen. 

15,  6.  Ex.  4,  I.  5.  8  f.  31.  14,  31.  19,  9;  cf.  Nu.  14,  II ;  and  also 
Dt.  I,  32.  9,  23).  And  in  order  to  illustrate  the  divine  purposes 
of  grace,  as  manifested  in  history,  he  introduces,  at  points" 
fixed  by  tradition,  "prophetic  glances  into  the  future  (Gen.  3,  15. 
5,  29.  8,  21.  9,  25-27.  12,  2  f .  18,  18  i.  28,  14.  Nu.  24,  17  f),  as 
he  also  loves  to  point  to  the  character  of  nations  or  tribes  as 
foreshadowed  in  their  beginnings  (Gen.  9,  22  ff.  16,  12.  19,  31  ff 
25,  25  ff.  34,  25  ff  35,  22  [see  Dillm.'s  note  here];  cf.  49,  9  ff )  " 
(Dillm.  NDJ.  p.  629  f.). 

It  is  a  peculiarity  of  J  that  his  representations  of  the  Deity  are 

H 


114  LITERATURB   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

highly  anthropomorphic.  He  represents  Jehovah  not  only  (as 
the  prophets  generally,  even  the  latest,  do)  as  expressing  human 
resolutions  and  swayed  by  human  emotions,  but  as  performing 
sensible  acts.  Some  illustrations  from  J's  narrative  in  Gen. 
2 — 3.  7 — S  were  quoted  above  (p.  7) ;  but  the  instances  are  not 
confined  to  the  childhood  of  the  world.  Thus  He  comes  down 
to  see  the  tower  built  by  men,  and  to  confound  their  speech,  11, 
5.  7  (so  18,  21.  Ex.  3,  8:  rather  differently  Nu.  11,  17.  25.  12, 
5),  visits  the  earth  in  visible  form  Gen.  18 — 19,  meets  Moses 
and  seeks  to  slay  him  Ex.  4,  24,  takes  o^the  chariot  wheels  of  the 
Egyptians  14,  24.  Elsewhere,  He  is  grieved,  7'epe7its  (Gen.  6, 
6  f  Ex.  32,  14),  siveqrs  (Gen.  24,  7.  Nu.  11,  12),  is  afigry  (Ex. 
4,  14  a/.) ;  but  these  less  material  anthropomorphisms  are  not  so 
characteristic  as  those  just  noticed,  being  met  with  often  in  other 
historical  books  and  in  the  prophets  {e.g.  i  Sa.  15,  11.  2  Sa. 
24,  16.  Jer.  18,  8-10.  26,  19). 

How  far  other  sources  were  employed  by  J  and  E  must  remain 
uncertain,  though  the  fact  that  such  are  sometimes  actually  quoted, 
at  least  by  E,  makes  it  far  from  improbable  that  they  were  used 
on  other  occasions  likewise.  The  sources  cited  are  mostly 
j)oetical :  no  doubt  in  Israel,  as  in  many  other  nations,  literature 
began  with  i:)oetry.  ITius  E  cites  the  '•  Book  of  the  Wars  of 
Jehovah"  (Nu.  21,  14  f.),  and  the  "Book  of  Jashar"  (Josh.  10, 
12  f.),  from  each  of  which  an  extract  is  given.  The  former  book 
can  only  have  been  a  collection  of  songs  celebrating  ancient 
victories  gained  by  Israel  over  its  enemies.^  The  poems  themselves 
will  naturally,  at  least  in  mo^t  cases,  have  been  composed  shortly 
after  the  events  to  which  they  refer.  At  what  date  they  were 
formed  into  a  collection  must  remain  matter  of  conjecture  :  the 
age  of  David  or  Solomon  has  been  suggested.  The  Book  of 
Jashar,  or  "the  Upright"  (in  which  David's  lament  over  Saul 
also  stood,  2  Sa.  i,  18),  was  probably  of  a  similar  character, — 
a  national  collection  of  songs  celebrating  the  deeds  of  worthy 
Israelites.  I'his,  at  least,  was  not  completed  before  the  time  of 
David,  though  the  nucleus  of  the  collection  may  obviously  have 
been  formed  earlier.  E,  moreover,  on  other  occasions,  quotes  lyric 
poems  (or  fragments  of  poems),  viz.  the  Song  of  Moses  (Ex.  15, 
I  ff),  the  Song  of  the  Well  (Nu.  21,  17  f.),  and  the  Song  of 
triumph  over  Sihon  (//'.  vv.  27-30).     There  is  no  express  state- 

^  For  I  he  expression,  cf.   i  Sa.   iS,  17.  25,  28. 


PROPHETICAL  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  HEXATEUCH.   II5 

ment  that  these  were  taken  by  him  from  one  of  the  same  sources; 
but  in  the  light  of  his  actual  quotations  this  is  not  improbable, 
at  least  for  the  first  two  :  the  Song  of  Deborah,  Jud.  5,  i  ff., 
may  also  have  had  a  place  in  one  of  these  collections.  Further, 
the  command  to  write  "in  a  boolc''^  the  threat  to  extirpate 
Amalek  (Ex.  17,  14),  makes  it  probable  that  some  written  state- 
ment existed  of  the  combat  of  Israel  with  Amalek,  and  of  the 
oath  sworn  then  by  Jehovah  to  exterminate  His  people's  foe.  The 
poetical  phrases  that  occur  in  the  context  may  suggest  that  this 
too  was  in  the  form  of  a  poem,  reminiscences  of  which  were 
interwoven  by  E  in  his  narrative.  And  the  Ten  Commandments 
which  E  incorporates,  of  course  existed  already  in  a  written 
form.  The  Blessing  of  Jacob  (Gen.  49)  may  have  been  derived 
by  J  from  a  source  such  as  the  Book  of  Jashar  :  the  Song  of 
Moses  in  Dt.  32  (which  is  very  different  in  style)  was  taken  pro- 
bably from  an  independent  source.  The  ordinances  which  form 
the  basis  of  the  "Book  of  the  Covenant"  must  also  have  existed 
in  a  written  shape  before  they  were  incorporated  in  the  narrative 
of  J  ;  as  well  as  the  "  Words  of  the  Covenant,"  which,  probably 
in  an  enlarged  form,  are  preserved  in  Ex.  34,  10  ff.  (cf.  z/.  27  f ). 
The  existence  of  written  laws  c,  750  B.C.  is  implied  by  Hos.  8,  12, 
Critics  ot  different  schools — Dillmann,  Kittel,  and  Riehm,  not 
less  than  Wellh.  and  Kuen. — agree  in  supposing  that  E  was  a 
native  of  the  Northern  kingdom.  His  narrative  bears,  indeed, 
an  Ephraimitic  tinge.  Localities  belonging  to  the  Northern 
kingdom  (see  above)  are  prominent  in  it,  especially  Shechem 
and  Bethel  (the  custom  of  paying  tithes  at  which — cf  Am.  4,  4 
— appears  to  be  explained  in  Gen.  28,  21  f.).  Hebron  is  sub- 
ordinate :  Abraham  is  brought  more  into  connexion  with  Beer- 
sheba.  Reuben,  not  Judah  (as  in  J),  takes  the  lead  in  the 
history  of  Joseph.  Joshua,  the  Ephraimite  hero,  is  already 
prominent  before  the  death  of  Moses ;  the  burial  -  places  of 
famous  personages  of  antiquity,  as  of  Deborah,  Rachel,  Joshua, 
Joseph,  Eleazar,  when  they  were  shown  in  Ephraimite  territory, 
are  noticed  by  him  (Gen.  35,  8.  19  f  Josh.  24,  30.  32.  33).  J  is 
commonly  regarded  as  having  belonged  to  the  Southern  kingdom. 

^  Heb.  *lStD3,  of  which,  however,  the  English  equivalent  is  "  in  a  book  :  * 

comp.  Nu.   5,   23.  Job  19,  23.     The   Hebrew  idiom  is  explained  in  Ges.- 
Kaulzsch  (ed.  25),  §  126.  .>  ;  or  in  the  writer's  Notes  on  Samuel,  pp.  5,  123. 


Il6  LITKRATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  general  Israelitish  tradition  treated  Reuben  as  the  first-born  ; 
but  in  J's  narrative  of  Joseph,  Judah  is  represented  as  the  leader 
of  the  brethren.  Gen.  38  (J)  records  traditions  relating  to  the 
history  of  Judahite  families  which  would  be  of  subordinate 
interest  for  one  who  was  not  a  member  of  the  tribe.  Abraham's 
home  is  at  Hebron.  The  grounds  alleged  may  seem  to  be 
slight  in  themselves,  but  in  the  absence  of  stronger  grounds  on 
I  he  opi)osite  side,  they  make  it  at  least  relatively  probable  that 
\\  and  J  belonged  to  the  Northern  and  Southern  kingdoms 
respectively,  and  represent  the  special  form  which  Israelitish 
tradition  assumed  in  each  locality. 

On  the  relative  date  of  E  and  J,  the  opinions  of  critics  differ. 
Dillm.  Kittel,  and  Richm  assign  the  priority  to  E,  placing  him 
900-850  B.C.,  and  J  c.  750  (Dillm.),  830-800  (Kittel),  or  c.  850 
(Richm).i  Welihauscn,  Kuenen,  and  Stade,  on  the  other  hand, 
assign  the  priority  to  J,  placing  him  850-800  B.C.,  and  E  c.  750. ^ 

The  grounds  of  this  difTerence  of  opinion  cannot  be  here  fully  discussed. 
It  turns  in  part  upon  a  different  conception  of  the  limits  of  J.  Dillm. 's  "J  " 
embraces  more  than  Wellh.'s  "J,"  including,  for  instance,  Ex.  13,  3-16.  19, 
5  f .  32,  7-14,  and  much  of  34,  1-28,  which  approximate  in  tone  to  Dt.,  and 
which  Wellh.  ascribes  to  the  compiler  of  JE.  Dillm. 's  date,  C.  750  (p.  630), 
is  assigned  to  J  largely  on  the  ground  of  just  those  passages  which  form  no 
part  of  Wellh. 's  J.  It  is  true,  these  passages  display  a  tone  and  style  (often 
parenetic)  which  is  not  that  which  prevails  generally  in  J  ;  and  as  the 
nnihropomorphisms  of  J  favour,  moreover,  an  earlier  date,  it  is  possible  that 
they  are  rightly  assigned  to  the  compiler  of  JE  rather  than  to  J  (as,  indeed, 
is  admitted  by  Dillm.  (p.  681)  for  the  similar  passages.  Gen.  22,  15-18.  26, 
3*^  5.  Ex.  15,  26.  Nu.  14,  11-23).  Dillm.  allows  the  presence  in  his  "J" 
of  archaic  elements,  but  attributes  them  to  the  use  of  special  sources  ;  his 
opinion  that  E  is  one  of  these  sources  is  not  probable. 

Although,  however,  critics  differ  as  to  the  relative  date  of  J 
and  I^,  they  agree  that  neither  is  later  than  c.  750  B.C.  ;  and 
most  are  of  opinion  that  one  (if  not  both)  is  decidedly  earlier. 
The  terminus  ad  qiicm  is  fixed  by  the  general  consideration  that 
the  j)rophelic  tone  and  point  of  view  of  J  and  E  alike  are  not  so 
definitely  marked  as  in  the  canonical  prophets  (Amos,  Hosea, 
(S:c,),  the  earliest  of  whose  writings  date  from  c.  760-750.     It  is 

^  So  most  previous  critics,  a.s  Noldeke  (J  c.  900),  Schradcr  (E  975-950;  J 
825- Soo),  Kayser  (r.  Sec),  Reuss  (J  S50  Soo  ;   E  "perhaps  still  earlier"). 

*  In  the  same  order,  H.  Schultz,  Altlest.  Tluol.  (ed.  4)  p.  60  f.  (J  to  the 
reign  of  Solonum  ;  E  S50-S00). 


PROPHETICAL   NARRATIVE   OF   THE    HEXATEUCII.       II7 

probable  also,  though  not  quite  certain  (for  the  passages  may  be 
based  upon  unwritten  tradition),  that  Am.  2,  9.  Hos.  12,  3  f.  12  f. 
contain  allusions  to  the  narrative  of  JE.  The  terniimis  a  quo  is 
more  difficult  to  fix  with  confidence  :  in  fact,  conclusive  criteria 
fail  us.  We  can  only  argue  upon  grounds  of  probability  derived 
from  our  view  of  the  progress  of  the  art  of  writmg,  or  of  literary 
composition,  or  of  the  rise  and  growth  of  the  prophetic  tone  and 
feeling  in  ancient  Israel,  or  of  the  period  at  which  the  traditions 
contained  in  the  narratives  might  have  taken  shape,  or  of  the 
probabihty  that  they  would  have  been  written  down  before  the 
impetus  given  to  culture  by  the  monarchy  had  taken  effect,  and 
similar  considerations,  for  estimating  most  of  which,  though 
plausible  arguments,  on  one  side  or  the  other,  may  be  advanced, 
a  standard  on  which  we  can  confidently  rely  scarcely  admits  of 
being  fixed.  Nor  does  the  language  of  J  and  E  bring  us  to  any 
more  definite  conclusion.  Both  belong  to  the  golden  period  of 
Hebrew  literature.  They  resemble  the  best  parts  of  Judges  and 
Samuel  (much  of  which  cannot  be  greatly  later  than  David's  own 
time) ;  but  whether  they  are  actually  earlier  or  later  than  these, 
the  language  and  style  do  not  enable  us  to  say.  There  is  at  least 
no  archaic  flavour  perceptible  in  the  style  of  JE.i  And  there 
are  certainly  passages  (which  cannot  all  be  treated  as  glosses),  in 
which  language  is  used  implying  that  the  period  of  the  exodus 
lay  in  the  past,  and  that  Israel  is  established  in  Canaan.^     The 

^  On  some  of  the  supposed  archaisms  of  the  Pent.,  see  Deuteronomy  in 
the  Did.  of  the  Bible,  §  31  ;  Delitzsch,  Genesis  (1887),  p.  27  f. 

'^  See  (in  JE)  Gen.  12,  6;  13,  7  ;  34,  7  ("in  Israel:"  comp.  Dt.  22,  21. 
Jud.  20,  6.  10.  2  Sa.  13,  12)  ;  40,  15  ("the  land  of  the  Hebrews'') ;  Nu.  32,  41 
(as  Dt.  3,  14  :  see  Jud.  10,  4). 

In  the  other  sources  of  the  Pent.  comp.  similarly  Gen.  14,  14.  Dt.  34,  I 
("  Dan  :"  see  Jobh.  19,  47.  Jud.  18,  29) ;  Gen.  36,  31  ;  Lev.  18,  27  f.;  Nu. 
22,  I.  34,  15  (p.  79);  Dt.  2,  12";  3,  II  (Og's  bedstead  a  relic  of  antiquity) ; 
as  well  as  the  passages  of  Dt.  quoted  p.  ']']  &c.  Dt.  2,  12.  3,  II.  14  might, 
indeed,  in  themselves  be  treated  as  glosses  (though  they  harmonize  in  style 
with  the  rest  of  Dt.  i — 3) ;  but  the  attempts  that  have  been  made  to  reconcile 
the  other  passages  with  Moses'  authorship  must  strike  every  impartial  reader 
as  forced  and  artificial.  The  laws,  also,  in  many  of  their  details,  presuppose 
(and  do  not  merely  anticipate)  institutions  and  social  relations,  which  can 
hardly  have  grown  up  except  among  a  people  which  had  been  for  some  time 
settled  in  a  permanent  home.     Cf.  Dillm.  NDJ.  593-6;  Riehm,  EinL  §  12. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  there  is  no  passage  of  the  OT.  which  ascribes 
the  composition  of  the  Pent,  to  Moses,  or  even  to  Moses'  age  ;  so  that  we 
are  thrown  back  upon  independent  grounds  for  the  purpose  of  determining  its 


Il8  LITERATURE   OF    THE    (JLD   TESTAMENT. 

manner  al.-.o  in  which  songs  are  appealed  to  (Nu.  21,  14.  27), 
in  support  of  historical  statements,  is  scarcely  that  of  a  con- 
tcm[)orary.  All  things  considered,  a  date  in  the  early  centuries 
of  the  monarchy  would  seem  not  to  be  unsuitable  both  for  J  and 
for  E ;  but  it  must  remain  an  open  question  whether  both  may 
not,  in  reality,  be  earlier.  The  date  at  which  an  event,  or 
instinition,  is  first  mentioned  in  writing,  must  not  be  confused 
with  that  at  which  it  occurred,  or  originated  :  in  the  early  stages 
of  a  nation's  history  the  memory  of  the  past  is  preserved  habitually 
by  oral  tradition  ;  and  the  Jews,  long  after  they  were  possessed 
of  a  literature,  were  still  apt  to  depend  much  upon  tradition. 

Space  forbids  here  an  examination  of  the  styles  of  J  and  E.  They  have 
much  in  common  ;  indeed,  stylistic  criteria  alone  would  not  generally  suffice 
to  distinguish  J  and  E  ;  though,  when  the  distinction  has  been  effected  by 
other  means,  slight  differences  of  style  appear  to  disclose  themselves ;  for 
instance,  particular  expressions  are  more  common  in  J  than  in  E,  and  E  is 
apt  to  employ  somewhat  unusual  words.^  Whether,  however,  the  expressions 
noted  by  Dillm.  NDJ.  pp.  618,  625  f.,  are  all  cited  justly  as  characteristic  of 
E  and  J  respectively,  may  be  questioned  ;  they  depend  in  part  upon  dttnils  of 
the  analysis  which  are  not  throughout  e([ually  assured.  Both  J  and  E  bear  a 
far  closer  ^ifw^ra/ resemblance  than  P  does  to  the  earlier  narratives  of  Jud. 
Sam.  Kings:  J  especially  resembles  Jud.  6,  11-24.  I3>  2-24.  c.  19. 

P,  both  in  method  and  literary  style,  offers  a  striking  contrast 
to  either  J  or  E.  P  is  not  satisfied  to  cast  into  a  literary  form 
what  may  be  termed  the  popular  conception  of  the  patriarchal 
and  Mosaic  age:  his  aim  is  to  give  a  systematic  view,  from  a 
jjriestly  standpoint,  of  the  origin  and  chief  institutions  of  the 
Jsraelitish  theocracy.  For  this  purpose,  an  abstract  oi  the  history 
is  sufficient  :  to  judge  from  the  parts  that  remain,  the  narrative 
of  the  i^atriarchal  age,  even  when  complete,  cannot  have  been 
more  than  a  bare  outline ;  it  only  becomes  detailed  at  important 
epochs,  or  where  the  origin  of  some  existing  institution  has  to 

•late.  The  'Maw  of  Moses"  is  indeed  frequently  spoken  of;  and  it  is  un- 
«luu4ioned  that  Israelitish  law  did  originate  with  him  :  but  this  expression  is 
not  evidence  that  Moses  was  the  wriler  oi  the  Pent.,  or  even  that  the  laws 
which  the  Pent,  contains  represent  throughout  his  unmodified  legislation. 
Dt.  31,  9.  24  may  be  referred  reasonably  to  the  more  ancient  body  of  law 
which  forms  the  basis  of  the  Ueut.  rode.     Comp.  Delitzsch,  Getr.  p.  33  f, 

^  E.^i,\  7\\:i^V\>  Gen.  ^t,,  19.  Josh.  24,  32  (Job  42,  ii)t;  D"«yD  Gen.  31, 
7.  41+  ;  Ex.  18,  9  mn  ;  2  1  ntn  (very  uncommon  in  prose) ;  32,  18  nC^^H  ,* 
25  Dr.V.:~3  nV'-*J'^  (poetical)  ;  HD  in  a  /o.a/  sense. 


PRIESTLY    NARRATIVE   OF   THE    HEXATEUCH.  I  19 

be  explained  (Gen.  9,  iff.  c.  17.  23);  the  intervals  are  bridged 
frequently  by  genealogical  lists,  and  are  always  measured  by 
exact  chronological  standards.  Similarly  in  the  Mosaic  age,  the 
commission  of  Moses,  and  events  connected  with  the  exodus,  are 
narrated  with  some  fulness ;  but  only  the  description  of  the 
Tabernacle  and  ceremonial  system  can  be  termed  comprehensive  ; 
even  of  the  incidents  in  the  wilderness,  many  appear  to  be  intro- 
duced chiefly  on  account  of  some  law  or  important  consequence 
arising  out  of  them.^  But  even  here  the  writer  is  careful  not  to 
leave  an  absolute  gap  in  his  narrative :  as  in  the  patriarchal 
period  the  intervals  are  bridged  by  genealogical  lists,  so  here  the 
40  years  in  the  wilderness — the  greater  part  of  which  is  a  blank 
in  JE — are  distributed  between  40  stations  (Nu.  33).  In  the 
Book  of  Joshua  the  account  of  the  conquest — though  largely 
superseded  by  that  of  JE — appears  to  have  been  told  summarily  : 
on  the  other  hand,  the  allotment  of  land  among  the  tribes — 
arising  out  of  the  instructions  in  Nu.  34,  and  the  basis  of  the 
territorial  subdivision  existing  under  the  monarchy— is  narrated 
at  some  length  (the  greater  part  of  Josh.  15 — 21).  Other 
statistical  data,  besides  genealogies,  are  a  conspicuous  feature 
in  his  narrative  ;  for  instance,  the  lists  of  names  and  enumerations 
in  Gen.  46.  Nu.  i — 4.  7.  13,  1-15.  c.  26.  34. 

In  the  arrangement  of  his  material,  system  and  circum- 
stantiality are  the  guiding  principles ;  and  their  influence  may 
be  traced  both  in  the  plan  of  his  narrative  as  a  whole,  and  in  his 
treatment  of  individual  sections.  Not  only  is  the  narrative  con- 
structed with  a  careful  and  uniform  regard  to  chronology,  but 
the  history  advances  along  a  well-defined  line,  marked  by  a 
gradually  diminishing  length  of  human  life,  by  the  revelation 
of  God  under  three  distinct  names,  Elohim^  El  Shaddai^^  and 
Jehovah^  by  the  blessing  of  Adam,  with  its  characteristic  con- 
ditions, and  by  the  subsequent  covenants  with  Noah,  Abraham, 
and  Israel,  each  with  its  special  "  sign,"  the  rainbow,  the  rite  of 
circumcision,  and  the  Sabbath  (Gen.  9,  12  f.  17,  11.  Ex.  31,  13. 

^  Ex.  16,  1-3.  6-24,  see  vv.  32-34  ;  Lev.  10,  iff;  24,  10-14.  23  ;  Nu.  9, 
I  ff. ;  15,  32-36;  c.  17;  20,  2.  3^  6,  see  vv.  12-13.  22-29;  25,  6-9.  see 
vv.  10-13  ;  27,  I  ff.  36,  I  ff". 

2  Gen.  17,  I.  28,  3.  35,  II.  48,  3.  Ex.  6,  3  ;  also  Gen.  43,  14  in  E  :  comp. 
in  poe'ry  49,  25.  Nu,  24,  4,  16.  Gen.  49,  25  hhows  that  the  title  Shaddai 
is  an  ancient  one. 


I20  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

17).  In  his  picture  of  the  Mosaic  age,  the  systematic  marshalling 
of  the  nation  by  tribes  and  families,  its  orderly  distribution  in 
the  camp  and  upon  the  march,  the  unity  of  purpose  and  action 
which  in  consequence  regulates  its  movements,  are  the  most 
consj)icuous  features  (Xu.  i — 4.  10,  11-28  &c.).  In  the  age  of 
Joshua  stress  is  similarly  laid  upon  the  complete  and  methodical 
division  of  the  entire  land  among  the  tribes.  Further,  wherever 
possible,  P  seeks  to  set  before  his  readers  a  concrete  picture,  with 
definite  figures  and  proportions :  consider,  for  examj)le,  his 
precise  measurements  of  the  ark  of  Noah,  or  of  the  Tabernacle ; 
his  re|)reseiitation,  just  noticed,  of  the  arrangement  of  the  tribes 
in  the  camp  and  on  the  njarch  ;  his  double  census  of  the  tribes 
(Nu.  I.  26);  his  exact  estimate  of  the  amount  of  gold  and  other 
materials  offered  by  the  people  for  the  construction  of  the 
Tabernacle  (Ex.  38,  24-31),  of  the  offerings  of  the  princes 
(Nu.  7),  and  of  the  spoil  taken  from  the  Midianites  (Nu.  31). 
It  is  probable,  indeed,  that  in  many  of  these  cases  only  par- 
ticular elements  of  the  representation  were  supplied  to  him  by 
tradition  :  his  representation,  as  a  whole,  seems  to  be  the  result 
of  a  systematizing  process  working  upon  these  materials,  and 
perhaps,  also,  seeking  to  give  sensible  expression  to  certain  ideas 
or  truths  (as,  for  instance,  to  the  truth  of  Jehovah's  presence  in 
the  midst  of  His  people,  symbolized  by  the  "  Tent  of  Meeting," 
surrounded  by  its  immediate  attendants,  in  the  centre  of  the 
camp  1).  His  aim  seems  to  have  been  to  present  an  ideal  picture 
of  the  Mosaic  age,  constructed,  indeed,  upon  a  genuine  traditional 
basi.s,  but  so  conceived  as  to  exemplify  the  principles  by  which 
an  ideal  theocracy  should  be  regulated.^     That   he   does    not 

^  In  JE  the  "Tent  of  Meeting"  is  represented  regularly  as  outside  the 
cnniii,  Ex.  33,  7-1 1  (where  the  tenses  used  express  what  was  Mosgs  /la/uV: 
see  Ges.-Kauizsch,  ed.  25,  §  112.  3).  Nu.  10,  33.  ii,  26-27.  I2,  4  ("come 
out"),  only  once  as  being  witliin  it  (Nu.  14,  44).  The  general  impression, 
also,  derived  from  the  narrative  of  JE,  is  that  it  was  simpler  in  its  structure 
and  appuintments  than  as  represented  in  P. 

^  It  is  difticult  to  escape  the  conclusion  that  the  representation  of  Pinckides 
elLUients,  not,  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  term,  historical.  Mis  chronological 
scheme  appears  to  have  been  deduced  by  him  by  calculation  from  data  of  a 
nature  now  no  lonqer  known  to  us,  but  in  part  artificial.  It  is  remarkable,  for 
instance,  that  the  entire  number  of  years  from  the  Creation  to  the  Exodus  is  2666 
(=  I  of  4000)  years.  There  are  also  difficulties  connected  with  the  numbers  of 
the  Israeliies  (esp.  in  Nu.  1—4) ;  here,  likewise,  as  it  seems,  the  figures  cannot 
be  nil  hi^ll)licnl,  but  must  have  been  obtained  in  sonic  manner  by  computation 


PRIESTLY    NARRATIVE   OF   THE    HEXATEUCII.  121 

wilfully  desert  or  falsify  tradition,  appears  from  the  fact  that  even 
where  it  set  antiquity  in  an  unfavourable  light,  he  still  does  not 
shrink  from  recording  it  (Ex.  i6,  2.  Lev.  10,  i.  Nu.  20,  12.  24. 
27,  13  f.).  It  is  probable  that,  being  a  priest  himself,  he  recorded 
traditions,  at  least  to  a  certain  extent,  in  the  form  in  which  they 
wTre  current  in  priestly  circles. 

His  representations  of  God  are  less  anlhropomorphic  than  those 
of  J  (p.  114),  or  even  of  E.  No  angels  or  dreams  are  mentioned 
by  him.  "Certainly  he  speaks  of  God  as  'appearing'  to  men, 
and  as  'going  up'  from  them  (Gen.  17,  i.  22  f.  35,  9.  13.  48,  3. 
Ex.  6,  3),  at  important  moments  of  the  history,  but  he  gives  no 
further  description  of  His  appearance:  usually  the  revelation  of 
God  to  men  takes  with  him  the  form  of  simple  speaking  to  them 
(Gen.  I,  29.  6,  13.  7,  i.  8,  15.  9,  i.  Ex.  6,  2.  13  al.) ;  only  in  the 
supreme  revelation  on  Sinai  (Ex.  24,  16  f.  cf  34,  29^*),  and  when  He 
is  present  in  the  Tent  of  Meeting  (Ex.  40,  34  f.),  does  he  describe 
Him  as  manifesting  Himself  in  a  form  of  light  and  fire  (TiIlD 
glory),  and  as  speaking  there  with  Moses  (Nu.  7,  89.  Ex.  25,  22), 
as  man  to  man,  or  in  order  that  the  people  may  recognise 
Him  (Ex.  16,  10.  Lev.  9,  6.  23  f.  Nu.  14,  10.  16,  19.  42.  20,  6). 
Wrath  also  proceeds  forth  from  Him  (Nu.  16,  46),  or  destroying 
fire  and  death  (Lev.  10,  2.  Nu.  14,  37.  16,  35.  45  ff.  25,  8  f.). 
But  anthropopathic  expressions  of  God  he  avoids  scrupulously  ; 
even  anthropomorphic  expressions  are  rare  (Gen.  2,  2  f.,  cf.  Ex. 
31,  17^),  so  that  a  purpose  is  here  unmistakable.  It  may  be 
that  as  a  priest  he  was  accustomed  to  think  and  speak  of  God 
more  strictly  and  circumspectly  than  other  writers,  even  those 
who  were  prophets.  On  the  other  hand,  he  nowhere  touches  on 
the  deeper  problems  of  theology.  On  such  subjects  as  the 
justice  of  the  Divine  government  of  the  world,  the  origin  of  sin 
and  evil,  the  insufficiency  of  all  human  righteousness  (see,  on  the 
contrary.  Gen.  5,  24.  6,  9),  he  does  not  pause  to  reflect;  the 
free  Divine  choice,  though  not  unknown  to  him  (Nu.  3,  12  f.  8, 
16.  17,  5  ff.  18,  6),  is  at  least  not  so  designedly  opposed  to 
human  claims  as  in  J.  His  work  contains  no  Messianic  outlooks 
into  the  future  :  his  ideal  lies  in  the  theocracy,  as  he  conceives 
it  realized  by  Moses  and  Joshua"  (Dillm.  ND/.  p.  653).  In  P 
the  promises  to  the  patriarchs,  unlike  those  of  J,  are  limited  to 
Israel  itself  (see  above,  p.  19;  and  add  Ex.  6,  4.  6-7).  The 
substance   of  these   promises   is   the    future   growth  and  glory 


122  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

{'' kin<:s  shall  come  out  of  thee")  of  the  Abrahamic  clan;  the 
establishment  of  a  covenant  with  its  members,  implying  a  special 
relation  between  them  and  God  (Gen.  17,  f.  Ex.  6,  7*),  and 
the  confirmation  of  the  land  of  Canaan  as  their  possession.  The 
Israelitish  theocracy  is  the  writer's  ideal ;  and  the  culminating 
promise  is  that  in  Ex.  29,  43-46,  declaring  the  abidi?ig prese?ice 
of  Cod  with  His  people  IsraeL 

The  literary  style  of  P  is  strongly  marked.  If  JE — and  espe- 
cially J — be  free,  flowing,  and  picturesque,  P  is  stereotyped, 
measured,  and  prosaic.  The  narrative,  both  as  a  whole  and  in  its 
several  parts,  is  articulated  systematically ;  the  beginning  and  close  ^ 
of  an  enumeration  are  regularly  marked  by  staled  formulae."^  The 
descriptions  of  P  are  methodical  and  precise.  When  they  embrace 
details,  emphasis ^  and  completeness^  are  studied;  hence  a 
thought  is  often  repeated  in  slightly  different  words.'*  There  is 
a  tendency  to  describe  an  object  in  full  each  time  that  it  is 
mentioned  ;^  a  direction  is  followed,  as  a  rule,  by  an  account  of 
its  execution,  usually  in  the  same  words. *^  Sometimes  the  cir- 
cumstantiality leads  to  diffuseness,  as  in  parts  of  Nu.  i — 4  and 
(an  extreme  case)  Nu.  7  (p.  56).  Metaphors,  similes,  &c.,  are 
eschewed  (Nu.  27,  17^  is  an  exception),  and  there  is  generally  an 
absence  of  the  ])oetical  or  dramatic  element,  which  is  frequently 
conspicuous  in  the  other  historical  books  of  the  OT.  (including 
J  and  E).  'I  o  a  greater  degree  than  in  any  other  part  of  the 
OT.  is  a  preference  shown  in  P  for  standing  formulcE.  and  expres- 
sions ;  some  of  these  recur  with  great  frequency,  and  are  apparent 
in  a  translation.  Particularly  noticeable  is  an  otherwise  uncom- 
mon mode  of  expression,  producing  a  peculiar  rhythm,  by  which  a 
statement  is  first  made  in  general  terms,  and  then  partly  repeated, 
for   the    purpose   of  receiving   closer  limitation   or   definition.^ 

^  Comp.  p.  II,  notes  2  and  3  ;  and  add  Nu.  I,  20-21.  22-23  "^c.  ;  2,  3-9. 
10  16  &c.  ;  10,  14-2S;  26,  12-14.  15-18  &c.     See  also  p.  127,  No.  44. 

;-  Gen.  I,  29.  6,  17.  9,  3. 

"^  Notice  ihe  precision  df  definition  and  description  in  Gen.  10,  5.  20.  31. 
36,  40  ;  6,  18.  7,  13  f.  23,  17.  36,  6.  46,  6-7.  Ex.  7,  19.  Nu.  i,  2.  20.  22  &c. 

*  Comp.  p.  II,  note  i  ;  add  Cien.  2,  2-3.  23,  17-20.  Ex.  12,  18-20. 

"  Comp.  Gen.  i,  7  beside  6  ;   ii  beside  10  ;  8,  18  f.  beside  16  f. 

^  Gen.  I,  6  f. ;  1 1  f.  ;  24  f. ;  6,  iS-20.  7,  13-16  ;  8,  16-19  ;  Ex.  S-16  f. ;  9, 
S-io  ;  Nu.  17,  2.  6. 

7  Gen.  I,  27.  6,  14.  8,  5.  9,  5.  23,  11.  49,  29'-- 30.  Ex.  12,  4.  8.  16,  16.  35. 
25,  2.   II.   iS.   19.  26,   I.  Lev.  25.  22.  Nu.  2,  2.  iS,  iS.  36,  11-12  Ileb.  e^c. 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.  1 23 

It  seems  as  though  the  habits  of  thought  and  expression, 
which  the  author  had  contracted  through  his  practical  acquaint- 
ance with  the  law,  were  carried  by  him  into  his  treatment  of 
purely  historical  subjects.  The  writer  who  exhibits  the  greatest 
stylistic  affinities  with  P,  and  agrees  with  him  sometimes  in  the 
use  of  uncommon  expressions,  is  the  priestly  prophet  Ezekiel. 

The  following  is  a  select  list  of  some  of  the  most  noticeable 
expressions  characteristic  of  P ;  many  occurring  rarely  or  never 
besides,  some  only  in  Ezekiel.  The  list  could  readily  be 
increased,  especially  if  terms  occurring  otily  in  the  laws  had 
been  added ;  ^  these,  however,  have  been  excluded,  as  the  object 
of  the  list  is  rather  to  show  that  the  historical  sections  of  P 
exhibit  the  same  literary  features  as  the  legal  ones,  and  that  the 
same  habits  of  thought  and  expression  pervade  both.^  Refer- 
ences to  Lev.  17 — 26  have  been  included  in  the  list.  It  will 
be  recollected  that  these  chapters  do  not  consist  wholly  of 
excerpts  from  H,  but  comprise  elements  belonging  to  P  (p.  44). 
H  itself  also,  as  was  remarked,  is  related  to  P,  representing  like- 
wise priestly  usage,  though  in  an  earlier  phase ;  so  that  it  is  but 
natural  that  its  phraseology  should  exhibit  points  of  contact  with 
that  of  P. 

1.  God,  \\o\.  Jehovah:  Gen.  I,  I  and  uniformly,  except  Gen.  17,  i.  21,  !*>, 

until  Ex.  6,  2. 

2.  K'ind{\''0) :  Gen.   I,   II.   12  bis.  21  bis.  24  bis.  25  ter.  6,  20  ter.  7,  14 

qtiaier.   Lev.   II,    14.    15.    16.    19  [hence  Dt.   14,   13.   14.   15.   18]. 
22  quater.  29.  Ez.  47,  10.  f 

3.  To  swarm  (pC^) :  Gen.  I,  20.  21.  7,  21.  8,  17.   Ex.   7,  28  [hence  Ps. 

105,  30].  Lev.   II,   29.  41.  42.  43.  46.  Ez.  47,  9.     Fig.  of  men  : 
Gen.  9,  7.  Ex.  i,  7.! 

^  E.g.  "savour  of  satisfnction,"  "fire-sacrifice,"  ''statute  for  ever."  But 
the  laws  of  P,  it  is  vi^orth  remarking,  are,  as  a  rule,  formulated  differently 
from  those  of  either  JE  or  D  (contrast  ^.^.  the  >'2  U1^^  ^2  C^2J,  IS  t^'t^ 
••D  ntrS,  &c.  of  Lev.  I,  2.  4,  2.  5,  I.  15.  13,  2.  29.  38.  Nu.  5,  6.  6,  2  al. 
with  the  K^''J<  ""^l  of  Ex.  21,  7.  14.  20.  26  «S:c.),  and  show  besides  differences  of 
terminology,  which,  however,  the  reader  must  be  left  to  note  for  himself. 

2  Were  these  expressions  confiyied  to  the  legal  sections,  it  might  be  argued 
that  they  were  the  work  of  the  same  hand  as  JE,  who,  with  a  change  of 
subject,  adopted  naturally  an  altered  phraseology ;  but  they  are  found  re- 
peatedly in  the  narrative  parts  of  the  Ilexateuch,  where'  the  peculiar 
phraseology  cannot  be  attributed  to  the  special  character  of  the  subject  {e.g. 
Gen.  6—9.  Ex.  6,  2—7,  13.  c.  16.  Nu.  13—14-  16— 17.  Josh.  22,  9  ff.). 


124  LITF.KATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

4.  Sivarming  1/iin.^^s  (pC')  :  Gen.    I,   20.   7,   21.    Lev.   5,  2.    II,    lO.   20 

[hence  Dt.  14,  19].  21.  23.  29.  31.  41.  42-  43-  44-  22,  5.! 

5.  To  be  fruitful  and  viii  It  iply  {TXT^^  HIE):  Gen.  I,  22.  28.  8,  17.  9,  I.  7. 

17,  2o(cf.  2  and  6).  28,  3.  35,  11.  47,  27.  48,  4.  Ex.  i,  7.  Lev. 
26,  9.     Also  Jer.  23,  3  ;  and  (inverted)  3,  16.  Ez.  36,  II. t 

6.  /^r/t;.'^/ (nbsi')  :  Gen.  I,  29.  30.  6,  21.  9,  3.  Ex.  16,  15.  Lev.  11,  39. 

25,  6.  Ez.  15,  4.  6.  21,  yi-  23.  37-  29,  5.  34,  5-  §•  lo-  12.  39,  4.! 
(In  Jer.  12,  9  n^3S?  is  an  infin.) 

7.  Generations  (DHT'iri) : 

(<7)  In  the  phrase  These  are  the  generations  of  .   .   .  (see  p.  5  f.). 
{h)  Otherwise:  Gen.  10,  32.  25,  13.  Ex.  6,  16.  19.  28,    10.   Nu.  I 
(12  times).  I  Ch.  5,  7.  7,  2.  4.  9.  8,  28.  9,  9.  34.  26,  31.! 

8.  nX?3  in  the  st.  c,  in  cases  where  ordinarily  nK?3  would  be  said  :  Gen.' 

5,  3.  6.  18.  25.  28.  7,  24.  8,  3.  II,  10.  25.  21,  5.  25,  7.  17.  35,  28. 
47,  9.  28.  Ex.  6,  16.  18.  20.  38,  25.  27  (thrice).  Nu.  2,  9.  16.  24. 
3'-  33'  39-  ^<5  besides  only  Neh.  5,  ir  (prob.  corrupt).  2  Ch.  25,  9 
Qri.  Est.  I,  4.t  (Peculiar.  P  uses  nXJD  in  such  cases  only  twice, 
Gen.  17,  17.  23,  I.) 

9.  To  expire  (yi^) :  Gen.  6,   17.  7,  21.  25,  8.  17.  35,  29.  49,  33.  Nu.  17, 

12.  13.  20,  3  bis.  29.  Josh.  22,  20.     (Only  besides  in  poetry:  Zech. 

13,  8.  Ps.  88,  16.  104,  29.  Lam.  i,  19  ;  and  8  times  in  Job.)f 

10.  With  thee  {him ^  Sec.)  appended  to  an  enumeration:  Gen.  6,  18.  7,  7. 

13.  8,  16.  18.  9,  8.  28,  4.  46,  6.  7.  Ex.  28,  I.  41.  29,  21  bis.  Lev.  8, 
2.  30.  10,  9.  14.  15  (25,  41.  54  Dy).  Nu.  18,  I.  2.  7.  II.  19  /w. 
Similarly  after yoic  {thee,  &c.)  appended  to  "seed  :"  Gen.  9,  9.  17, 
7  <^zj.  8.  9.  10.  19.  35,  12.  48,  4.  Ex.  28,  43.  Nu.  25,  13. 

11.  And  Noah  did  {so)  ;  acco7-ding  to,  &c.  :  Gen.   6,  22:  exactly  the  same 

form  of  sentence,  Ex.  7,  6.  12,  28.  50.  39,  32\  40,  16.  Nu.  I,  54. 
2,  34.  8,  20.  17,  II  [Heb.  26] :  cf.  Ex.  39,  43.  Nu.  5,  4.  9,  5- 

12.  This  selfsame  day  (ntn   DVH   DVy)  :  Gen.   7,    13.    17,  23.  26.  Ex.  12, 

17.  41.  51.  Lev,  23,   14.   21.   28.   29.   30.   Dt.  32,  48.  Josh.   5,   11, 

10,  27  (not  P:  probably  the  compiler).  Ez.  2,  3.  24,  2  bis.  40,  i.f 

13.  After  their  families  (QH^-  DninD:;*^^)  :  Gen.  8,  19.   lO,  5.  20.  31.  36, 

40.  Ex.  6,  17.  25.  12,  21.1  Nu.  I  (13  times).  2,  34.  3—4  (15  times). 

11,  10  (JE).  26  (16  times).  29,  12.  33,  54.  Josh.  13,  15.  23.  24.  28. 
29-  3^-  15.  I-  12.  20.  16,  5.  8.  17,  2  bis.  18,  II.  20.  21.  28.  19 
(12  times).  21,  7.  33.  40  (Heb.  38).  i  Sa.  10,  21.  i  Ch.  5,  7.  6, 
62.  63  (Hob.  47.  48,  from  Josh.  21,  ZL  38).! 


^  The  isolated  occurrence  of  this  expression  in  JE  does  not  make  it  the  less 
characteristic  of  P.  Of  course  the  writer  of  Ex.  12,  21  was  acquainted  with 
the  word  nr.D'J'Q,  and  could  use  it,  if  he  pleased,  in  combination  with  ^.  It 
is  ihe  fret/ufney  of  the  combination  which  causes  it  to  be  characteristic  of  a 
particular  author.  For  the  same  reason  ivfu;  is  chiracteristic  of  St.  Mark's 
style,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  other  evangelists  employ  it  occa. 
sional'y.     The  same  remark  holds  good  of  Nos.  12,  15,  17,  22,  38,  41',  &c. 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE    HEXATEUCH.  1 25 

14.  b^h  as  regards  all,  with  a  generalizing  force  =  namely,  1  mean  (Ewald, 

§  310^):  Gen.  9,  10".  23,  IO^  Ex.  14,  28  (cf.  9  lb"'ni).  27,  3.  19 
(si  vera  1.)  28,  38.  36,  I^  Lev.  5,  3.  11,  26.  42.  16,  16.  21.  22,  18. 
Na.  4,  27.  31.  32.  5,  9.  18,  4.  8.  9.  Ez.  44,  9.  (Prob.  a  juristic 
use.     Occasionally  elsewhere,  esp.  in  Ch.) 

15.  An  everlasHvg  covenant:  Gen.   9,    16.  17,  7.  13.  19.  Ex.  31,  16.  Lev. 

24,  8;  cf.  Nu.  18,  19.  25,  13.*! 

16.  Exceedingly  (nSD  nN'?03,  not  the  usual  phrase):  Gen.    17,  2.  6.  20. 

Ex.  I,  7.  Ez.  9,  9.  16,  I3.t 

17.  6-«/^^/««^^  C^D"!) :  Gen.  12,  5.    13,  6.   31,  18.  36,  7.  46,  6.  Nu.  16,  32 

end.  35,  3.  Elsewhere  (not  P) :  Gen.  14,  ii.  12.  16  ^w.  21.  15,  14; 
and  in  Ch.  Ezr.  Dan.  (15  times). f 

18.  Tc'.^aM^r  (1:^31— cognate  with  "substance"):  Gen.    12,  5.  31,  \Zbis. 

36,  6.  46,  6.t 

19.  6"^//  (L*'D3)  in  the  sense  oi  person:  Gen.  12,  5.  36,  6.  46,  15.  18.  22. 

25.  26.  27.  Ex.  I,  5.  12,  4.  16  (RV.  man),  19.  16,  16  (RV.  persons). 
Lev.  2,  I  (RV.  one\  4,  2.  27.  5,  i.  2  ;  and  often  in  the  legal  parts  of 
Lev.  Num.  (as  Lev.  17,  12.  22,  ii.  27,  2).  Nu.  31,  28.  35.  40.  46 
(in  the  account  of  the  war  with  Midian).  Josh.  20,  3.  9  (from  Nu. 
35,  II.  15).  See  also  below,  No.  25*.  A  usage  not  confined  to  P, 
but  much  more  frequent  in  P  than  elsewhere. 

20.  Throiighoiit yotir  {iheir)  geiterat707is  {U2'^T\'i'h  Dnil;)  :  Gen.  17,7.  9. 

12.  Ex.  12,  14.  17.  42.  16,  32.  33-  27,  21.  29,  42.  30,  8.  10.  21.  31. 
31,  13.  16.  40,  15-  Lev.  3,  17.  6,  II.  7,  36.  10,  9.  17,  7-  21,  17-  22, 

3.  23,  14.  21.  31.  41.  24,  3.  25,  30  {his).  Nu.  9,  10.  10,  8.  15,  14. 
15.  21.  23.  z?>.  18,  23.  35,  29.1 

21.  Sojournings  {W'^'\^'>^),  y:\\h  land :  Gen.    17,  8.  28,  4.   36,7.  37,  i.   Ex. 

6,  4.  Ez.  20,  38  ;  with  days:  Gen.  47,  9  '^^'-s'-  Only  besides  Ps.  119, 
54;  and  rather  differently  55,  16.  Job  18,  I9.t 

22.  Possession  (^T^^5)  :  Gen.  17,  8.  23,  4.  9.  20.  36,  43-  47>  "•  48,  4-  49, 

30.  50,  13.  Lev.  14,  34.  25,  10-46.  27,    16.   21.  22.  24.  28.  Nu.  27, 

4.  7-  32,  5.  22.  29.  32.  35,  2  8.  28.  Dt.  32,  49.  Josh.  21,  12.  39. 
22,  4  (D^).  9.  19  bis.  Elsewhere  only  in  Ezekiel  (44,  28  bis.  45,  5. 
6. '7  bis.  8.  46,  16.  18  ler.  48,  20.  21.  22  bis)  ;  Ps.  2,  8 ;  I  Ch.  7, 
28.  9,  2  (=Neh.  II,  3).  2  Ch.  II,  14-  3i»  i-t 

23.  The  cognate  verb  to  get  possessions  (THW),  rather  a  peculiar  word  :  Gen. 

34,  10.  47,  27.  Nu.  32,  30.  Josh.  22,  9-  19-t 

24.  Fiirchase,  ptirchased possession  {t\:^^)2)-  Gen.   17,  12.    13.   23.   27.   23, 

18.  Ex.  12,  44.  Lev.  25,  16  bis.  51.  27,  22.  (Prob.  a  legal  term. 
Only  besides  Jer.  22,  ii.  12.  14.  16. )t 

25.  Peoples  {U'^'CV)  in  ^^e  sense  oi  kinsfolk  (peculiar) : 

{a)  That  soul  (or  that  man)  shall  be  ctit  off  from  his  kiitsfolk :  Gen. 
17,  14.  Ex.  30,  33.  38.  31,  14-  Lev.  7,20.  21.  25.  27.  17,  9.  19,  8. 


1  The  asterisk  indicates  that  all  passages  of  the  Hexateuch  in  which  the 
word  or  phrase  quoted  occurs  are  cited  or  referred  to. 


126  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

23,  29.  Nu.  9,  13+.  (In  Lev.  17,  4.  10.  18,  29.  20,  3.  5.  6.  18. 
23,  30.  Nu.  15,  30  the  noun  is  singular.) 

{l>)  To  be gathtred  to  one  s  kinsfolk :  Gen.  25,  8.  17.  35,  29.  49,  33. 
Nu.  20,  24.  27,  13.  31,  2.  Dt.  32,  50  bis.\ 

(r)  Lev.  19,  16.  21,  I.  4.  14.  15.  Ez.  18,  18:  perhaps  Jud.  5,  14. 
Hos.  10,  14.1 

26.  Settler  or  sojourner  (3^^*1n)  :  Gen,  23,  4  (hence  Ps.  39,  13.   i  Ch.  29, 

15).  Ex.  12,  45.  Lev.  22,  10.  25,  6.  23.  35.  40.  45.  47  bis.  Nu.  35, 
15.      Also  I  Ki.  17,  I  (text  doubtful).! 

27.  Getting,  acquisition  i'^^p)  :  Gen.   31,   18.   34,  23.   36,6.   Lev.   22,  1 1. 

Josh.  14,  4:  of.  Ez.  38,  12  f. ;  also  Pr.  4,  7.  Ps,  104,  24.  105,  21. f 

28.  AV«^(11S)  =  Ex.  I,  13.  14.  Lev.  25,  43.  46.  53.  Ez,  34,  4.! 

29.  Judgments  (□^CQL^*  [not  the  usual  wordj)  :  Ex.  6,  6.  7,  4.  12,  12.  Nu. 

33,  4.  Ez.  5,  10.  15.  II,  9.  14,  21.  16,  41.  25,  II.  28,  22.  26.  30, 
14.  19.  Pr.  19,  29,  2  Ch.  24,  24,1 

30.  Fathers'  houses  (^families:  n"lDt<  D^D,  or  sometimes   JllDX   alone): 

Ex.  6,  14.  25.  12,  3.  Nu.  1—4  (often).  17,  2.  3.  6.  26,  2.  31,  26.  32, 

28.  34,  14.  z6,  I.  Josh.  14,  I.  19,  51.  21,  I.  22,  14. 

31.  iy(3J-/'j- (DINHV)  of  the  Israelites  :  Ex.6,   26.  7,4.    12,   17.  41.   51.   Nu. 

1,  3.  52.  2,  3.  9.  10.  16.  18.  24.  25.  32.  10,  14.  18.  22.  25.  28.  35, 
I.*     (Dt.  20,  9  differently.) 

32.  Congregation  {TXli^J)  of  the  Israelites:  Ex.  12,  3.  6.  19.  47.  16,   I.  2.  9. 

10.  22.  17,  I.  34,  31.  35,  I.  4.  20.  38,  25.  Lev.  4,  13.  15.  8,  3-5.  9, 
5.  10,  6.  17.  16,  5.  19,  2.  24,  14.  16.  Nu.  13,  26  /--/>.  14,  I.  2.  5.  7. 
10.  27.  35.  36.  16,  2.  3.  9  />/>.  19  (Ji/j.  21.  22  (Lev.  10,  6).  24.  26. 
41.  42.  45.  46.  [Heb.  17,  6.  7.  10.  II].  20,   I.   2,   8  bis.  11.  22.  27. 

29.  25,  6.  7.  31,  12.  16.  26.  27.  43  (as  well  as  often  in  the  other 
chapters  of  Nu.  assigned  wholly  to  P).  32,  2.  4.  Josh.  9,  15.  18  bis. 
19.  21.  27.  18,  I.  20,  6.  9.  22,  12.  16.  17.  18  (Nu.  16,  22).  20.  30. 
(Cf.  No.  39.)  Never  in  JE  or  Dt.,  and  rare  in  the  other  hist, 
books  :  Jud.  20,  I.  21,  10.  13.  16.  I  Ki.  8,  5  (  =  2  Ch.  5,  6).  12,  20. 

33.  Betioeen  the  two  evenings :  Ex.  12,6.  16,   12.  29,  39.  41.  30,8.  Lev. 

23,  5.  Nu.  9,  3.  5.  II.  28,  4.  8.t 

34.  In  all  your  d'vellings  (DDTlUCnD  ^33):  Ex.  12,   20.  35,  3.   Lev.  3, 

17.  7,  26.  23,  3.  14.  21.  31.  Nu.  35,  29  (cf.  15,  2.  31,  10).  Ez.  6,  6.  14. 

35.  This  is  the  thiyig  ivhich  Jehovah  hath  commanded :  Y^yi.    16,    16.32.35, 

4.  Lev.  8,  5.  9,  6.  17,  2.  Nu.  30,  2.  36,  6.t 

36.  .•/  head  (n7'3?i  lit.  skull)  in  enumerations  :  Ex.  16,  16.  38,  26.  Nu.  I, 

2.  18.  20.  22.  3,^47.  I  Ch.  23,  3.  24.1 

37.  To  rcjnain  over  (»]ny  :  n(jt  the  usual  word) :  Ex.  16,  18.  23.  26,  12  bis. 

13.  Lev.  25,  27.  Nu.  3,  46.  4S.  49.t 

38.  A'ulcr  or  prince  (S"'C*i),  among  the   Israelites  :  Ex,    16,   22.   35,   27 

Lev.  4,  22.  Nu.  I,  16.  44.  cc.  2.  3.  and  7  (repeatedly).  4,  46.  10,  4. 
13,  2.  17,  2.  6(IIcb.  17.  21).  25,  14.  18.  34,  18-28.  Josh.  22,  14. 
In  JE  once  only,  Ex.  22,  27:  never  in  Dt.  Jud.  Sam.:  in  Kings 
only  I  Ki.  8,  I,  and  in  a  semi-poetical  passage,  11,  34.  Cf.  Gen, 
17,  20.  23,  6.  25,  16.  34,  2.      Often  in  Ez.,  even  of  the  king. 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.  12/ 

39.  Rulers  {princes)  of  {ox  in)  the  congregation:  Ex.  16,  22.  34,  31.  Nn,  4. 

34.  16,  2.  31,  13.  32,  2.  Josh.  9,  15.  18  (cf.  19.  21).  22,  30  (cf.  32)  : 
cf.  Nil.  27,  2.  36,  I.  Josh.  17,  4.f 

40.  Z?^<?/ 7rj/ (pn^C') :  Ex.  16,  23.  31,  15.  35,  2.   Lev.   16,  31.  23,  3.  24. 

32.  39  bis.  25,  4.  5.t 

41.  According  to  the  command  {yit.  mouth)  of  Jehovah  {T^X\^  ^^y^)\  Ex.  17 

I.  Lev.  24,  12.  Nu.  3,  16.  39.  51.  4,  37.  41.  45.  49.  9,  18.  20.  23. 
10,  13.  13,  3-  33,  2.  38.  36,  5.  Josh.  15,  13  6,s).  17,  4  i^^\  19^  50, 
21,  3  \}'^)'  22,  9.  Very  uncommon  elsewhere  :  Dt.  34,  5''  (pro- 
baljly  from  P  :  cf.  Nu.  33,  38).  2  Ki.  24,  3. 

42.  -^a^(n"'VnD:  not  the  usual  word)  :  Ex.  30,   13  his.    15.  23.   38,  26. 

Lev.  6,  13  bis.  Nu.  31,  29.  30.  42.  47.  Josh.  21,  25  (  =  1  Ch.  6,  55) 
Only  besides  i  Ki.  16,  9.  Neh.  8,  3.  i  Ch.  6,  46.  f 
43'   ?)i)2  to  trespass  and  (jy^  trespass  (often  combined,  and  then  rendered 

in  RV.  to  commit  a  trespass) :  Lev.  5,  15.  6,  2  [Heb.  5,  21].  26,  40, 
Nu.  5,  6.  12.  27.  31,  16.  Dt.  32,  51.  Josh.  7,  I.  22,  16.  20.  22.  31.* 
Ez.  14,  13.  15,  8.  17,  20.  18,  24.  20,  27.  39,  23.  26.  (A  word 
belonging  to  the  priestly  terminology.  Never  in  Jud.,  Sam.,  Kgs., 
or  oiher  prophets  [except  Dan.  9,  7] ;  and  chiefly  elsewhere  in  Ch.) 

44.  The  methodical  form  of  subscription  and  superscription:  Gen.   10,  [5]. 

20.  30.  31.  25,  16.  36,  19.  20.  31.  40.  43.  46,  8.  15.  18.  22.  25.  Ex. 
I,  I.  6,  14.  16.  19".  25b.  26.  Nu.  I,  44.  4,  28.  33.  37.  41.  45.  7, 
I7^  23^  29'^  &c.  84.  33,  I.  Josh.  13,  23*'.  28.  32.  14,  I.  15,  12".  20. 
16,  8^  18,  20.  28^  19,  8\  16.  23.  31.  39.  48.  51  [cf.  Gen.  10,  30, 
31].  21,  19.  26.  33.  40.  41-42.     (Not  a  complete  enumeration). 

45.  For  tribe  P  has  nearly  always  HDD,  very  rarely  l^atJ' ;  for  to  beget  yh\T\ 

(Gen.  5,  3-32.  6,  10.  11,  11-27.  I7»  20.  25,  19.  48,  6.  Lev.  25,  45. 
Nu.  26,  29.  58),  not  n^"'  (as  in  the  genealogies  of  J  :  Gen.  4,  18  ter. 
10,  8.  13.  15.  24  bis.  26.  22,  23.  25,  3)  ;  for  to  be  hard  ox  to  harden 
(of  the  heart)  pTfl,  p^H  lit.  to  be  ox  make  strong  {Y.x.  7,  13.  22.  8,  19 
[Heb.  15].  9,  12.  14,  4.  8.  17),  notn^D,  TDDH  lit.  to  be  ox  make  heavy 
(Ex.  7,  14.  8,  15.  32  [Heb.  11.  28J.  9,  7.  34.  10,  i);  for/^j-/^«^  Dill 
(Lev.  20,  2.  27.  24,  14.  16  bis.  23.  Nu.  14,  10.  15,  35.  36  :  also  Dt. 

21,  21.  Josh.  7,  25^  [?P]  *),  not  bpD  (Ex.  8,  26  [Heb.  22].  17,  4.  19, 
13  <^/j-.  21,  28  ^/j.  29.  32.  Dt.  13,  10  [Heb.  11].  17,  5.  22,  21.  24. 
Josh.  7,  25'^*);  for/t7j;>j  Tin  (Nu.  13,  2.  16.  17.  21.  25.  32  3/>. 
14,  6.  7.  34.  36.  38.  15,  39  :  also  10,  zi  JE.  Dt.  i,  ^-^  *),  not  ^n 
(Nu.  21,  32.  Dt.  I,  24.  Josh.  2,  I.  6,  22.  23.  25.  7,  2  /;?>.  14,  7); 
and  for  the  pron.  of  i  ps.  sing.  ''Ji^i  (nearly  130  times;  ''33X  once 
only  Gen.  23,  4:  comp.  in  Ez.  '«J^5  138  times,  '':]:j<  once  Tf),  28). 


^  In  Dt.,  on  the  contrary,  ''D3X  is  regularly  employed,  except  (l)  12,  30 
after  the  verb,  according  to  usual  custom  {Journ.  of  Phil.  1882,  p.  223)  ;  (2) 
29,  6  [H.  5]  in  a  stereotyped  formula  (Ex.  7,  17  al);  (3)  in  the  Song,  32, 
21.  39  ;  (4)  in  the  passage  assigned  to  P,  32,  49.  52,-8  times  in  all. 


128  LITER ATU RE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  following  geographical  terms  are  found  only  in  P  : 

46.  Kiriath-Arba  for  Ilchron  :  Gen.  23,  2.  35,  27.  Josh.  15,  13.  54.  20,  7. 

21,  II.     (The  same  name  is  referred  to,  but  not  used,  in  Josh.  14, 
I5  =  jud.  I,  10  JE:  see  also  Neh.  11,  25). 

47.  Machpclah:  Gen.  23,  9.  17.  19.  25,  9.  49,  30.  50,  13.! 

48.  raddan-Aram:  Gen.  25,  20.  28,  2.  5.  6.  7.   31,  18.   33,    18.  35,  9.  26. 

46,  if.f     (48,  7  Paddan  alone.     J  says  Aram-naharaim  24,  10,  as 
Dt.  23,  4[Heb.  5]- Juf^-  3,  8.) 

49.  The  Desert  0/  Zin  (|V)  :  Nu.    13,   21.   20,   i».  27,    14.   t,3,  36.  34,  3- 

Dt.  32,  51.  Josh.  15,  i:  cf.  Zm,  Nu.  34,  4.  Josh.  15,  3. 

50.  T/ie  P/ains  0/ Jl/oad  {2i^)y2  nUiy)  :  Nu.  22,  I.  26,   3.  63.  31,  12.  3}, 

48-50.  35,  I.  36,  13.  Dt.  34,  I.  8.  Josh.  13,  32.t 
Elcaznr  the  priest,  though  not  unmentioned  in  the  other  sources  (Dt.  10,  6. 
Josh.  24,  'i'^,  is  specially  .prominent  in  P,  esp.  after  the  death  of  Aaron  (Nu. 
20,  25-2S),  as  Nu.  26,  I  &c.  31,  12  &c.  32,  2.  28.  34,  17.  Josh.  14,  i.  17,  4. 
19,  51.  21,  I.  The  priestly  tradition  also  records  incidents  in  which  his  son 
Phinehas  (Ex.  6,  25)  took  part  :  Nu.  25,  7.  11.  31,  6.  Josh.  22,  13.  30-32  (in 
JE  24,  11 ;  cf  Jud.  20,  28). 

Under  the  circumstances,  the  statement  in  the  Speaker  s  Comm.  i.  p.  28*, 
that  the  peculiarities  of  the  Elohistic  pliraseolog)'  "are  greatly  magnified, 
if  they  exist  at  all,"  is  a  surprising  one.  In  point  of  fact,  the  style  of  P  (even 
in  the  historical  sections)  stands  apart,  not  only  from  that  of  J,  E,  and  Dt., 
but  also  from  that  which  prevails  in  any  part  of  Jud.  Sam.  Kings,  and  has 
substantial  resembLmces  only  with  that  of  Ezekiel. 

It  remains  to  consider  the  date  of  P.  Formerly  this  was 
assumed  tacitly  to  be  the  earliest  of  the  Pentateuchal  sources ; 
and  there  are  still  scholars  who  assign  at  least  the  main  stock  of 
it  to  9-8  cent.  d.c.  No  doubt  the  fact  that  in  virtue  of  its  syste- 
matic p)lan  and  consistent  regard  to  chronology,  it  constitutes,  as 
it  were,  the  groundwork  (see  p.  9)  of  the  history,  into  which  the 
narratives  taken  from  the  other  sources  are  fitted,  gave  to  this 
view  a  prima  facie  plausibility.  No  a  pi'iori  reason,  however, 
exists  why  these  narratives  should  not  have  been  drawn  up  first, 
and  their  chronological  framework  have  been  added  to  them 
afterwards ;  and  a  comparative  study  of  the  intrinsic  character  of 
P  .in  its  relation  to  these  other  sources  has  led  the  principal 
critics  of  more  recent  years  to  adopt  a  different  view  of  its  origin 
and  date.  The  eacHer  criticism  of  the  Pent,  was  mostly  literary  ; 
and  literary  criteria,  though  they  enable  us  to  eff'ect  the  analysis 
of  a  document  into  its  component  parts,  do  not  always  afford 
decisive  evidence  as  to  the  date  to  which  the  component  parts 
are  severally  to  be  assigned.  A  comparison  of  P,  both  in  it? 
historical   and   legal   sections,   {a)   with   the   other    Hexateuchal 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.      1 29 

sources,  (A)  with  other  parts  of  the  OT.,  brings  to  hght  ficts 
which  seem  to  show  that,  though  the  elements  which  it  embodies 
originated  themselves,  in  many  cases,  at  a  much  earlier  age,  it 
is  itself  the  latest  of  the  sources  of  which  the  Hexateuch  is 
composed,  and  belongs  approximately  to  the  period  of  the 
Babylonian  captivity. 

The  following,  stated  briefly,  are  the  principal  grounds  upon 
which  this  opinion  rests. 

The  pre-exilic  period  shows  no  indications  of  the  legislation  of 
P  as  being  in  operation.  Thus  the  place  of  sacrifice  is  in  P 
strictly  limited;  and  severe  penalties  are  imposed  upon  any 
except  priests  who  presume  to  officiate  at  the  altar.  In  Jud. 
Sam.  sacrifice  is  frequently  offered  at  spots  not  consecrated  by  the 
presence  of  the  Ark,  and  laymen  are  repeatedly  represented  as 
officiating, — in  both  cases  without  any  hint  of  disapproval  on  the 
part  of  the  narrator,  and  without  any  apparent  sense,  even  on  the 
part  of  men  like  Samuel  and  David,  that  an  irregularity  was  being 
committed.  Further,  the  incidental  allusions  in  books  belonging 
to  the  same  time  create  the  impression  that  the  ritual  in  use 
was  simpler  than  that  enjoined  in  P  :  in  P,  for  instance,  elaborate 
provisions  are  laid  down  for  the  maintenance  and  safety  of  the 
Tabernacle,  and  for  the  reverent  handling  of  the  Ark  and  other 
sacred  vessels ;  in  i  Sam.  the  arrangements  relating  to  both  are 
evidently  much  simpler  :  the  establishment  at  Shiloh  (i  Sa.  1—3) 
is  clearly   not   upon  the   scale   implied   by   the   regulations   Ex. 

35—40.  Nu.  3 4  :  the  Ark  is  sent  for  and  taken  into  battle,  as  a 

matter  calling  for  no  comment ;  when  it  is  restored  to  Kirjath- 
jearim,  instead  of  the  persons  authorized  by  P  being  summoned 
to  take  charge  of  it,  it  is  placed  in  the  house  of  a  native  of  the 
place,  whose  son  is  consecrated  by  the  men  of  Kirjath-jearim  them- 
selves for  the  purpose  of  guarding  it.     In  2  Sa.  6,  the  narrative 
of  the   solemn   transference  of  the  Ark  by  David  to  Zion,  the 
priests  and  Levites,  the  proper  guardians  of  it   according  to  P 
(Nu.   3,   31.  4,   1-15),  are  both  conspicuous  by  their  absence; 
David  offers  sacrifice  (as  seems  evident)  with  his  own  hand,  and 
certainly  performs  the  solemn  priestly  (Dt.  10,  S.  21,  5  ;  cf  Nu. 
6,   23-27)  function  of  blessing  (2  Sa.  6,  13.  17.  18;  cf  i  Ki.  9, 
25-   8,   55  of   Solomon).     That  many  of  the  distinctive  institu- 
tions of  P  are  not  alluded  to— the  Day  of  Atonement,  the  Jubile 
year,  the  Levitical  cities,  the  Sin-offering,  the  system  of  sacrifices 


I30  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

prescribed  for  particular  days — is  of  less  importance  :  the  writers 
of  these  books  may  have  found  no  occasion  to  mention  them. 
J3ut  the  different  tone  of  feelings  and  the  different  spirit  which 
animates  the  narratives  of  the  historical  books,  cannot  be  dis- 
guised :  both  the  actors  and  the  narrators  in  Jud.  Sam.  move  in  an 
atmosphere  into  which  the  spirit  of  P  has  not  penetrated.  Nor 
do  the  allusions  in  the  pre-exilic  prophets  supply  the  deficiency, 
or  imply  that  the  theocratic  system  of  P  was  in  operation.  The 
prophets  attack  formalism  and  unspiritual  service ;  they  there- 
fore show  that  in  their  day  some  importance  was  attached  by  the 
priests,  and  by  the  people  who  were  guided  by  them,  to  ritual 
observances ;  biit  to  the  institutions  specially  characteristic  of  P 
they  allude  no  more  distinctly  than  do  the  contemporary  his- 
torians. 

Nor  is  the  legislation  of  P  presupposed  by  Deuterofwmy.  This 
indeed  follows  almost  directly  from  the  contents  and  character 
of  Dt.  as  described  above  (pp.  70  f.,  77-9).  As  was  there  shown, 
Dt.,  both  in  its  historical  and  legal  sections,  is  based  consistently 
upon  JE:  language,  moreover,  is  used,  not  once  only,  but  re- 
peatedly, implying  that  some  of  the  fundamental  institutions  of 
P  are  not  in  oj^eration.  Had  a  code,  as  extensive  as  P  is,  been 
in  force  when  Dt.  was  written,  it  is  difficult  not  to  think  that 
allusions  to  it  would  have  been  both  abundant  and  distinct,  and 
that,  in  fact,  it  would  have  determined  the  attitude  and  point  of 
view  adopted  by  the  writer  in  a  manner  which  certainly  is  not 
the  case. 

And  when  P  is  compared  with  Dt.  in  detail,  the  differences 
tend  to  show  that  it  is  later  than  Dt. 

Thus  [a)  in  Dt.  the  centralization  of  worship  at  one  sanctuary  is  enjoined^ 
it  is  insisted  011  with  much  emphasis  as  an  end  aimed  at,  but  not  yet  realized: 
in  r  it  is  presupposed  as  already  existing,  {h)  In  Dt.  any  member  of  the 
tribe  of  Levi  possesses  the  right  to  exercise  priestly  functions,  contingent  only 
upon  his  residence  at  the  Central  Sanctuary  :  in  P  this  right  is  strictly  limited 
to  the  descendants  of  Aaron,  (r)  In  Dt.  the  members  of  the  tribe  of  Levi 
are  commended  to  the  charity  of  the  Israelites  generally,  and  only  share  the 
tithe,  at  a  sacrificial  feast,  in  company  with  other  indigent  persons  :  in  P 
definite  provision  is  made  for  their  maintenance  (the  48  cities,  with  their 
"suburbs"),  and  the  tithes  .ire  formally  assigned  to  the  tribe  as  a  specific 
due  ;  similarly,  whdc  in  Dt.  firstlings  are  to  be  consumed  at  sacrificial  feasts, 
in  which  the  Lcvite  is  only  to  have  his  share  among  others,  in  P  they  are 
reserved  solely  and  explicitly  for  the  priests.  In  each  case  the  stricter 
limitation  is  on  the  side  of  P.     (</)  The  entire  system  of  feasts  and  sacrifices 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.      131 

is  much  more  complex  and  precisely  defined  in  P  than  in  Dt.  True,  the 
plan  of  Dt.  would  not  naturally  include  an  enumeration  of  minute  details  ; 
but  the  silence  of  Dt.  is  nevertheless  significant ;  and  the  impression  which  a 
reader  derives  from  Dt.  is  that  the  liturgical  institutions  under  which  the 
author  lived  were  of  a  simpler  character  than  those  prescribed  in  P. 

It  is  possible,  indeed,  that,  considered  in  themselves,  some  of 
the  cases  quoted  might  be  regarded  as  relaxations,  sanctioned  by 
D,  of  observances  that  were  originally  stricter.  But  this  view  lacks 
support  in  fact.  The  ritual  legislation  of  JE,  which,  it  is  not 
disputed,  is  earlier  than  D,  is  in  every  respect  simpler  than  that  of 
D ;  and  a  presumption  hence  arises,  that  that  of  D  is  similarly 
earlier  than  the  more  complex  legislation  of  P.  This  presump- 
tion is  supported  by  the  evidence  of  the  history.  The  legislation 
of  JE  is  in  harmony  with,  and,  in  fact,  sanctions,  the  practice 
of  the  period  of  the  Judges  and  early  Kings,  with  its  relative 
freedom,  for  instance,  as  to  the  place  of  sacrifice  (p.  80)  and  the 
persons  authorized  to  offer  it  \^  during  which,  moreover,  a  simple 
ritual  appears  to  have  prevailed,  and  the  Ark  was  guarded,  till 
it  was  transferred  by  Solomon  to  the  Temjile,  by  a  small  band 
of  attendants,  in  a  modest  structure,  quite  in  accordance  with 
the  representation  of  JE  (p.  120,  note).  The  legislation  of  D 
harmonizes  with  the  reforming  tendencies  of  the  age  in  which  it 
was  promulgated,  and  sanctions  the  practice  of  the  age  that 
immediately  followed  :  it  inculcates  a  centralized  worship,  in 
agreement  with  a  movement  arising  naturally  out  of  the  exist- 
ence of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  strengthened,  no  doubt,  by 
the  fall  of  the  Northern  kingdom,  and  enforced  practically  by 
Josiah  ;  its  attitude  towards  the  high  places  determines  that  of 
the  compiler  of  Kings,  who  wrote  in  the  closing  years  of  the 
monarchy ;  it  contains  regulations  touching  other  matters  {e.g. 
the  worship  of  the  "  host  of  heaven  ")  which  assumed  prominence 
at  the  same  time;  the  revenues  and  functions  of  the  priests  are 
more  closely  defined  than  in  JE,  but  the  priesthood  is  still  open 
to  every  member  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  The  legislation  of  P  is 
in  harmony  with  the  spirit  which  shows  itself  in  Ezekiel,  and 
sanctions  the  practice  ot  the  period  beginning  with  the  return 
from  Babylon ;  and  the  principles  to  which  P  gives  expression 
appear  (at  a  later  date),  in  a  still  more  developed  form,  as  form- 
ing the  standard  by  which  the  Chronicler  consistently  judges  the 
^  Ex.  20,  24-26,  it  seems  clear,  is  addressed  to  the  lay  Israelite  (of.  24,  5). 


132  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

earlier  history.  The  position  into  which  the  legislation  of  P 
appears  to  fall  is  thus  intermediate  between  Dt.  and  the  Chronicler. 
But  further,  P  appears,  at  least  in  some  of  its  elements,  to 
be  later  than  EzekieL  The  arguments  are  supplied  chiefly  by 
c.  40 — 48,  where  Ez.  prescribes  the  constitution  of  the  restored 
community,  and  in  particular  regulates  with  some  minuteness  the 
details  of  the  Temple  worship.  The  most  important  passage  is 
44,  6-16.  Here  the  Israelites  are  rebuked  for  having  admitted 
foreigners,  uncircumcised  aliens,  into  the  inner  Court  of  the 
Temple  to  assist  the  priest  when  officiating  at  the  altar  {vv.  6-8) ; 
and  it  is  laid  down  that  no  such  foreigners  are  to  perform  these 
services  for  the  future  (?'.  9) — 

*'  ^^  But  the  Leviies  that  went  far  from  me,  when  Israel  went  astray,  which 
went  astray  from  me  after  their  idols  ;  they  shall  bear  their  iniquity.  ^^  And 
they  shall  be  ministers  in  my  sanctuary,  having  oversight  at  the  gates  of  the 
house,  and  ministering  in  the  house  ;  they  shall  slay  the  burnt-offering  and 
the  sacrifice  for  the  people,  and  they  shall  stand  before  them  [see  p.  78,  iiote\ 
to  minister  unto  them  .  .  .  '^  And  they  shall  not  come  near  unto  me,  to  execute 
the  office  of  priest  unto  me,  nor  to  come  near  to  any  of  my  holy  things,  unto 
the  things  that  are  most  holy  :  but  they  shall  bear  their  shame,  and  their 
abominations  which  they  have  committed.  '■^  Yet  will  I  make  them  keepers 
of  the  charge  of  the  house,  for  all  the  service  thereof,  and  for  all  that  shall 
be  done  therein.  '^  But  the  priests  the  Levites,  the  sons  of  Zadok,  that  kept 
the  charge  of  my  sanctuary  when  the  children  of  Israel  went  astray  from  me, 
they  shall  come  near  to  me  to  minister  unto  me  ;  and  they  shall  stand  before 
me  [see  ih.'\  to  offer  unto  me  the  fat  and  the  blood,  saith  the  Lord  God  : 
'^  they, shall  enter  into  my  sanctuary,  and  they  shall  come  nenr  to  my  table, 
to  minister  im'o  nic,  and  they  shall  keep  my  charge"  {vv.  10-16  :  cf.  48,  ii). 

From  this  ]iassage  it  seems  to  follow  incontrovertibly  that  the 
Levites  gentrally  had  heretofore  (in  direct  conflict  with  the  pro- 
visions of  V)  enjoyed  priestly  rights  {v.  13) :  for  the  future,  how- 
ever, such  as  had  participated  in  the  idolatrous  worship  of  the 
high  places  are  to  be  deprived  of  these  rights,  and  condemned 
to  perform  the  menial  offices  which  had  hitherto  been  performed 
by  foreigners  {vv.  10  f.  14);  only  those  Levites  who  had  been 
faithful  in  their  loyalty  to  Jehovah,  viz.  the  sons  of  Zadok,  aie 
henceforth  to  retain  priestly  privileges  {v.  15  f ).  Had  the  Levites 
not  enjoyed  such  rights,  the  prohibition  m  v.  13  would  be  super- 
fluous. The  supposition  that  they  may  have  merely  usurped 
them  is  inconsistent  with  the  passage  as  a  whole,  which  charges 
the  Levites,  not  with  usurping  nghis  which  they  did  not  possess, 
but  with   abusing  rights  wlii(  h   they  did  possess.      If  Ez.,  then. 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCII.      1 33 

treats  the  Levites  generally  as  qualified  to  act  as  priests,  and 
degrades  them  to  a  menial  rank,  without  so  much  as  a  hint  that 
this  degradation  was  but  the  restoration  of  a  status  quo  fixed  by 
immemorial  Mosaic  custom,  could  he  have  been  acquainted  with 
the  legislation  of  P  ?  ^ 

This  is  the  most  noteworthy  differirnce  between  Ez.  and  P.  There  are, 
however,  other  points  in  which  Ez.'s  regulations  deviate  from  P's  in  a  manner 
that  is  difiicult  to  explain,  had  the  legislation  of  P,  in  its  entirety^  been  recoo-- 
nised  by  him.  In  particular,  while  more  complex  than  those  of  Dt,,  the 
provisions  of  Ez.  are  frequently  simpler  than  those  of  P;  so  that  the  inference 
that  the  system  of  P  is  a  development  of  that  of  Ez.,  as  Ez.'s  is  of  that  of  D, 
naturally  suggests  itself.  Comp.  in  particular  Ez.  46,  13-15.  4-7.  45,  18-20 
(RV.  marg.).  21-24.  25.  43,  18-27  with  Nu.  28—29.  Ex.  29,  1-37.  Lev.  i6. 
If  the  rites  prescribed  in  these  passages  of  P  had  been  in  operation,  and 
were  invested  with  the  authority  of  antiquity,  it  seems  improbable  that  Ez. 
would  have  deviated  from  them  as  largely  as  he  has  done.  It  is  true  that,  as 
a  prophet,  his  attitude  towards  the  sacrificial  system  may  have  been  a  free 
one  ;  and  hence  this  argument,  taken  by  itself,  would  not  perhaps  be  a 
decisive  one  :  still,  when  it  is  seen  to  be  in  harmony  with  other  facts  point- 
ing in  the  same  direction,  it  is  not  to  be  lightly  ignored,  the  more  so,  as  Ez. 
plainly  attached  a  value  to  ceremonial  observances,  and  is  thus  the  less  likely 
to  have  introduced  a  simplification  of  established  ritual. 

The  later  date  for  P,  suggested  by  a  comparison  of  it  with  JE,  D, 
and  Ez.,  is  confirmed,  as  it  seems,  by  the  character  of  the  religious 
conceptions  which  it  presents.  No  doubt  all  representations  of 
the  Deity  must  be  anthropomorphic ;  but  contrast  the  anthropo- 
morphism of  Gen.  2,  4'^'  ff  with  that  of  i,  i — 2,  4^ :  in  the  former, 
Jehovah  is  brought  into  close  connexion  with  earth,  and  sensible 
acts  are  attributed  to  Him  (above,  p.  114):  in  the  latter.  His 
transcendence  above  nature  is  conspicuous  throughout ;  He 
conducts  His  work  of  creation  from  a  distance ;  there  are 
no  anthropomorphisms  which  might  be  misunderstood  in  a 
material  sense.  Contrast,  again,  the  genealogies  in  JE  (Gen.  4) 
with  those  in  P  (Gen.  5) ;  does  not  JE  display  them  in  their 
fresher,  more  original  form,  while  in  P  they  have  been  reduced 
to  bare  lists  of  names,  devoid  of  all  imaginative  colouring?  In 
JE  the  growth  of  sin  in  the  line  of  Cain  leads  up  suitably  to  the 
narrative   of  the   Flood  ;  in  P  no   explanation    is  given   of  the 

^  The  suggestion  made  by  Delitzsch  {Sduiieii,  vi.  p.  288)  does  not  really 
mitigate  the  difficulty  ;  for  the  terms  oi  v.  10  do  not  admit  of  being  restricted 
to  the  descendants  of  Aaron's  other  srtn  Ithamar.  Cf  Konig's  work,  cited 
on  p.  134,  ii.  p.  325  :  see  also  Kautzsch  m  the  Siitd.  u.  Krit.  1890,  p.  767  ff. 


134  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

corruption  overspreading  the  earth,  and  rendering  necessary  the 
destruction  of  its  inhabitants.  In  JE  the  patriarchs  are  men  of 
flesh  and  blood  ;  the  incidents  of  their  history  arise  naturally 
out  of  their  antecedents,  and  the  character  of  the  circumstances 
in  which  they  are  placed.  Moreover,  in  the  topics  dwelt  upon, 
such  as  the  rivalries  of  Jacob  and  Esau,  and  of  Laban  and 
Jacob,  or  the  connexion  of  the  patriarchs  with  places  famed  in 
later  days  as  sanctuaries,  the  interests  of  the  narrator's  own 
age  are  reflected  :  in  P  we  have  a  skeleton  from  which  such 
touches  of  life  and  nature  are  absent,  an  outline  in  which  legis- 
lative (Gen.  17),  statistical,  chronological  elements  are  the  sole 
conspicuous  feature.^  There  is  also  a  tendency  to  treat  the 
history  theoretically  (p.  120),  which  is  itself  the  mark  of  a  later 
age.  The  representations  of  the  patriarchal  age  seem,  moreover, 
not  to  be  so  primitive  as  in  JE :  the  patriarchs,  for  instance,  are 
never  represented  as  building  altars  or  sacrificing ;  and  Noah 
receives  permission  to  slaughter  animals  for  food  without  any 
reference  to  sacrifice,  notwithstanding  the  intimate  connexion 
subsisting  in  early  times  between  slaughtering  and  sacrifice. ^ 

Dillm  an'l  Kittel  seek  to  explain  the  contradiction,  or  silence,  of  Dt.  &c. 
by  the  hypothesis  that  P  was  originally  a  "private  document,"  representing, 
not  the  actual  practice  of  the  priests,  but  c/aifus  raised  by  them,  —an  ideal 
theocratic  constitution,  which  they  had  for  the  time  no  means  of  enforcing, 
and  which  consequently  might  well  have  either  remained  unknown  to  pro- 
phetic writers,  or  not  been  recognised  by  them  as  authoritative.  "It  is 
a  literary  peculiarity  of  P  to  represent  his  ideal  as  already  existing  in  the 
Mosaic  age  ;  hence  from  his  representation  of  an  in-^titution  it  cannot  be 
argued  that  it  actually  existed,  but  only  that  it  was  an  object  of  his  aims 
and  claims"  (Kittel,  pp.  91-93  ;  Dillm.  NDJ.  pp.  666,  667,  669;  similarly 
Baudissin,  Priesterthum,  p.  280).  But  such  a  conception  of  P  is  highly  arti- 
ficial ;  and  there  is  an  antecedent  improbability  in  the  supposition  that  a 
system  like  that  of  P  would  be  propounded  when  (as  is  admitted)  there  was 


^  In  the  earlier  historical  narratives  precise  chronological  data  are  scarce; 
in  Jud.  Sam.  Kings  they  are  admitted  to  belong  to  the  latest  element  in  the 
books,  viz.  the  post-Deuteronomic  redaction. 

2  The  subject  of  pp.  129-34  is  treated  at  length  by  Wellhausen,  Hist,  of 
Israel,  chaps,  i.-v..  viii.  (or,  more  succinctly,  in  his  art.  "  Pentateuch  "  in 
the  Evcyci.  Britamiica,  ed.  9),  where,  in  spite  of  some  questionable  assump- 
tions, and  exaggerations  in  detail,  many  true  points  are  undoubtedly  seized. 
Sec  also  W.  R.  Smith,  07'JC.  ch.  xii.;  and  Konig,  Offcnbaninirsbegnff  des 
AT.s,  ii.  pp.  321-332,  where  some  of  the  principal  grounds  for  the  opinion 
expressed  in  the  text  are  concisely  and  forcibly  stated, 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.      1 35 

no  hope  of  its  realization,  and  in  an  age  which  shows  no  acquaintance  with 
it, — for  Dillm.  places  it  c.  800,  between  E  and  J, — and  whose  most  repre- 
sentative men  evince  very  different  religious  sympathies. 

As  regards  the  distinction  between  priests  and  Levites,  it  is  observed 
by  Kittel  that  there  are  parts  of  P  in  which  this  is  not  treated  as  estab- 
lished. Thus  in  the  main  narrative  of  Nu.  16 — 17  (p.  59  f.)  there  is  no  sign 
of  opposition  between  priests  and  Levites  ;  the  tribe  is  regarded  as  one  ;  and 
the  standpoint  is  thus  that  of  Dt.  :  while  in  the  insertions  16,  7''-ii.  16-17. 
36-40  {ib.)  the  distinction,  so  far  from  being  universally  accepted,  appears 
as  a  matter  of  dispute.  (Similarly  Baudissin,  pp.  34  f.,  276  f.)  He  further 
argues  that  there  are  grounds  for  supposing  that  many  passages  of  P  (esp. 
Lev.  I — 7.  II— 15;  parts  of  Nu.  5 — 6;  and  H)  where  now  "Aaron"  or 
"Aaron  and  his  sons"  (implying  the  clearly-felt  distinction  of  priests  and 
Levites)  stands,  originally  there  stood  "  the  priest"  alone  (as  is  actually  still 
the  case  in  most  of  c.  13).  The  recognition  of  the  distinction  in  other  strata 
of  P  he  reconciles  with  their  earlier  date  by  the  same  supposition  as  Dillm,, 
viz.  that  it  was  not  really  in  force  when  they  were  written,  but  assumed 
by  the  author  to  be  so,  "  in  order  to  set  vividly  before  his  contemporaries 
the  ideal  which  he  sought  to  see  realized  "  (p.  109). 

These  arguments  are  cogent,  and  combine  to  make  it  probable 
that  the  completed  Priests'  Code  is  the  work  of  the  age  subsequent 
to  Ezekiel.  When,  however,  this  is  said,  it  is  very  far  from 
being  implied  that  all  the  institutions  of  P  are  the  creation  of 
this  age.  The  contradiction  of  the  pre-exilic  literature  does  not 
extend  to  the  whole  of  the  Priests'  Code  indiscriminately.  The 
Priests'  Code  embodies  some  elements  with  which  the  earlier 
literature  is  in  harmony,  and  which  indeed  it  presupposes  :  it 
embodies  other  elements  with  which  the  same  literature  is  in 
conflict,  and  the  existence  of  which  it  even  seems  to. preclude. 
This  double  aspect  of  the  Priests'  Code  is  reconciled  by  the  sup- 
position that  the  chief  ceremonial  institutions  of  Israel  are  171  their 
origin  of  great  antiquity ;  but  that  the  laws  respecting  them  were 
gradually  developed  and  elaborated,  and  in  the  sha/^e  in  which 
tliey  are  formulated  in  the  Priests^  Code  that  they  belong  to  the 
exilic  or  early  post-exilic  period.  In  its  main  stock,  the  legisla- 
tion of  P  was  thus  not  (as  the  critical  view  of  it  is  sometimes 
represented  by  its  opponents  as  teaching)  "  manufactured  "  by 
the  priests  during  the  exile:  it  is  based  upon  pre-existing 
TefHple  usage,  and  exhibits  the  form  which  that  finally  assumed.^ 
Hebrew   legislation  took    shape   gradually ;    and   the   codes    of 

^  Even  a  critic  as  radical  as  Stade  refers  to  Lev.  I — 7.  ii — 15.  Nu.  5.  6. 
9.  15.  19,  as  well  as  the  Law  of  Holiness,  as  embodying  for  the  most  part 
pre-exilic  usage  {Gesch.  ii.  66):  comp.  Wellh.  Hist.  pp.  366,  404. 


136  LITEKAIUKE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

]E  (Ex.  20 — 23;  34,  10  ff.),  Dt.,  and  P  represent  three  successive 
phases  of  it. 

P>om  this  point  of  view,  tlie  allusions  to  priestly  usage  in  the 
pre-exilic  literature  may  be  consistently  explained.  They  attest 
the  existence  of  certain  institutions  :  they  do  not  attest  the  exist- 
ence of  the  particular  document  (P)  in  which  the  regulations 
touching  those  institutions  are  now  codified.  Thus  Gen.  8,  21  (J) 
uses  the  term  "savour  of  satisfaction"  (Lev.  i,  9  and  often  in 
P);  Jud.  13,  4.  7  alludes  to  "unclean"  food;  Jud.  13,  5.  7. 
16,  17.  Am.  2,  11:.  to  Nazirites  (cf.  Nu.  6,  2  ff.) ;  i  Sa.  2,  28 
speaks  of  the  "fire-sacrifices  of  Jehovah  "  (Lev.  i,  9  &c.);  3,  3, 
oi  the  "lamp  of  God"  (Ex.  27,  20);  6,  3  ff  names  a  "guilt- 
offering;"  2  1,  6  the  shewbread  (Lev.  24,  8  f  ).^  These  passages 
are  proof  that  the  institutions  in  question  are  ancient  in  Israel, 
but  not  that  they  were  observed  7C'it/i  the  precise  forjualities  pre- 
scribed in  F ;  indeed,  the  manner  in  which  they  are  referred  to 
appears  not  unfrequently  to  imply  that  they  were  much  simpler 
and  less  systematically  organized  than  is  the  case  in  P. 

0th  r  allusions  to  priestly  usage  or  terminology  may  be  found  in  Am.  4,  5 
(Lev.  2,  II.  7,  12);  Is.  I,  13  (t^lpD  a  "convocation,"  Lev  23,  2.  3  &c.); 
Jer.  2,  3  (Lev.  22,  10.  16);  6,  28.  9,  3  ^O")  "[Sn,  Lev.  19,  16)  ;  30,  21 
(l^'r  Lev.  21,  21.  23;  Tipn  Nu.  16,  5^  9.  10);  34,  8.  15.  17  hiin  j<-)p 
to  "proclaim  liherly,"  Lev.  25,  lo,  but  in  Jer.  of  th'e  Sabbatical  year,  in  Lev. 
of  the  year  of  Jubile) ;  perhaps  also  in  Am.  2,  7  (p.  46,  No.  13),  though  this 
expression  is  of  a  kin  1  which  mii^ht  have  been  chosen  independently. 

\Vi. ether,  however,  Jud.  20 — 21.  I  Sa.  2,  22''  (see  Ex.  38,  8).  I  Ki.  8, 
I.  5  are  evidence  of  the  early  existence  of  the  conceptions  of  P  is  doubtful. 
Jud.  20 — 21  shows  in  parts  the  phraseology  of  P,-  but  (as  will  appear  when 
these  chajiters  come  lo  be  considered)  there  are  independent  grounds  for  con- 
cluding that  this  narrative  is  composite,  and  that  the  parts  in  which  this 
phr.Tseology  appears  are  of  later  origin  thin  the  rest.  In  I  Sa.  2,  22''  it  is 
remarkable  {a)  that  the  LXX  omits  this  half-verse  ;  (/')  that  it  disagrees  with 
the  rest  of  the  narrative,  representing  the  sanctuary  as  a  tent,  rather  than  as 

^  There  are  other  similar  allusions,  e.g.  to  Burnt-  and  Peace-offerings,  i  Sa. 
6,'  14.  10,  S  i?v:c.  ;  the  Urini  and  Thummim,  and  the  Ephod,  Dt.  1^^,  8.  I  Sa. 
14,  3.  41  LXX  (see  QPI^-).  28,  6  &c. 

2  20,  I.  21,  10.  13.  16  the  "  congregation  "  [see  p.  126,  No.  32];  wiih  the 
verb  pnpm  23,  1  rf.  Lev.   8,  4.   Nu.  16,  42  [II.    17,  7].  20,  2.   Josh.  18,   I. 

22,  12;   20,    6  nOT  VJ'V  ^D  fl'-  4^^  No.   II];  20,   15.   17.  21,  9t  npDJin 
(see  Nu.  i,  47.  2,  33.  26,  62  "npSDn  ;  also  i   Ki.   20,  27!);  21,  ii    "every 

T 

mnlp,"  as  oTfcn  in  P,  see  (in  a  similar  context)  Cien.  34,  25.   Nu.    31,    7.   17  ; 

'•''.  -iDT3DC'D  nyn\  12  i^t  lyrrh  ^^^  ivt  n^  -iti\s  (Nu-  31.  17-  iS-  35). 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF  THE   HEXATEUCH.       1 37 

a  "temple"  with  doors  and  door-posts  (i,  9.  3,  3.  15).  Thus  iivo  grounds, 
neither  connected  with  its  relation  to  P,  converge  in  favour  of  the  conclusion 
that  this  passage  is  an  insertion  in  the  original  narrative,  of  uncertain  date. 
In  I  Ki.  8,  1.5^  the  terms  agreeing  with  the  usage  of  P  are  isolated  in  Kings, 
and  omitted  in  the  LXX  (comp.  below,  p.  181  f.). 

It  is  admitted  by  Dillm.  (p.  667)  that  the  passages  alleged  to 
show  the  literary  use  of  P  in  pre-exilic  times  are  insufificient : 
either  the  resemblance  is  too  slight  to  establish  the  use  of  P,  or 
the  origin  of  the  passages  adduced  is  doubtful. 

Thus  Hos.  12,  4''  [Heb.  5'']  is  not  evidence  of  the  use  of  Gen.  35,  9-13. 
15  ;  the  terms  of  the  reference  are  satisfied  by  the  narrative  of  J,  of  which  an 
extract  is  still  preserved  in  Gen.  35,  14, — a  view  which  is  the  more  probable, 
as  Hos.  12,  3-4*.  12*^  [H.  4-5*.  13*']  is  admitted  to  be  based  upon  JE,  see 
Gen.  25,  26.  32,  28  [H.  29].  27,  43  [in  27,  46—28,  9  P  Jacob  does  not 
take  fight].  29,  20.  30:  Hos.  12,  12*  [H.  13"]  the  "field"  of  Aram  is 
supposed  to  be  a  variation  of  "jPa^/^/^/z-Aram,"  which  is  peculiar  to  P  (see 
p.  128,  No.  4S) ;  but  there  is  no  substantial  ground  for  this  hypothesis,  and 
the  fact  just  mentioned  that  in  P  Jacob  does  not  Jiee  from  Esau  is  against  it : 
Am.  7,  4  and  Gen.  7,  ii  the  "great  deep,"  Jer.  4,  23  and  Gen.  i,  2 
inni  inn  (cf.  is.  34,  n),  Jer.  23,  3  and  Gen.  i,  22  &c.  "be  fruitful  and 
multiply,"  may  have  been  phrases  in  current  use,  but  not  necessarily  derived 
from  the  passages  of  P.     (A  few  other  similar  instances  exist.) 

In  Dt.  the  following  parallels  may  be  noted : — 

5,  15.  Ex.  31,  16  (nti'y,  lit.  do,  of  observing  the  .Sabbath  f). — 12,  23'.  Lev. 
17,  II.  14. — 14,  4-20.  Lev.  II,  2^-22  (permitted  and  forbidden  animals). — 
16,  S''.  Ex.  12,  16". — 17,  I  (cf.  15,  21).  Lev.  22,  17-24  (animals  offered  in 
saciifice  to  be  without  blemish). — 18,  i*"  ("fire-sacrifices,"  as  I  Sa.  2,  28). — • 
19,  3*'  (nn  ^D  HDE^  Di:^).  Nu.  35,  6.  II.— 19,  12  (the  "  avenger  of  blood  "). 
Nu.  35,  19.  21. — 20,  6.  28,  30  (see  RV.  marg.). — 22,  9*.  Lev.  19,  19". — 22, 
9**  RV.  marg.  (the  same  priestly  penalty  which  is  found  Lev.  6,  iS**  [H.  ii'']. 
Ex.  29,  37^  30,  29").— 22,  II.  Lev.  19,  19"  (ntoy^)-— 23>  23  [H.  24].  Nu. 
30,  13  ("J''nSi^'  NVID ;  also  Jer.  17,  16.  Ps.  89,  35,  but  not  specially  of  a 
V07u).—2^,  8.  Lev.  13— 14.— 25,  16.  Lev.  19,  35  (5?"iy  ntl'V ;  unusual). 

Ot  these  the  most  important  is  14,  4-20.  Here  is  a  long 
passage  virtually  identical  in  Dt.  and  Lev. ;  and  that  it  is  bor- 
rowed by  D  from  P — or  at  least  from  a  priestly  collection  ot 
Toicth — rather  than  conversely,  appears  from  certain  features  of 
style   which    connect    it  with  P    and    not  with    Dt.,^  and  from 

i"All  the  congregation  of  Israel,"  '' gathered  together"  (D^yiJ  Nu.  lo, 
3.  4,  14,  35.  16,  IT.  27,  3),  "-heads  of  the  tribes"  \^\\.  30,  2;  cf.  32,  28. 
Josh.  14,  I.  19,  51],  "■  \\v^  frinces  oi  \\iQ  fathers''  [p.  126,  Nos.  38,  30]. 

"  Esp.  po  kind,  14,  13  f.  15  (with  the  peculiar  suffix  inyob)  5  ^^12)^  unclean ^ 


138  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

tlie  fact  that  vv.  7.  9-10.  12*.  20  seem  most  naturally  to  be 
abbreviated  {xom  Lev.  11,  4-6.  9-12.  13^  21-22  respectively.  If 
so,  however,  one  part  of  P  was  in  existence  when  Dt.  was  written  ; 
and  a  presumption  at  once  arises  that  other  parts  were  in 
existence  also.  Now,  the  tenor  of  Dt.  as  a  whole  conflicts  with 
the  supposition  that  all  the  institutions  of  the  Priests'  Code  were  in 
force  when  D  wrote;  but  the  list  of  passages  just  quoted  shows 
that  some  were,  and  that  the  terminology  used  in  connexion  with 
them  was  known  to  D.  Dt.  thus  corroborates  the  conclusions 
drawn  from  the  prophetical  and  historical  books.  Institutions 
or  usages,  such  as  the  distinction  of  clean  and  unclean,  the  ' 
})rohibiiion  to  eat  with  the  blood,  sacrifices  to  be  without 
blemish,  regulations  determining  the  treatment  of  leprosy,  vows, 
the  avenger  of  blood,  etc.,  were  ancient  in  Israel,  and  as  such 
are  alluded  to  in  the  earlier  literature,  though  the  allusions  do 
not  show  that  the  laws  respecting  them  had  yet  been  codified 
precisely  as  they  now  appear  in  P. 

The  following  historical  passages  of  Dt.  also  deserve  notice,  and  will  be 
referred  to  again: — 16,  3.  Ex.  12,  ii  (pTDH  "haste;"  only  besides  Is.  52, 
12). — 26,  6.  Ex.  I,  14.  6,  9  ("  hard  bondage  ;"  also  I  Ki.  12,  4.  Is.  14,  3). — 
26,  S.  Ex.  6,  6  ("outstretched  arm").— 27,  9.  29,  13  [H.  12].  Ex.  6,  7; 
cf.  Lev.  26,  12  ("to  be  to  you  a  God"  occurs  elsewhere  in  P,  "but  not  "to 
be  to  me  a  people  "). 

The  same  phenomena  are  repeated  in  Ezekiel.  However 
doubtful  it  may  be  whether  Ezekiel  presupposes  the  completed 
Priests'  Code,  it  is  difficult  not  to  conclude  that  he  presupposes 
parts  of  it.  In  particular,  his  book  appears  to  contain  clear 
evidence  that  he  was  acquainted  with  the  "Law  of  Holiness." 
Thus,  when  in  c.  4  he  resents  the  command  to  eat  food  prepared 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  unclean ;  when  in  c.  18.  20.  22  he  lays 
down  the  principles  of  a  righteous  life,  or  reproaches  the  nation 
or  Jerusalem  with  its  sin ;  when  in  c.  44  he  prescribes  laws 
regulating  the  life  of  the  priests  in  the  restored  community, — in 
each  instance  he  expresses  himself  in  terms  agreeing  with  the 
Law  of  Holiness  in  such  a  manner  as  only  to  be  reasonably 
explained  by  the  supposition  that  it  formed  a  body  of  precepts 
with    which    he    was    familiar,    and    which    he    regarded    as    an 

also,  in  77'.  10.  19  seems  to  be  substituted  for  the  more  technical  |*pc' 
abomination  of  Lev.  11,  10.  20.  Kucnen,  §  14,  5,  argues  that  Lev.  1 1,  4-6  &c. 
expands  Dt.  14,  but  allows  that  the  latter  was  derived  from  a  priestly  source. 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.      1 39 

authoritative  basis  of  moral  and  religious  life.     Let  the  following 
passages  be  compared  : — ^ 

4,  I4\  Lev.  II,  44".— 4>  H''-  Lev.  22,  8.-6,  9,  cf.  Nu.  15,  39  ("heart 
and  eyes,"  "go  a  whoring"). — 14,  4.  7".  Lev.  17,  3.  8.  10  (see  p.  45,  No. 
4). — 14,  8  (see  ib.  Nos.  5,  6  [with  I^lpD^  which  Ez.  does  not  use  in  this 
sense,  altered  \.oyT\'6\).  —  \%,  6''.  1 1.  15.  Lev.  18,  20.  19. — 18,  7\  I2».  i6\ 
i8\  Lev.  19,  33.  25,  I4^  i-j^.—ib.  Lev.  19,  13  ("spoil  by  violence").— 18, 
8\  I3^  Lev.  25,  37.— 18,  8\  24.  26.  Lev.  19,  15.  35  (^iy  iniqiiily:  cf.  Ez. 
3,  20.  28,  18.  33,  13.  15.  18:  rare  elsewhere).— 18,  9*.  17.  Lev.  18,  3.  26, 
3.— 18,  \f.  ZZ^  5-  Lev.  20,  9.  II.  12.  13.  16.  27 1  (the  concise  phrase  of 
Lev.  amplified  in  Ez.  by  the  addition  of  HM''). — 18,  I9\  Lev.  18,  4.  19,  37 
al. — 20,  5  ("lifted  up  my  hand"  [also  w.  6.  15.  23.  28.  42.  36,  7.  47,  14. 
Nu.  14,  30  (P)],  "  made  myself  known,"  "  I  am  Jehovah  "),  Ex.  6,  8.  3.  6.— 
20,  7,  cf.  Lev.  18,  3.— 20,  II.  13.  21.  Lev.  18,  5  ("which  if  a  man  do, 
he  shall  live  in  them"). — 20,  12.  20.  Ex.  31,  13  (nearly  the  whole  verse). 
20,  28\  42^'.  Ex.  6,  8. — 20,  38.  Ex.  6,  4  al.  (p.  125,  No.  21)  7. — 22,  7*.  Lev. 
20,  9. — 22,  8  ("profaned,"  "my  sabbaths,"  p.  46,  Nos.  13,  14).— 22,  9*. 
Lev.  19,  16. — 9«^^(nDT;  ih.  No.  11). — 22,  10,  cf.  Lev.  18,  7.  19.— 22,  11. 
Lev.  20,  ID.  12.  17. — 22,  12.  Lev.  25,  37. — 22,  26.  Lev.  22,  15".  10,  10. — 
24,  7»'.  Lev.  17,  13.— 33,  25.  Lev.  19,  26.-44,  7  ("my  bread,"  see  p.  46, 
No.  18). — 44,  20,  cf.  Lev.  21,  10  (long  locks  forbidden,  but  to  the  chief 
priest  only). — 44,  2i».  Lev.  10,  9. — 44,  22,  cf.  Lev.  21,  14  (of  the  chief 
priest).— 44,  23.  Lev.  10,  lo. — 44,  25\  Lev.  21,  i. — 44,  25^  Lev.  21,  2''-3 
(abridged  in  Ez.). — 44,  28=*.  Nu.  18,  20  ("I  am  their  inheritance"). — 44, 
29''.  Nu.  18,  14.— 44,  30^  Nu.  15,  21.— 44,  31.  Lev.  22,  8.-45,  10.  Lev. 
19,  36.' 

The  following  are  technical  expressions,  borrowed  (as  seems  clear)  from 
priestly  terminology,  but  not  sufficient  to  prove  Ez.'s  acquaintance  with 
the  codified  laws  in  the  form  in  which  we  now  have  them  :  4,  14*^  ^1J3 
"abomination"  [used  technically  of  stale  sacrificial  flesh]  (Lev.  7,  18.  19,  7.  Is. 
65,  4t). — 8,  10  t*pj>^  "abomination"  [used  technically  of  forbidden  animals] 
(Lev.  7,  21.  II,  10-13.  20 f.  23.  41  f  Is.  66,  I7t). — 14,  7  "separateth  him- 
self" (Lev.  22,  2). — 14,  10.  44,  10.  12'^  "bear  their  iniquity"  (p.  46,  No. 
20"). — 14,  I3\  Lev.  5,  15  (form  of  sentence  ;  and  ■)J;d  ?V^>  p.  127,  No.  43). — 
16,  40.  23,  47  D3")  for  to  stone  (p.  127,  No.  45). — 21,  23  [H.  28].  29,  16 
**  bringeth  iniquity  to  remembrance"  (Nu.  5,  15). — 36,  25,  cf.  Nu.  19,  13. — 
40,  45.  46.  44,  14  "keep  the  charge  of"  (Nu.  18,  4.  5). — 46,  7  "as  his 
hand  shall  attain  unto"  (Lev.  5,  ii.  14,  21  f.  30-32.  25,  26.  47.  49.  27,  8. 
Nu.  6,  21). — 47,  9*.  Gen.  i,  21.  Lev.  11,  46;  and  Nos.  2,  12,  14,  25^,  28, 
and  perhaps  6,  22,  34,  in  the  list,  p.  123  fif. 

^  The  passages,  both  here  and  in  other  similar  instances,  would  have  been 
transcribed  in  full,  had  not  the  exigencies  of  space  forbidden  it. 

2  But  expressions  such  as  I,  9  (cf.  Ex.  26,  3).  27''  (cf.  Nu.  9,  15).  28"  (Gen. 
9,  14).  8,  17  (Gen.  6,  11).  10,  2  (Lev.  16,  12).  24,  17  (Lev.  13,  45  :  see  Mic. 
3,  7)'  24,  23  (Ex.  12,  11),  &c.  appear  to  arise  out  of  the  narrative  ifi  which 
they  occur,  and  are  not  necessarily  reminiscences  of  the  passages  cited. 


I|0  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  parallels  with  Lev.  26,  3  ff.  are  peculiarly  numerous  and 
striking,  including  several  expressions  not  occurring  elsewhere  in 
the  Old  Testament : — 

Ez.  4,  16.  5,  16.  14,  13  ("break  the  staff  of  bread  ") :  Lev.  26,  26. 
4,  16  ("  bread  by  weight  ") :  ib. 

4,  17.  24,  23,  cf.  Zl,  10  ("pine  away  in  their  iniquities") :  v.  39. 

5,  2.  12.  12,  14  ("scatter  .  .  .  draw  out  a  sword  after  them"):  v.  H. 
5,  6.  20,  16  ("rejected  my  judgments") :  v.  43. 

5,  6.  7  fl/.  [see  p.  46,  No.  7]  ("  walk  in  my  statutes") :  v.  3. 

5,  8.  20,  9.  14.  22.  41.  22,  16.  28,  25,  cf.  38,  23.  39,  27  ("before 

the  eyes  of  the  nations  ;  "  20,  14.  22  "  brought  out  ") :  v.  45. 
S»    17-    14.    15  ("send  upon  you  .  .  .  beasts  .   .  .  and    they  will 

bereave  thee  ")  :  v,  22. 

5,  17.  6,  3.  II,  8;  14,  17.  29,   8  ("and  I  will  bring  a  sword  upon 

you  ") :  V.  25.     (Not  a  phrase  used  by  other  prophets.) 

6,  4.  6  ("your  sun-images")  :  v.  30. 

6,  5  t"lay  the  carcases  .   .  .  before  their  idols  [D"'W?J]"):  "V.  30. 
II,  20»  ("walk  in  my  statutes,  and  keep  my  ordinances,  and  do 

them")  :  v.  3. 
II,  20"  ("they  shall  be  to  me  a  people,  and  I  will  be  to  them  a 

God") :  V.  12  (also  Ex.  6,  7). 
»3,    10-    36,   3   (|j;'31  jy   ''because  and  by  the  cause  that"  ...   a 

peculiar  phrase,  not  found  elsewhere)  :  v.  43. 
16,  60.  62"  ("  remember,"  "establish  my  covenant  ")  :  vv.  42.  45.  9\ 
24,  21.  30,  6.  18.  iz,  28,  cf.  7,  24  ("  pride  of  your  power") :  v.  19. 
34,  25  ( "  and  I  \\  ill  cause  evil  beasts  to  cease  out  of  the  land  ") :  v,  6. 
34,  26  ("the  shower  ...  in  its  season") :  v.  4. 
34,  27»  ("and  the  tree  of  the  field  shall  yield  its  fruit,  and  the  earth 

shall  yield  her  increase")  :  ib.  cf.  20''. 
34.  27*'  ("when  I  shall  have  broken  the  bars  of  their  yoke  ")  :  z^.  13. 
34,  28^  39,  26"  ("they  shall  dwell  securely,   none  making  them 

afraid  ") :  vv.  5''-6\ 

36,  9-io«  ("and  I  will  turn  unto  you,  and  multiply,"  &c.)  :  v.  9. 

37,  26*'  ("and  I  will  set  my  sanctuary  in  the  midst  of  them  ")  :  z;.  ii. 
39,  27  ("their  enemies'  lands")  :  vv.  36.  39,  cf.  34.  41.  44. 

Cf.  5,  7.  S.  II,  12  ("nations  that  are  round  about  you")  :  25,  44. 

These  phraseological  resemblances  between  Ez.  and  H  (the 
number  of  which  is  not  quite  exhausted)  are,  in  truth,  evidence 
of  a  wider  and  more  general  fact,  viz.  the  fundamental  identity 
of  interest  and  point  of  view  which  shows  itself  in  Ez.  and  the 
"Law  of  Holiness."  Both  breathe  the  same  spirit;  both  are 
actuated  largely  by  the  same  jirinciples,  and  aim  at  realizing  the 
same  ends.  Tluis  both  evince  a  si)ecial  regard  for  the  "sanctu- 
ary "  (Lev.  19,  30.  20,  3.    21,   12.    23.  26,   2.   Ez.   5,   II.  8,  6.  23, 


PRIESTLY    NARRATIVE   OF   THE    HEXATEUCII.      I4I 

38  f.  25,  3.  43,  7  ff.),  and  prescribe  rules  to  guard  it  against  pro- 
fanation ;  both  allude  similarly  to  Israel's  idolatry  in  Egypt  (Lev. 
18,  3.  Ez.  20,  7  ff.),  and  to  the  "abominations"  of  which  Israel 
has  since  been  guilty ;  both  emphasize  the  duty  of  observing 
the  Sabbath ;  both  attach  a  high  value  to  ceremonial  cleanness, 
especially  on  the  part  of  the  priests  ;  both  lay  stress  on  abstaining 
from  blood,  and  from  food  improperly  killed  (nsiDI  n^nj);  and 
both  further  insist  on  the  same  moral  virtues,  as  reverence  to 
parents,  just  judgment,  commercial  honesty,  and  denounce  usury 
and  slander  (Ez.  18,  6  ff.,  22,  7  ff.,  with  the  parallels). ^ 

The  similarities  between  Ez.  and  the  Law  of  Holiness,  esp. 
Lev.  26,  3  ff ,  are  so  great  that  it  has  been  held  by  some  critics 
that  the  prophet  himself  was  the  author,  or,  at  least,  the  redactor 
of  this  collection  of  laws.^  But  there  are  differe?ices,  as  well  as 
resemblances,  between  Ez.  and  H,  of  which  this  hypothesis  gives 
no  sufficient  explanation ;  and  from  the  time  when  it  was  first 
propounded  there  have  always  been  critics  who  opposed  it.^ 
Noldeke  pointed  to  stylistic  differences ;  *  Klostermann,  compar- 
ing in  greater  detail  Ez.  and  H,  showed  further  that  the  prophet 
seemed  everywhere  to  be  expanding  or  emphasizing  a  simpler 
original ;  ^  Wellh.  and  Kuenen  appealed  to  material  differences  as 
likewise  precluding  the  authorship  of  Ez.  It  is  thus  agreed  by 
the  best  critics  that  Ez.  is  not  the  author,  or  even  the  compiler, 
of  the  Law  of  Holiness.  It  may  further  be  taken  as  granted 
that  the  laws  of  H — at  least  the  principal  and  most  characteristic 
laws — are  prior  to  Ez.:  the  manner  in  which  he  takes  as  his 
standard,  or  point  of  departure,  laws  identical  with  those  of  H, 
is  admitted  to  establish  this  point.^ 

^  Comp.  Smend,  Ezechiel,  p.  xxv.  f. 

2  Graf,  Gesch.  B.  pp.  81-83;  Coltnso  ;  Kayser  ;  Horst,  pp.  69-96. 

^  Noldeke,  Untersuclningen,  p.  67  ft'.;  Wellh.  Hist.  376  ft".;  Klostermann, 
in  the  art.  cited  p.  43;  Smend,  Ezechiel,  p.  xxv.  ft".,  314  ft".;  Delitzsch,  Sttidieii, 
p.  617  ft".;  Kuenen,  Hex.  §  15.  10. 

^  Thus  in  H  we  never  find  Ez.'s  standing  title  "Lord  Jehovah:"  in  Ez. 
we  never  find  n''Dy,  and  only  once  VDJ^  (p.  46,  No.  ii  ;  p.  125,  No.  25). 

^  Ez.  never  uses  the  phrase  "  I  am  Jehovah  "  alone  :  he  always  says,  "  And 
ye  (thou,  they)  shall  know  that  I  am  J.,"  sometimes  adding  besides  a  further 
clause  introduced  by  "  when  .  .  .  ;  "  or  he  attaches  some  epithet,  or  predi- 
cate, "  I  am  Jehovah  your  God,"  or  "  I  Jehovah  have  spoken." 

^  Kuen.  Hex.  p.  287.  But  the  relation  of  Ez.  44  &c.  to  H  is  not  quite  the 
same  throughout ;  when  the  two  are  compared  in  detail,  while  in  some 
respects  Ez.  is  in  advance  of  H,  in  others  H  is  in  advance  of  Ez.  {Jb.  p.  286). 


142  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  age  of  the  writer  who  fitted  these  laws  into  their  parenetic 
framework  is,  however,  disputed.  26,  3  if.,  as  seems  clear,  must 
have  been  written  at  a  time  when  Israel  had  already  worshipped 
at  ''high  places"  and  erected  sun-images  {v.  30);  but  beyond 
this  it  is  thought  by  many  to  presuppose  the  exile.  "  Not  only 
does  it  (as  18,  25  ff.  20,  22)  hold  out  the  threat  of  banishment 
of  t'le  people  and  desolation  of  the  land,  and  describe  the  condi-  ^ 
tion  of  the  nation  in  exile, — which  in  itself  would  be  possible 
after  the  end  of  the  Northern  kingdom  in  722, — but  in  vv. 
34  f.  43  the  neglect  of  the  Sabbatical  year  down  to  the  period  of 
the  exile  ^  is  implied,  i.e.  the  entire  history  to  that  date  is  pre- , 
supposed ;  the  promise  of  renewed  acceptance  to  favour  after 
repentance,  v.  40  ff.,is,  moreover,  scarcely  in  place,  if  addressed 
to  those  who  are  to  be  warned  against  transgression  of  the  law 
and  the  penal  consequences  which  such  transgression  would 
involve,  whereas  it  is  thoroughly  appropriate  if  addressed  to  those 
who  have  already,  by  their  disobedience,  incurred  these  conse- 
quences themselves"  (Dillm.  NDJ,  p.  645  f.).  Wellh.  {Hist.  p. 
383  f.),  Kuen.  (p.  283),  Smend,  and  others,  on  these  grounds, 
assign  the  compilation  of  H  to  the  exile ;  and  Dillm.,  though  he 
does  not  doubt  that  the  nucleus  of  26,  3  ff.  is  earlier,  admits  that 
it  has  been  enlarged  then,  especially  in  z;.  31  ff.  Klost.  and 
Del,  on  the  contrary,  place  it  prior  to  the  exile,  the  former,  in 
particular,  arguing  at  some  length  that  the  resemblances  between 
Ez.  and  Lev.  26,  3  ff.  are  of  a  character  that  shows  Ez.  to  be 
dependent  on  Lev.  26,  3  il,  rather  than  the  author  of  Lev.  26, 
3  ff.  on  Ezekiel.2  On  the  whole,  while  fully  admitting  the  great 
difficulty  of  determining  questions  of  priority  by  the  mere  com- 

'^  Or  rather,  strictly,  to  the  time  when  the  words  were  written. 

^  It  is  Ez.'s  custom  to  combine  reminiscences  from  his  (predecessors  (Dt., 
or  other  prophets)  with  expressions  peculiar  to  himself;  and  Klost.  seeks  to 
show  that  he  deals  similarly  with  Lev.  26,  3  {{.  Thus  he  argues  that  in  4, 
17  "pine  away  in  their  inifjuity"  is  a  reminiscence  from  Lev.  26,  39,  to 
wJiich  Ez.  has  prefixed  his  own  expression  (of.  30,  7)  "be  astonied  one  with 
another"  (comp.  34,  4"  with  Lev.  25,  43.  46.  53  ["with  force"  added]). 
Whether  all  Klost. 's  arguments  are  cogent  may  be  doubted;  nevertheless 
there  seem  to  the  writer  to  be  considerations  which  support  the  view  taken 
in  the  text.  Lev.  26,  3  (T.  is  in  style  terse  and  forcible  ;  Ez.  is  diffuse  :  Lev. 
also  appears  to  have  the  advantai;e  in  originality  of  expression  (contrast  e.g. 
"the  i)ride  of  your  pnver  "  in  Lev.  26,  19  and  in  Ez.  7,  24  (LXX).  24,  21. 
30,  6.  18.  -^^i,  28),  and  in  the  connexion  of  thought  (contrast  Lev.  26,  4-6.  13 
with  Ez.  34,  25-29). 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.      I43 

parison  of  parallel  passages,  the  view  that  gives  the  priority  to 
26,  3  ff.  seems  to  the  present  writer  to  be  the  more  probable  : 
the  certainty  of  app?'oaching  exile  (which  was  unquestionably 
realized  by  Jeremiah,  and  no  doubt  also  by  his  like-minded 
contemporaries)  would,  not  less  than  the  actual  exile,  form  a 
sufficient  basis  on  which  to  found  the  promise  of  restoration  (as, 
in  fact,  it  forms  such  a  basis  to  Jer.  himself).  But  the  parenetic 
framework  of  H,  while  it  may  thus  be  earlier  than  Ez.,  is  not, 
perhaps,  much  earUer;  for  though  isolated  passages  in  Lev.  26 
resemble,  for  instance,  passages  of  Amos  or  Micah,i  the  tone  of 
the  whole  is  unlike  that  of  any  earlier  prophet ;  on  the  other 
hand,  its  tone  is  akin  to  that  of  Jeremiah,  and  still  more  (even 
apart  from  the  phrases  common  to  both)  to  that  of  Ezekiel.  The 
language  and  style  are  compatible  with  the  same  age,  even  if  they 
do  not  actually  favour  it.^  The  laws  of  H  date  in  the  main  from 
a  considerably  earlier  time ;  but  it  seems  that  they  were  arranged 
in  their  present  parenetic  framework,  by  an  author  who  was  at 
once  a  priest  and  a  prophet,  probably  towards  the  closing  years 
of  the  monarchy.  And  if  H  formed  still,  in  Ez.'s  day,  a  separate 
body  of  law,  which  was  not  combined  with  the  rest  of  the  Priests' 
Code  till  subsequently,  the  prophet's  special  familiarity  with  it 
would  be  at  once  naturally  explained. 

While  the  majority  of  the  parallels  in  Ez.  are  with  the  excerpts 
of  the  Law  of  Holiness  embedded  in  Lev.  17 — 26,  it  will  be 
observed  that  there  are  others,  sometimes  remarkable  ones,  with 
certain  other  passages  of  the  Pent.,  especially  with  Ex.  6,  6-8.  12, 
12-13.  3i»  ^3-14^  Lev.  10,  9*.  lo-ii.  II,  44.  Nu.  15,  37-41, 
several  of  which  have  been  already  referred,  on  iiidepetident 
grounds  (p.  54)1,  to  H.  The  evidence  of  Ez.  thus  confirms  the 
conclusion  stated  above,  that  a  considerable  body  of  priestly 
Toroth  existed,  permeated  by  the  same  dominant  principles,  and 
embracing,  not  only  the  continuous  extracts  preserved  in  Lev. 
17 — 26,  but  also  fragments — perhaps  not  confined  to  those  just 
cited — embedded  in  other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch.  And  if  Ex. 
6,  6-8  be  rightly  assigned  to  this  collection  of  laws,  it  may  be 
conjectured  that  it  was  prefaced  by  a  short  historical  introduc- 
tion, setting  forth  its  origin  and  scope.     And  some  at  least  of 

^  As  V.  5s  Am.  9,  I3»;  vv.  16^.  26^  Mic.  6,  14".  I5\     Riehm's  argument 
{Einl.  i.  p.  202)  is  far  from  conclusive. 
-  Comp.  Dil'im.  EL.  p.  619. 


144  LITERATURE   OF    THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

these  Toroih  seem  clearly  to  be  older  than  Dt.  Not  only  do 
some  of  the  passages  just  quoted  appear  to  be  presupposed  by 
Dt.  (p.  138),  but  the  instances  in  which  the  laws  of  D  are 
parallel  to  those  of  H  (see  the  table,  p.  dZ  ff.)  are  most  reason- 
ably ex[)lained  by  the  supposition  that  both  D  and  the  compiler 
of  H  drew  from  the  same  more  ancient  source,  the  language 
of  V  hich  has  been,  perhaps,  least  changed  in  H,  while  D  has 
allowed  himself  greater  freedom  of  adaptation. ^ 

The  ari^ument  of  the  preceding  pages  meets  by  anticipation — for  it  was 
completed  before  the  writer  had  seen  either — objections  such  as  those  urged 
in  the  British  Quarterly  Rev.  vol.  79  (18S4),  p.  115  ff.,  or  by  Principal  Cave, 
IVte  Inspiration  of  the  OT.  p.  263  flf.,  and  places,  it  is  believed,  the  rela- 
tion of  the  Priests'  Code  to  the  pre- exilic  literature  in  a  just  light.  An 
unbiassed  comparison  of  P  with  this  literature  shows,  namely,  that  there  are 
elements  of  truth  both  in  Dillm.'s  view  of  the  origin  of  P,  and  in  Wellh.'s. 
The  passages  appealed  to  in  proof  of  the  existence  of  the  completed  Priests' 
Code  under  the  earlier  King*  lack  the  necessary  cogency,  on  account  of  the 
^cvrrrt/ contradiction  which  the  pre-exilic  literature  opposes  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  system  of  P  was  then  in  operation,  and  because  the  hypothesis  that  P 
had  a  "  lateiU  "  existence,  as  an  unrealizable  priestly  ideal  (p.  134),  does  not 
seem  a  probable  one.  On  the  other  hand,  as  said  above,  these  passages  are 
good  evidence  that  the  principal  institutions  of  P  are  not  a  creation  of  the 
exilic  period,  but  that  they  existed  in  Israel  in  a  more  rudimentary  form  from 
a  remote  period.  It  is  not  so  much  the  institutions  in  themselves  as  the 
system  with  which  they  are  associated,  and  the  principles  of  which  in  P  they 
are  made  more  distinctly  the  expression,  which  seem  to  bear  the  marks  of  a 
more  advanced  stage  of  ceremonial  observance. 

The  consideration  of  the  probable  age  of  the  several  institu- 
tions of  P  is  an  archaeological  rather  than  a  literary  question, 
and  hence  does  not  fall  properly  within  the  scope  of  the  present 
volume.  A  few  general  remarks  may,  however,  be  permitted. 
It  cannot  be  doubted  that  Moses  was  the  ultimate  founder  of 
both  the  national  and  the  religious  life  of  Israel  \^  and  that  he 
provided  his  people  not  only  with  at  least  the  nucleus  of  a  system 
of  civil  ordinances  (such  as  would,  in  fact,  arise  directly  out  of 
his  j  idicial  functions,  as  described  in  Ex.  18),  but  also  (as  the 
necessary  correlative  of  the  primary  truth  that  Jehovah  was  the 
God  of  Israel)   with   some   system   of  ceremonial   observances, 

''■  It  is  remarkable  that,  while  clauses  from  JE  are  often  excerpted  in  Ut. 
verbatim,  in  the  parallels  with  II  the  language  is  hardly  ever  identical. 

-  Comp.  Wellh.  Ilist.  pp.  434,  438  f.,  endorsed  by  Kuenen,  77/.  T.  1883, 
p.  199. 


PRIESTLY    NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCII.       1 45 

designed  as  the  expression  and  concomitant  of  the  religious  and 
ethical  duties  involved  in  the  people's  relation  to  its  national 
God.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  teaching  of  Moses  on 
these  subjects  is  preserved,  in  its  least  modified  form,  in  the 
Decalogue  and  the  "Book  of  the  Covenant"  (Ex.  20  —  23).  It 
is  not,  however,  required  by  the  view  treated  above  as  probable 
to  conclude  that  the  Mosaic  legislation  was  litniied  to  the  subjects 
dealt  widi  in  Ex.  20 — 23  :  amongst  the  enactments  peculiar  to 
Dt. — which  tradition,  as  it  seems,  ascribed  to  a  later  period  of 
the  legislator's  life — there  are  many  which  likewise  may  well  have 
formed  part  of  it.  It  is  further  in  analogy  with  ancient  custom 
to  suppose  that  some  form  oi  pries f hood  wowXd  be  established  by 
Moses  ;  that  this  priesthood  would  be  hereditary  ;  and  that  the 
priesthood  would  also  inherit  from  their  founder  some  traditionary 
lore  (beyond  what  is  contained  in  Ex.  20 — 23)  on  matters  of 
ceremonial  observance.  And  accordingly  we  find  that  JE  both 
mentions  repeatedly  an  Ark  and  "Tent  of  Meeting"  as  existing 
in  the  Mosaic  age  (Ex.  7,^^  7-11.  Nu.  11,  24  ff.  12,  4  fl".  Dt.  31, 
14  ff.),  and  assigns  to  Aaron  a  prominent  and,  indeed,  an  official 
position  (Ex.  4,  4  "Aaron  the  Levite ;"  18,  12;  24,  1.  9), 
further,  that  in  Dt.  (10,  6'')  a  hereditary  priesthood  descended 
from  him  is  expressly  recognised  ;  and  also  that  there  are  early 
allusions  to  the  "tribe  of  Levi"  as  enjoying  priestly  privileges 
and  exercising  priestly  functions  (Dt.  33,  10.  Mic.  3,  11;  cf. 
Jud.  17,  13).!  The  principles  by  which  the  priesthood  was  to  be 
guided  were  laid  down,  it  may  be  supposed,  in  outline  by  Moses. 
In  process  of  time,  however,  as  national  life  grew  more  complex, 
and  fresh  cases  requiring  to  be  dealt  with  arose,  these  principles 
would  be  found  no  longer  to  suffice,  and  their  extension  would 
become  a  necessity.  Especially  in  matters  of  ceremonial  observ- 
ance, which  would  remain  naturally  within  the  control  of  the 
priests,  regulations  such  as  those  enjoined  in  Ex.  20,  24-26. 
22,    29-31.    23,    14-19  would  not  long  continue   in   the  same 

^  These  functions  consisted  largely  in  pronouncing  Tor  ah,  i.e.  pointing  out 
(nnin)  what  was  to  be  done  in  some  special  case  ;  giving  decisions  on  cases 
submitted  to  them — determining,  e.g.,  whether  or  not  a  man  was  "unclean," 
whether  or  not  he  had  the  leprosy,  &c.  ;  and  also  imparting  authoritative 
moral  instruction.  See  a  good  note  on  the  term  in  Kuen.  Hex.  §  10.  4.  In 
civil  matters,  it  is  the  function  which  Moses  himself  is  represented  as  dis- 
charging in  Ex,  18  (above,  p.  28). 

K 


146  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

rudimentary  state ;  fresh  definitions  and  distinctions  would  be 
introduced,  more  precise  rules  would  be  prescribed  for  the 
method  of  sacrifice,  the  ritual  to  be  observed  by  the  priests,  the 
dues  which  they  were  authorized  to  receive  from  the  people,  and 
other  similar  matters.  After  the  priesthood  had  acquired,  through 
the  foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple,  a  permanent  centre,  it  is 
probable  that  the  process  of  development  and  systematization  , 
advanced  more  rapidly  than  before.  And  thus  the  allusions  in  Dt. 
imply  the  existence  of  usages  beyond  those  which  fall  directly 
within  the  scope  of  the  book,  and  belonging  specially  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  priests  {e.^<;.  17,  11.  24,  8):  Ezekiel,  being  a  priest^ 
himself,  alludes  to  such  usages  more  distinctly.  Although, 
therefore,  there  are  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  Priests'  Code 
assumed  finally  the  shape  in  which  we  have  it  in  the  age  subse- 
quent to  Ez.,  it  rests  ultimately  upon  an  ancient  traditional  basis  ;  ^ 
and  many  of  the  institutions  prominent  in  it  are  recognised,  in 
various  stages  of  their  growth,  by  the  earlier  pre-exilic  literature, 
by  Dt.,  and  by  Ezekiel.  The  laws  of  P,  even  when  they  included 
later  elements,  wer^e  still  referred  to  Moses, — no  doubt  because  in 
its  basis  and  origin  Hebrew  legislation  was  actually  derived  from 
him,  and  was  only  modified  gradually.'-^ 

The  institution  which  was  among  the  last  to  reach  a  settled 
state,  appears  to  have  been  the  priesthood.  Till  the  age  of  Dt., 
the  right  of  exercising  priestly  offices  must  have  been  enjoyed  by 
every  member  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  (p.  77,  n.  2) ;  but  this  right  on 
the  part  of  the  tribe  generally  is  evidently  not  incompatible  with 
the /^r^-^;;//;/(?/?f^  of  a  particular  family  (that  of  x\aron  :  cf.  Dt.  10,  6), 
which,  in  the  line  of  Zadok,  held  the  chief  rank  at  the  Central 
Sanctuary.  After  the  abolition  of  the  high  places  by  Josiah,  how- 
ever, the  central  priesthood  refused  to  acknowledge  the  right  which 
(according  to  the  law  of  Dt.)  the  Levitical  priests  of  the  high 
places  must  have  possessed.^     The  action  of  the  central  priest- 

.  ^  And  indeed  (like  Dt.)  includes  some  elements  evidently  archaic. 

*  A  siiiiilnr  view  of  the  gradual  expansion  of  the  legislation  of  P  from  a 
Mosaic  nucleus  is  expressed  by  Delitzsch,  Genesis,  p.  26  f.  Indeed,  it  is  a 
question  whether  even  in  form  P  is  throughout  perfectly  homogeneous.  There 
are  other  parts  as  well  as  those  including  the  Law  of  Holiness,  which,  when 
examined  closely,  seem  to  consist  oi  strata,  exliibiting  side  by  side  the  usage 
of  dilfcrent  periods.  The  stereotyped  terminology  may  (to  a  certain  extent) 
be  the  characteristic,  not  of  an  individual,  but  of  the  priestly  style  generally. 

^  See  2  Ki.  23,  9,  where  it  is  said  of  the  disestablished   Levitical  priests 


{ 

PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE   HEXATEUCH.       I47 

hood  was  endorsed  by  Ezekiel  (44,   6  ff.) :    the  priesthood,   he 
declared,  was  for  the  future  to  be  confined  to  the  descendants  of 
Zadok  ;  the  priests  of  the  high  places  (or  their  descendants)  were 
condemned  by  him  to  discharge  subordinate  offices,  as  menials 
in  attendance  upon  the  worshippers.     As  it  proved,  however,  the 
event   did    not   altogether   accord   with    Ez.'s   declaration;   the 
descendants  of  Ithamar  succeeded  in  maintaining  their  right  to 
officiate  as  priests  by  the  side  of  the  sons  of  Zadok  (i   Ch.   24, 
4  &c.).     But  the  action  of  the  central  priesthood  under  Josiah, 
and  the   sanction   given  to  it  by   Ezekiel,  combined,  if  not  to 
create,    yet    to    sharpen    and    accentuate^   the    distinction    of 
"  priests "  and  "  Eevites."     It  is  possible  that  those  parts  of  P 
which  emphasize  this  distinction  (Nu.    1—4   &c.)   are   of  later 
origin  than  the  rest,  and  date  from  a  time  when— probably  after 
a  struggle  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  disestablished  Levitical 
priests — it  was  generally  accepted. 

The  language  of  P "  is  not  opposed  to  the  date  here  assigned 

that  they  "came  not  up  to  the  altar  of  Jehovah  in  Jerusalem,  but  they  did 
eat  unleavened  bread  among  their  brethren,"  i.e.  they  were  not  deprived  of 
the  maintenance  due  to  them  as  priests  by  the  law  of  Dt.  18,  8,  but  they  were 
not  admitted  to  the  exercise  of  priestly  functions. 

1  For  it  is  difficult  not  to  think  that  among  the  families  permanently  con- 
nected with  the  Temple,  which  belongel,  or  were  reputed  to  belong,  to  the 
priestly  tribe,  there  must  have  been  some  whose  members  failed  to  maintain 
the  right  which  they  technically  possessed,  and  w^re  obliged  to  be  content 
with  a^menial  position  ;  so  that  this  exclusion  of  the  priests  of  the  high  places 
from  the  priesthood  probably  only  emphasized  a  distinction  which  already  cie 
facto  existed,  and  is  recognised  explicitly  in  B.C.  536  (Neh.  7,  39.  43  &c.). 

2  See  V.  Ryssel,  De  Elohistae  Pentatenchi  Sennone  (1878) ;  F.  Giesebrecht, 
Der  Sprachgebrauch  des  hexatetcchischen  Elohisten  in  the  ZATW.  1 881, 
177-276,  with  the  critique  of  the  latter  by  the  present  writer  in  the  Journal 
of  Philology,  xi.  201-236  ;  Kuenen,  Hex.  §  15.  11.  The  present  position  of 
the  writer  is  not  inconsistent  with  that  adopted  as  the  basis  of  his  critique  m 
1882.  The  aim  of  that  article  was  not  to  discuss  the  general  question  of 
the  date  of  P,  or  even  to  show  that  the  language  of  P  was  incompatible  with 
a  date  in  or  near  the  exile  (see  p.  204) ;  its  aim  was  avowedly  limited  to  an 
examination  of  particular  data  which  had  been  alleged,  and  an  inquiry 
whether  they  had  been  interpreted  correctly  (/^.).  In  the  philology  of  the 
article  the  writer  has  nothing  of  consequence  to  modify  or  correct.^  In  his 
etymology  of  ^^5^'D,  P-  205,  he  was  led  into  error  through  following  Ges. 
too  implicitly  (see  Dillm.  ad  loc);  and  the  discussion  01  n^'pin,  P-  209,  is 
incomplete  (see  Konig,  Offenb.  des  AT.' s,  ii.  324  f ).  Perhaps  also  (in  spite 
of  pp.  227,  232)  sufficient  weight  was  not  given  to  the  remarkable  preponder- 
ance of ''3i<  over '»2i5<  in  P,  and  to  P's  resemblance  in   this  respect  to  Ez. 


148  LITERATURE  OF  THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

to  it.  To  be  sure,  Giesebrecht,  in  his  endeavour  to  demonstrate 
the  lateness  of  P,  overshoots  the  mark,  and  detects  many 
Aramaisms  and  other  signs  of  lateness  in  P  which  do  not  exist ; 
indeed,  in  some  cases  the  words  alleged  by  him  form  part  of 
the  older  laws  which  P  embodies.  But  it  is  true  (as  is  admitted 
in  \\\Q  Journal  of  Phil.  p.  232)  that  there  is  a  residuum  of  words 
which  possess  this  character,  and  show  affinities  with  writings 
of  the  age  of  Ez.  Hiat  these  are  less  numerous  than  might 
])erhaps  be  expected,  may  be  explained  partly  by  the  fact  that  P"s 
l)hraseology  is  largely  traditional,  partly  by  the  fact  that  the  real 
change  in  Hebrew  style  does  not  begin  till  a  later  age  altogether  ;^ 
many  j)arts  of  Ez.  [e.g.  c.  20),  and  even  Haggai  and  Zechariah, 
do  not  show  more '  substantial  signs  of  lateness  than  P.  The 
change  is  beginning  (c.  450)  in  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  and  in 
Malachi ;  but  Aramaisms  and  other  marks  of  lateness  (esp.  in 
syntax)  are  only  abundant  in  works  written  after  this  date — 
Esther,  Chr.,  Eccl.,  &c.  The  phraseology  of  P,  it  is  natural  to 
suppose,  is  one  which  had  gradually  formed ;  hence  it  contains 
elements  which  are  no  doubt  ancient  side  by  side  with  those 
which  were  introduced  later.  The  priests  of  each  successive 
generation  would  adopt,  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  technical 
formulae,  and  other  stereotyped  expressions,  which  they  learnt 
from  their  seniors,  new  terms,  when  they  were  introduced,  being 
accommodated  to  the  old  moulds.  Hence,  no  doubt,  the  simi- 
larity of  Ez.'s  style  to  P,  even  where  a  definite  law  is  not  quoted 
by  him  :  although,  from  the  greater  variety  of  subjects  which  he 
deals  with  as  a  prophet,  the  vocabulary  of  P  is  not  sufficient  for 
him,  he  still  frequently  uses  expressions  belonging  to  the  priestly 
terminology,  with  which  he  was  familiar. ^ 

After  the  illustrations  which  have  been  given  above  (p.  20,  &c.)  of  the 
grounds  upon  which  the  analysis  of  Exodus  and  the  following  books  depends, 
the  inadequacies  of  the  "Journal  theory"  of  the  Pentateuch,  advocated  by 

{]).  127,  No.  45).  But  the  writer  is  still  of  opinion  that  the  formula  niri"'  ""Di^ 
(p.  45,  No.  I,  cf.  2),  in  which  about  half  the  instances  of  ^jj^  occur,  is  of  early 
origin.  And  he  considers  also  that  there  is  a  larger  traditional  element  in  the 
phraseology  of  P  ihan  Giesebrecht's  argument  appears  to  allow  for. 

^  The  incorrectnesses  which  appear  from  time  to  time  in  Ez.  are  due  pro- 
bably, partly  to  the  fact  that,  as  a  prophet  mingling  with  the  people,  he  was 
exposed  to  influeiices  from  which  the  priests  generally  were  free,  partly  to 
errors  originating  in  the  transmission  of  his  text. 


PRIESTLY   NARRATIVE   OF   THE    HEXATEUCH.        I49 

Principal  Cave  in  his  work  cited  (p.  144),  will  be  manifest.  This  theory  fails, 
in  a  word,  to  account  for  the  phaenomena  which  the  Pent,  presents.  Thus  (i) 
it  offers  no  explanation  of  the  phraseological  variations  which  Ex.  &c.  display, 
and  which  (as  the  list,  p.  123  ff.,  will  have  shown)  are  quite  as  marked  as  those 
in  Genesis.^  If  these  variations  were  so  distributed  as  to  distinguish  con- 
sistently the  laxvs  on  the  one  hand  from  the  narratives  on  the  other,  the  theory 
might  possess  some  plausibility  ;  the  laws,  for  instance,  might  be  supposed  to 
have  required  naturally  a  different  style  from  the  narrative,  or  Moses  might 
have  compiled  the  one  and  an  amanuensis  the  other  :  but,  as  a  fact,  the 
variations  are  not  so  distributed  ;  not  only  do  the  different  groups  of  laws 
show  differences  of  terminology,  but  the  narratives  themselves  present  the 
same  variations  of  phraseology  as  in  Genesis,  some  parts  having  numerous 
features  in  common  with  the  sections  assigned  to  **P"inihat  book,  and 
with  the  laws  contained  in  Ex.  25  &c.,  and  other  pmrts  being  marked  by  an 
entire  absence  of  those  features.  The  Journal  theory  cannot  account  for  these 
variations  in  the  narrative  sections  of  Ex. — Dt,  (2)  The  Journal  theory  is 
unable  to  account  for  the  many  and  cogent  indications  which  the  different 
codes  in  the  Pent,  contain,  that  they  took  shape  at  different  periods  of  the 
history,  or  to  solve  the  very  great  difihculties  which  both  the  historical  (esp. 
c.  I — 3.  9—10)  and  legal  parts  of  Dt.  present,  if  they  are  regarded  as  the 
work  of  the  same  contemporary  writer  as  Ex. — Nu.  (3)  The  Journal  theory 
takes  a  false  view  of  the  Book  of  Joshua,  which  is  not  severed  from  the 
following  books,  and  connected  with  the  Pentateuch,  for  the  purpose  of 
satisfying  the  exigencies  of  a  theory,  but  because  this  view  of  the  book  is 
required  by  the  facts — a  simple  comparison  of  it  with  the  Pent,  showing,  viz. 
that  it  is  really  ho7nogeneous  with  it,  and  (especially  in  the  P  sections)  that  it 
differs  entirely  from  Jud.  Sam.  Kings.  But  Principal  Cave's  treatment  of 
the  books  from  Ex.  to  Josh,  is  manifestly  slight  and  incomplete. 

In  ch.  vi.  of  Principal  Cave's  book  there  are  many  just  observations  on  the 
theological  truths  which  find  expression  in  the  Mosaic  law ;  but  it  is  an 
ignoratio  elenchi  to  suppose  them  to  be  a  refutation  of  the  opinion  that 
Hebrew  legislation  reached  its  final  form  by  successive  stages,  except  upon 
the  assumption  that  all  progress  must  proceed  from  purely  natural  causes, — 
an  assumption  both  unfounded  in  itself  and  opposed  to  the  general  sense  of 
theologians,  who  speak,  for  instance,  habitually  of  a  "progressive  revela- 
tion "  (so  "  Revelation  "  and  "  Evolution,"  p.  251, — though  the  latter  is  not  a 
very  suitable  term  to  use  in  this  connexion,— are  not  antagonistic  except  upon 
a  similar  assumption).  Prof.  Bissell's  Pentataich  fails  to  establish  the  points 
which  it  was  written  to  prove,  partly  for  the  same  reason,  partly  for  a  different 
one.  The  author  is  singularly  unable  to  di>tinguish  between  a  good  argu- 
ment and  a  bad  one.  Thus  the  passages  adduced  (chiefly  in  chaps,  viii.-x.) 
to  prove  the  existence  of  the  Pent,  in  the  Mosaic  age  all,  upon  one  ground 
or  another  (comp.  above,  p.  137,  lines  6-9),  fall  short  of  the  mark  ;  and  while 
his  volume  contains  many  sound  and  true  observations  on  the  deep  spiritual 
teaching  both  of  the  law  and  also  of  other  parts  of  the  OT.,  which  may  be 
urged  with  force  against  the  exaggerations  and  false  assumptions  which  critics 


'^  Which  Principal  Cave  accepts  as  proof  of  its  composite  origin  (p.  171  ff.). 


150  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

have  sometimes  allowed  themselves  to  make,  he  has  not  shown  that  this 
teaching  mu>t  stand  or  fall  with  the  traditional  view  of  the  origin  of  the  Old 
Testament  bonks,  or  that  the  critical  view  of  their  origin  cannot  be  stated  in 
a  form  free  from  exaggeration,  and  entirely  compatible  with  the  reality  of  the 
supernatural  enlightenment  vouchsafed  to  the  ancient  people  of  God.  (For 
some  useful  reflexions  on  the  Pent,  as  a  channel  of  revelation,  from  a  point 
of  view  at  once  critical  and  religious,  see  Riehm's  Einl.  §§  28,  29.) 

Pr.  Kay's  Crisis  Hupfeldiana  (1865),  from  the  tone  in  which  it  is  written,  , 
sometimes  produces,  upon  readers  who  have  no  independent  knowledge  of 
the  subject,  the  impression  that  its  author  has  successfully  refuted  all  the 
arguments  upon  which  critics  rely.  This,  however,  is  by  no  means  the  case. 
In  the  first  place,  it  touches  but  a  part  of  a  large  subject ;  and,  secondly,  in 
the  part  which  it  does  touch,  it  is  essentially  a  criticism  of  details  and  side 
issues.  In  this  criticism,  the  author,  who  was  a  sound  Hebrew  scholar,  is 
very  often  right,  and  convicts  Colenso  (against  whom  it  is  primarily  directed) 
of  some  error,  or  inconclusive  argument ;  but  he  fails  to  show  that  these 
faults  vitiate  essentially  the  main  conclusions  which  critics  have  reached. 


THE  PRIESTS'  CODE. 


Genesis  i,  1—2,  4\  5,  1-2S.  30-32.  6,  9-22.  7,  6.  7-9  (in  parts),  ii.  i3-i6\ 
18  21.  24.  8,  i-2».  3''-5.  I3^  14-19.  9,  1-17.  28-29.  10,  1-7.  20.  22-23.  31- 
32.  II,  10-27.  31-32.  12,  4^-5.  13,  6.  ii''-i2=».  16,  I*.  3.  15-16.  c.  17.  19,  29. 
21,  I'-.  2''-5.  c.  23.  25,  7-II^  12-17.  19-20.  26\  26,  34-35.  27,  46—28,  9.  29, 

24.  29.  31,  18".  33,  I8^  34,  i-2».  4.  6.  8-10.  13-18.  20-24.  25  (partly).  27- 
29-  35.  9-13-  15-  22"-29.  c.  36.1  37,  i-2-\  41,  46.  46,  6-27.  47,  5-6MI>XX). 
7-1 1.  27''-28.  48,  3-6.  7?  49,  i».  2S''-33.  50,  12-13. 

Exodus  I,  1-7.  13-14.  23''-25.  6,  2—7,  13.  19-20^  2i''-22,  8,  5-7.  I5''-I9. 
9,8-12.  12,  1-20,   28.  37".  40-51.   13,   1-2.  20.  14,  1-4.  8-9.   15-18.  21*. 

2I''-23.   26-27*.  28\  29.    16,    1-3.  6-24.  31-36.    17,    I^    19,    l-2\    24,   15-18*. 

25,  I— 31,  18*.  34,  29-35.  c.  35—40- 
Leviticus  c.  I — 16.  (c.  17 — 26).  c.  27. 

Numbers  l,  l — 10,  28.  13,  I-I7\  21.  25-26"  (to  Paran).  32'.  14,  1-2.^  5-7. 
10.  26-38.^  c.  15.  16,  i\  2»'-7".  (7''-ii).  (16-17).  18-24.  27\  32\  35.  (36-40). 
41-50.  c.  17—19.  20,  I"  (to  vionth).  2.  3b.  6.   12-13.  22-29.  21,  4"  (to  Ho}-). 
10-11.  22,  I.  25,  6-18.  c.  26—31.  32,  18-19.  28-32.2  c.  33—36. 
•  Deuteronomy  32,  48-52.  34,  I*.  8-9. 

Joshua  4,  13.  19.  5,  10-12.  7,  I.  9,  I5«>.  17-21.  13,  15-32.  14,  1-5.  15,  1-13. 
28-44.  48-62.  16,  4-8.  17,  IV  (l*'-2).  3-4.  7.  9*.  9C-10*.  18,  I.  11-28. 
19,  1-8.  10-46.  48.  51.  20,  1-3  (except  '■and  unawares').  6"  {\.o  judgment). 
7-9  [cf.  I.XXJ.  21,  1-42  (22,  9-34). 

^  In  the  main.  2  wjij-j  traces  in  32,  1-17.  20-27. 


CHAPTER  II. 
JUDGES,  SAMUEL,  AND  KINGS. 

§  I.  The  Book  of  Judges. 

Literature. — G.  L.  Studer,  Das  Buck  der  Richter,  1842 ;  E.  Bertheau 
(in  the  Kurzgef.  Exeg.  HanJb.),  ed.  2,  1883;  Keil  \\\  Josua,  Richter  ti. 
Rut/i  (ed.  2),  1874;  Wellhausen  in  Eleek's  Einl.  (1878)  pp.  181-205  [  = 
Coinp.  213-238] ;  Hist.  pp.  228-245  ;  A.  van  Doorninck,  Bijdrage  tot  de 
tekst-kritiek  van  Richt.  i.-xvi.  (1879);  C.  Budde,  ZATW.  1887,  p.  93  ff., 
1888,  p.  148  (on  I,  1—2,  5),  1888,  p.  285  ff.  (on  c.  17 — 21).  (The  substance 
of  the  following  pages  appeared  in  i\iQ  Jewish  Quarterly  Revicjj,  April  1889.) 

The  Book  of  Judges  derives  its  name  from  the  heroes  whose 
exploits  form  the  subject  of  its  central  and  principal  part  (2,  6 — 
c.  16).  It  consists  of  three- well-defined  portions:  (i)  an  intro- 
duction I,  1 — 2,  5,  presenting  a  view  of  the  condition  of  the 
country  at  the  time  when  the  period  of  the  Judges  begins ;  (2) 
the  history  of  the  Judges,  2,  6 — c.  16;  (3)  an  appendix,  c.  17 — 21, 
describing  in  some  detail  two  incidents  belonging  to  the  period, 
viz.  the  migration  of  a  part  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  to  the  north,  c. 
17 — 18,  and  the  war  of  the  Israelites  against  Benjamin,  arising 
out  of  the  outrage  of  Gibeah,  c.  19 — 21. 

The  Judges  whose  exploits  the  book  records  are  13  in  number, 
or,  if  Abimelech  (who  is  not  termed  a  judge)  be  not  reckoned, 
12,  viz.:  Othniel  (3,  1-\\)\  Ehud  (3,  12-30);  Shamgar  (3,  31); 
Barak  [Deborah]  (c.  4—5);  Gideon  (6,  i — 8,  32);  Abimelech 
(8,  33—9.  57);  Tola  (10,  1-2)  ;  Jair  (10,  3-5);  Jephthah  (10, 
6 — 12,  7);  Ibzan  (12,  8-10);  Elon  (12,  11-12);  Abdon  (12, 
13-15);  Sampson  (c.  13 — 16).  Shamgar,  Tola,  Jair,  Ibzan,  Elon, 
Abdon,  whose  exploits  are  told  only  summarily,  are  sometimes 
called  the  "  minor  "  Judges.  According  to  the  chronology  of  the 
book  itself,  the  period  of  the  Judges  embraced  410  years; 
thus : — 


7 

40 

23 

22 

18 

6 

7 

10 

8 

40 

20 

410  y 

ears. 

152  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

3,    8  Lsrael  serves  Chushan-Rishathaim  8  years, 

3,  II  Deliverance  by  Othniel :  the  land  rests  40      ,, 

3,  14  Israel  serves  Eglon  18      ,, 

3,  30  Deliverance  by  Ehud  :  the  land  rests  80      ,, 

4>    3  Oppression  by  Jabin  20      ,, 

5,  31  Deliverance  by  Deborah  :  the  land  rests  40      ,, 

6,  I  Oppression  by  Midian 

8,  28  Deliverance  by  Gideon  ;  the  land  rests 

9,  22  Aliimelech  reigns  over  Israel 
10,  2  Tola  judges  Israel 
10,  3  Jair  judges  Israel 
10,  8  Oppression  by  Ammon 
12,  7  Jephtliah  judges  Israel 
12,  9  Ibzan  judges  Israel 
12,  II  Elon  judges  Israel 

12,  14  Abdon  judges  Israel 

13,  I  Oppression  by  Philistines 
15,  20=16,  31  Samson  judges  Israel 

Total, 

This  total,  however,  appears  to  be  too  high ;  and  it  is  at  any 
rate  inconsistent  with  i  Ki.  6,  i,  which  assigns  480  years  ^  to  the 
period  from  the  exodus  to  the  4th  year  of  Solomon,  whereas,  if 
the  Judges  be  reckoned  at  410  years,  this  period,  which  must 
embrace  in  addition  the  40  years  of  the  wilderness,  7  years  of 
the  conquest  (p.  96),  20  years  of  Samuel  (i  Sa.  7,  2),  20  (?)  years 
of  Saul,  40  years  of  David,  and  4  of  Solomon,  Avould  extend  (at 
the, least)  to  541  years.  Many  attempts  have  been  made  to 
reduce  the  chronology  of  the  Judges,  by  the  assumption,  for 
instance,  that  some  of  the  periods  named  in  it  are  synchronous, 
or  the  figures  meant  to  be  treated  as  round  ones  (especially  40 
and  8a=  40  X  2);  2  but  it  must  be  admitted  (with  Bertheau,  i)p. 
XV.  xvii.)  that  no  certain  results  can  be  reached  by  the  use  of 
such  methods,  and  that,  as  matters  stand,  an  exact  chronology 
of  the  period  is  unattainable. 

The  three  parts  of  which  the  Book  of  Judges  consists  differ 
considerably  in  structure  and  character,  and  must  be  considered 
separately. 

I.    I,  I — 2,  5.  This  section  of  the  book  consists  of  fragments 

^  Though  ihis  is  open  to  the  suspicion  of  having  been  reached  artificially 
(  =  40X12). 

=^  Comp.  Bertheau,  pp.  xii.-xvii.  ;  Wcllh.  Hist.  p.  229  f.;  Comp.  p.  356; 
Kuenen,  Ouderzock,  i.  2  (18S7),  §  iS.  4,  6,  7. 


JUDGES.  153 

of  an  old  account  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan — not  by  united 
Israel  under  the  leadership  of  Joshua,  but— by  the  individual 
efforts  of  the  separate  tribes.     The  fragments,  however,  narrate 
the  positive  successes  of  Judah  and  Simeon  (i,  1-20)  and  the 
"House  of  Joseph"  (i,  22-26)  only.     There  follows  a  series  of 
notices  describing  how  particular  tribes,  viz.  Manasseh,  Ephraim, 
Zebulun,   Asher,   Naphtali,   and    Dan,   failed  to  dispossess   the 
native  inhabitants.     By  the  opening  words:  "And  it  came  to 
pass  after  the  death  of  Joshua,"  the  section  is  attached  to  the 
Book  of  Joshua,  and  the  events  narrated  in  it  are  assigned  to  the 
period  after  the  close  of  that  book.     But  it  has  long  been  sus- 
pected 1  that  these  words  are,  in  fact,  merely  a  redactional  addi- 
tion, and  that  the  account  is,  in  reality,  parallel,  at  least  in  part, 
with  the  narrative  in  Joshua,  and  not  a  continuation  of  it.     The 
Book  of  Joshua  (as  we  now  have  it)  describes  how  the  whole 
land  was  subdued  by  the  Israehtes,  and  taken  possession  of  by 
the  individual  tribes  (see  e.g.  21,  43-45-  23,  i  :  both   D^).     In 
Jud.    I   the   Israelites  are  still  at  Gilgal  (2,   i),  or  close  by  at 
Jericho  (i,   16);  and   hence  the  tribes  "go  up"  {i.e.  from  the 
Jordan  Valley  to  the  high  ground  of  Central  Palestine),  as  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Book  of  Joshua  (5,  9),  Judah  first,  to  conquer 
their  respective  territories  (i,  i.  2.  3). 

As  was  remarked  above  (p.  108),  these  notices  display  a  strong 
similarity  of  style,  and  in  some  cases  even  verbal  identity,  with  a 
series  of  passages,  somewhat  loosely  attached  to  the  context, 
preserved  in  the  older  strata  of  the  Book  of  Joshua.  Thus  Jud. 
I,  21  (the  Benjaminites'  failure  to  conquer  Jerusalem)  agrees 
almost  precisely  with  Josh.  15,  63,  the  only  material  difference 
being  that  the  failure  is  there  laid  to  the  charge,  not  of  Benjamin, 
but  oi  Judah;  i,  20^  10^—15  agrees  in  the  main  with  Josh.  15, 
14-19;  I,  27-28  with  Josh.  17,  12-13;  I,  29  with  Josh.  16, 
10.  Most  of  the  verbal  differences  are  due  simply  to  the  different 
relations  which  the  fragments  hold  in  the  two  books  to  the 
contiguous  narrative.  Josh.  17,  14-18  (complaint  of  the  "  House 
of  Joseph")  and  19,  47  (Dan)  are  very  similar  in  representation 
(implying  the  separate  action  taken  by  individual  tribes)  and  in 
phraseology.2     It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  both  Jud.  i  and 

1  Comp.  the  Speakers  Comm.  ii.  p.  123  f. 

2  Notice  "  House  of  Joseph"  (unusual),  Josh.  17,  17.  Jud.  i,  22.  23.  25  ; 
"daughters"  for  dependent  towns,  Josh.    17,   H.   16.  Jud.   I,  27;  ''would 


154  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

these  notices  in  Joshua  are  excerpts  from  what  was  once  a  detailed 
survey  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan  :  of  these  excerpts  some  have 
been   fitted  in  with  the  narrative  of  Joshua,  others  have  been 
combined  in  Jud.  i  so  as  to  form,  with  the  addition  of  the  open- 
ing words.  After  the  deaih  of  Joshua,  an  introduction  to  the  period 
of  the  Judges.     The  survey  is  incomplete;  but  the  parts  which 
remain  may  have  stood  once  somewhat  in  the  following  order : 
a.  (Judah)  Jud.  i,  i  (from  "and  the  children  of  Israel  asked") — 
7.  19.  Josh.  15,  63  (cf.  Jud.  I,  21).  Jud.  I,  20.  Josh.   15,    14-19 
(cf  14,  13.  15.  Jud.  I,  1C-15).  Jud.  I,  16-18.  36;!  b.   (Joseph) 
Jud.  I,  22-26.  Josh.   17,   14-18;  c.  (the  ill-success  of  different' 
tribes)  Josh.  \i^  13.  Jud.    i,   27-28  (  =  Josh.  17,   12  [the  hames 
of  the  towns  are  stated  in  z/.  11   and  so  not  repeated]-! 3).   29 
(Josh.  16,  10).  30-33.  34.  Josh.  19,  47  [see  QPE"^:]  Jud.  i,  35.2 
n.  2,  6— c.  16.  This,    the   central   and   principal   part   of  the 
book,  comprising  the  history  of  the  Judges  projerly  so  called, 
consists  essentially  of  a  series  of  older  narratives,  fitted  into  a 
framework  by  a  later  editor,  or  redactor,  and  provided  by  him, 
where    necessary,    with    introductory    and    concluding    remarks. 
This  editor,  or  redactor,  is   im])ued   strongly  with  the  spirit  of 
Deuteronomy.     His  additions  exhibit  a  phraseology  and  colour- 
ing different  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  book  ;  all  contain  the 
same  recurring  expressions,  and  many  are  cast  in  the  same  type 
or  form  of  words,  so  that  they  are  recognizable  without  difficulty. 
Thus  the  history  of  each  of  the  six  greater  Judges  is  fitted  into 
a  framework  as  follows — the  details  vary  slightly,  but  the  general 
resemblance    is    unmistakable:    3,   7-1 1    (Othniel)    "And   the 
children  of  Israel  did  that  which  was  evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah, 
.   ,  .   and    the   anger   of  Jehovah   was   kindled   against    Israel, 
and  He  sold  them  into  the  hand  of  Chushan-rishathaim,  .  .  . 
and  they  served  Chushan  rishathaim  eight  years;  .  .  .  and  the 
children  of  Israel  cried  unto  Jehovah,  and  He  raised  up  unto 
them  a  saviour,  .   .  .  and  the  land   had  rest  forty  years."     3, 
12-30  (Ehud)  "And  the  children  of  Israel  agam  did  that  which 
was  evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah,  and  Jehovah  strengthened  Eglon 
king  of  Moab  against  Israel,  .  .  .  and  they  served  Eglon  eighteen 

dwell,"  Josh.    17,  12.  Jud.    I,   27.   35;  the  "chariots  of  iron,"  Josh.  17,  16. 
Jud,  I,  19. 

'  Where  Amoritcs  is  probably  an  error  for  Edomites  (on  I,  16  see  QPB^.). 

■^  Comp.  Budde,  p.  940.;  Kittcl,  Gtsch,  p.  239  ff.  (on  i,  8,  p.  241,  n.  8). 


JUDGES.  155 

years ;  and  the  children  of  Israel  cried  unto  Jehovah,  and 
Jehovah  raised  up  to  them  a  saviour ;  .  .  .  and  Moab  was  sub- 
dued, .  .  .  and  the  land  had  rest  forty  years."  The  scheme  is 
similar  in  the  case  of  Barak  (4,1—5,  31),  Gideon  (6,  1-7;  8,  28), 
Jephthah  (10,  6.  7.  10;  11,  33^;  12,  7),  Samson  (13,  i;  15,  20 
[twenty  years].  16,  31  end).  In  all  we  have  the  same  succession 
of  apostasy,  subjugation,  the  cry  for  help,  deliverance,  described 
often  in  the  same,  always  in  similar,  phraseology.  Let  the  reader 
notice  how  frequently  at  or  near  the  beginning  and  close  of  the 
narrative  of  each  of  the  greater  Judges  the  following  expressions 
occur  :  did  that  which  was  evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah^  sold^  or 
delivered  them  into  the  hand  of  .  .  .^  cried  unto  Jehovah^  subdued, 
and  the  land  had  rest  ...  (3,  7.  8.  9.  11 ;  3,  12.  15.  30;  4,  i.  2. 
3-  23.  5.  31^  6,  I.  6^  8,  28;  10,  6.  7.  10.  II,  33b;  13,  I.  16,  31  end). 
It  is  evident  that  in  this  part  of  the  book  a  series  of  independent 
narratives  has  been  taken  by  the  compiler  and  arranged  by  him 
in  a  framework,  designed  with  the  purpose  of  stating  the  chrono- 
logy of  the  period,  and  exhibiting  a  theory  of  the  occasion  and 
nature  of  the  work  which  the  Judges  generally  were  called  to 
undertake.  In  the  case  of  the  six  minor  Judges  (Shamgar,  Tola, 
Jair,  Ibzan,  Elon,  Abdon)  detailed  particulars  were  probably  not 
accessible  to  the  compiler ;  hence  the  narratives  are  much  briefer, 
though  here  also  they  show  mucli  mutual  similarity  of  literary 
form  (3,  31  ;   10,  1-2  ;  3-5  ;   12,  8-10;   11-12  ;   13-15). 

To  this  history  of  the  Judges  2,  6 — 3,  6  forms  an  introduction, 
the  nature  of  which  must  next  be  examined.  Is  this  introduction 
the  work  of  the  compiler  also  ?  In  parts  of  it  we  trace  his  hand  at 
once  (2,  II.  12.  14;  in  vv.  16.  18.  19  also  notice  the  expressions 
raised  ///,  saved,  oppressed^  comparing  3,  9.  15  ;  4,  3  ;  6,  9  ;  10, 
12.  13;  and  the  general  similarity  of  tone).  But  the  whole 
cannot  be  his  work  :  for  2,  6-9  is  repeated  with  slight  verbal 
differences  from  Josh.  24,  28.  31.  29.  30  (LXX :  28.  29.  30.  31); 
elsewhere  the  poi?it  of  view  is  differeiit,  and  the  details  harmonize 
imperfectly  with  each  other,  authorizing  the  inference  that  he  has 
here  incorporated  in  his  work  older  materials. 

Thus  2,  23  cannot  be  the  original  sequel  of  2,  20-22  ;  the  fact  that  the 
Canaanites  were  not  delivered  "into  the  hand  of  Joshua"  {v.  23),  cannot  be 

^  This  figure  is  almost  peculiar  to  the  compiler  of  this  book  (2,  14.  3,  8.  4, 
2.  10,  7  ;  rather  differently  in  the  older  narrative  4,  9)  and  the  kindred  author 
of  I  Sa.  12  {v.  9) ;  it  is  derived  probably  from  Dt.  32,  30  (the  Song). 


156  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

a  consequence  of  what  happened  {v.  21 )  after  Joshua  s  death.  In  3,  I-3  the 
grouml  for  which  the  Canaanites  were  not  driven  out  is  that  the  Israelites 
migi  t  learn  ihe  art  of  war  ;  in  2,  22  and  3,  4  it  is  that  they  mic^ht  be  tested 
jnora/ly,  th.U  it  might  be  seen  whether  they  would  adhere  to  the  service  of 
Jehovah  or  not.  The  list  of  nations  in  3,  3  is  scarcely  consistent  with  that  in 
3,  5  :  the  nations  named  in  3,  3  are  just  those  occupying  pai-tiadar  districts 
in  or  near  Canaan,  the  six  named  in  3,  5  are  representative  of  the  ejiiire 
popuh.ion  of  Western  Palestine  (Ex.  i^,  2.  Dt.  7,  I  &c.:  cf.  p.  112,  «.). 

The  oldest  part  of  this  section  is,  no  doubt,  3,  1-3,  describing 
how  the  Israelites  became  trained  in  warfare  through  the 
inhabitants  of  particular  districts  continuing  to  dwell  among  or 
near  them  ;  and  it  has  been  plausibly  conjectured  that  these 
verses  formed  once  the  sequel  to  c.  i  (where  the  fact  of  such 
inhabitants  being  left  is  described)  :  in  this  case  the  expression 
"  all  the  Canaanites  "  (which  would  be  untrue,  if  taken  absolutely) 
receives  its  natural  lirnitation  ;  it  will  be  limited  to  the  Canaanites 
named  in  the  context  of  c.  i,  viz.  the  people  of  Gezer,  Dor, 
Megiddo,  Taanach,  Beth-Shean,  &c.  (r,  29-33).  Thus  2,  6 — 3, 
6  as  a  whole  may  be  analysed  as  follows  : — 2,  6-10  (repeated, 
except  V.  10,  from  Joshua)  describes  the  death  of  Joshua,  and  the 
change  which  in  the  view  of  the  compiler  came  over  the  nation 
in  the  following  generation  ;  1,  11-19  states  the  compiler's  theory 
of  the  period  of  the  Judges,  which  he  intends  to  be  illustrated  by 
the  narratives  following;  2,  20-22  deals  with  a  different  subject, 
not  the  nations  around  Israel  as  vv.  11-19,  but  the  nations  i?i 
their  midst.,  who,  through  the  disobedience  of  the  Israelites,  after 
Joshua's  death,  were  still  to  be  left  for  the  })ur[:ose  of  testing 
their  moral  strength;  the  sequel  of  2,  20-22  is  3,  5-6,  stating 
how  the  Israelites  intermarried  with  the  Canaanites,  and  thus 
failed  to  endure  the  test.  3,  1-3  is  the  older  fragment,  enumer- 
ating the  nations  that  were  instrumental  in  training  Israel  in  war- 
fare ;  when  this  was  incorporated,  2,  23  (attaching  loosely  and 
imperfectly  to  2,  22)  was  prefixed  as  an  introduction,  3,  4  being 
appended,  for  the  purpose  of  leading  back  to  the  general  thought 
of  2,  20-22  and  its  sequel  3,  5-6.  It  is  probable  that  3,  1-3 
was  originally  shorter  than  it  now  is,  and  that  it  has  been  some- 
what amplified  by  the  compiler. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  10,  6-16,  the  introduction  to  the  narrative  of 
Jephthah,  which  is  much  longer  than  the  other  introductions,  may  be  the 
expansion  of  an  earlier  and  briefer  narrative  (perhaps  E:  Stade,  ZATU\ 
1881,    p.   34if.),  to  which   in   particular  w.  6^.    8   (partly).    10.  13-16  may 


JUDGES.  157 

belong.     The  particulars  mv.iy  f.  appear  to  be  simply  derived  from  c.  ii,  the 

two  verses  being  prefixed  here  as  an  introduction,  after  the  notice  of  the 
Ammonites  in  10,  7.  8.^  That  the  author  of  c.  11  wrote  independently  of 
10,  6-18,  and  could  not  have  had  these  verses  before  him,  appears  from  the 
wording  of  1 1,  4,  which,  as  it  stands,  is  evidently  the  Jirst  mention  of  the 
Ammonites,  and  must  have  been  differently  expressed  had  lo,  6-8  preceded. 

It  is  possible  that  the  Deuteronomic  compiler  (as  in  view  of  his 
prevalent  thought  and  tone  we  may  now  term  him)  was  not  the 
first  who  arranged  together  the  separate  histories  of  the  Judges, 
but  that  he  adopted  as  the  basis  of  his  work  a  continuous  narra- 
tive, which  he  found  ready  to  his  hand.     Some  of  the  narratives 
are  not  adapted  to   ilkistrate   the  theory  of  the  Judges,  as  ex- 
pounded in  2,  11-19  ;  so,  for  instance,  the  accounts  of  the  minor 
Judges  (3,  31  ;   10,  1-5  ;   12,  8-15),  in  which  no  allusion  is  made 
to  the   nation's   apostasy,  but  which,  nevertheless,  as  remarked 
above,  are  cast  mainly  in   one   and  the   same   mould,  and  the 
narrative  of  Abimelech  in  c.  9 :  a  lesson  is  indeed  deduced  from 
the  history  of  Abimelech,  9,  24.  56.  57,  but  not  the  lesson  of  2, 
11-19.     It  is  very  possible,  therefore,  that  there  was  2.  pre- Deuter- 
onomic collection  of  histories  of  Judges,  which  the  Deuteronomic 
compiler  set  in  a  new  framework,  embodying  his  theory  of  the 
history  of  the  period.     Perhaps  one  or  two  of  the  recurring  phrases 
noted  above,  such  as  "  subdued"  (3,  30;  4,  23  ;  8,  28  ;  11,  ^^\ 
which  seem  to  form  a  more  integral  part  of  the  narratives  proper 
than  the  rest,  may  mark  the  portions  due  to  the  pre-Deuteronomic 
compiler.     There  is  also  a  more  noticeable  feature  of  the  book 
which  may  be  rightly  attributed  to  hiiTi.     It  is   clear  that  the 
Judges  were,  in  fact,  merely  local  heroes  ;  they  formed  temporary 
heads  in  particular  centres,  or  over  particular  groups  of  tribes- 
Barak  in  the  north  of  Israel ;    Gideon  in  the  centre ;    Jephthah 
on  the   east  of  Jordan;    Samson  in   the  extreme  south-west. 
Nevertheless,  the  Judges  are  consistently  represented  as  exer- 
cising jurisdiction  over  Israel  as  a  whole  (3,  10 ;  4,  4 ;  9,  22  ;   10, 
2.  3;   12,  8.  9;   16,  31;  and  elsew^iere);    and  this  generalization 
of  their  position  and  influence  is  so  associated  with  the  individual 
narratives  that  it  must  have  formed  a  feature  in  them  before  they 
came  into  the  hands  of  the  Deuteronomic  compiler  :  hence,  if  it 
was  not  a  conception  shared  in  common  by  the  authors  of  the 

1  So  in  c.  8,  the  main  contents  of  vv.   33-5  seem  derived  from  c.  9,  and 
placed  where  they  now  stand,  as  a  link  of  connexion  between  c.  8  and  c.  9. 


158  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

separate  narratives,  it  must  be  a  trait  due  to  the  first  compiler  of 
this  portion  of  the  book.  The  question,  however,  whether  the 
Deuteronomic  compiler  had  before  him  a  number  ot  separate 
narratives,  or  a  continuous  work,  is  a  subordinate  one :  the 
important  distinction  is  undoubtedly  that  between  the  narratives 
generally  and  the  framework  in  which  they  are  set. 

The  parts,  then,  of  2,  6 — c.  16,  which  either  belong  wholly  to 
the  Deuterononiic  compiler,  or  consist  of  elements  which  have 
been  expanded  or  largely  recast  by  him,  are — 2,  11-23;  3?  4~6; 
7-1 1  (almost  entirely  :  there  are  no  details  of  Othniel's  judgeship 
such  as  constitute  the  narratives  respecting  Ehud,  Barak,  &c.) ; 
I2-I5^  30*';  4,  1-3;,  5,  31^;  6,  I.  7-io;i  8,  27^  (probably). 
28^  33-34-  35  (based  on  c.  9) ;  10,  6-16.  17  f.  (based  on  c.  11) ; 
13,  I ;  15,  20;  16,  3I^  All  these  parts  are  connected  together 
by  a  similarity  of  tone  and  phraseology,  which  stamps  them  as 
the  work  of  a  different  hand  from  that  of  the  author  (or  authors) 
of  the  histories  of  the  Judges  themselves. 

III.  C.  17 — 21.  This  division  of  the  book  differs  again  in 
character  from  either  of  the  other  two.  It  consists  of  two  con- 
tinuous narratives,  not  describing  the  exploits  of  any  judge,  but 
relat'ng  two  incidents  belonging  to  the  same  period  of  history. 
C.  17 — 18  introduces  us  to  an  archaic  state  of  Israelitish  life: 
the  tribe  of  Dan  (18,  i)  is  still  without  a  possession  in  Canaan  : 
Micah's  "house  of  God,"  with  its  instruments  of  divination, 
"theephod  and  the  teraphim,"  and  its  owner's  satisfaction  at 
securing  a  Levite  as  his  priest  (17,  5-13),  are  vividly  pourtrayed ; 
nor  does  any  disapproval  of  what  Micah  had  instituted  appear  to 
be  entertained.  The  narrative  as  a  whole  exhibits  the  particulars 
of  what  is  briefly  mentioned  in  one  of  the  notices  just  referred  to, 
Josh.  19,  47,  though  the  latter  can  scarcely  be  derived  from  it 
on  account  of  the  different  orthography  of  the  name  Laish 
(Leshem,  or  rather,  probably,  Lesham).  The  two  chapters  con- 
tain indications  which  have  led  some  to  suppose  that  they  have 
been  formed  by  the  combination  of  two  parallel  narratives.     But 

^  Assigned  by  Buckle  (Z/7  r/F.  188S,  p.  232)  to  the  Hexateuchal  narrator 
E.  Certainly  the  pliraseology  is  not  throughout  that  of  the  Deuteronomic 
compiler,  and  exhibits  arfmitics  with  the  parts  of  Josh,  which  belong  to  E. 
Notice  that  in  c.  u  the  narrator  has  constructed  Jephthah's  message  largely 
on  the  basis  of  JE's  narrative  :  thus  with  w.  17-22.  26  comp.  Nu.  20,  14.  17. 
21,4.  13.  21-24.  25  (where  the  agreement  is  often  verbal). 


JUDGES.  159 

the  inference  is  here  a  questionable  one,  and  it  is  rejected  by 
Kuenen,  who  will  only  admit  that  in  two  or  three  places  the 
narrative  is  in  disorder  or  has  suffered  interpolation.^ 

With  the  second  narrative  (c.  19 — 21),  on  the  other  hand,  the 
case  appears  to  be  different.  In  c.  20,  not  only  does  the 
description  in  parts  appear  to  be  in  duplicate  (as  in  vv.  36^-46 
by  the  side  oivv.  29-36^)  ;2  but  the  account,  as  we  have  it,  can 
hardly  be  historical.  The  figures  are  incredibly  large  :  Deborah 
(5,  8)  places  the  number  of  warriors  in  entire  Israel  at  not  more 
than  40,000;  here  400,000  advance  against  25,0004-700  Ben- 
jaminites,  and  the  latter  slay  of  the  former  on  the  first  day  22,000, 
on  the  second  day  18,000;  on  these  two  days  not  one  of  the 
25,0004-700  of  the  Benjaminites  falls,  but  on  the  third  day 
10,000  Israelites  slay  25,100  of  them  (20,  2.  15  RV.  viarg.  17. 
21.  25.  34.  35).  Secondly,  whereas  in  the  rest  of  the  book  the 
tribes  are  represented  uniformly  as  acting  separately,  and  only 
combining  temporarily  and  partially,  in  this  narrative  Israel  is 
represented  as  entirely  centralized,  assembling  and  taking  action 
as  one  man  (20,  i.  8.  11  :  similarly  21,  5.  10.  13.  16),  with  a 
unanimity  which,  in  fact,  was  only  gained — and  even  then 
imperfectly — after  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy.  This 
joint  action  of  the  "congregation"  contradicts  the  notices  of  all 
except  the  initial  stages  in  the  conquest  of  Palestine,  not  less 
than  every  other  picture  which  we  possess  of  the  condition  of 
Israel  during  this  period.  The  motives  prompting  the  people's 
action,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  are  collected  together,  are 
unlike  what  appears  in  any  other  part  of  either  Judges  or  Samuel : 
elsewhere  the  people  are  impelled  to  action  by  the  initiative  of 
an  individual  leader;  here  they  move,  in  vast  numbers,  auto- 
matically ;  there  is  not  even  mention  of  the  head,  who  must  have 
been  needful  for  the  purpose  of  directing  the  military  operations. 

^Kuenen,  Onderzoek,  i.  2  (1887),  p.  358 f.  The  two  chronological  notes, 
18,  30.  31,  for  instance,  can  hardly  both  be  by  one  hand  ;  and  had  the 
original  narrator  desired  to  state  the  name  of  the  Levite,  he  would  almost 
certainly  have  done  so  where  he  was  first  mentioned,  17,  7  ff .  V.  30  is  a 
notice  added  by  a  later  hand,  intended  to  supply  this  deficiency.  The  "day 
of  the  captivity  (properly  exile)  of  the  land  "  can  only  denote  the  exile  of  the 
ten  tribes  in  722  B.C. 

^  Comp.  V.  31  and  v.  39  (in  each  30  Israelites  smitten);  v.  35  {25,100 
Benjaminites  smitten)  and  vv.  44-46  (iS,ooo-}-  5ooo-(-2000  =  25,000  smitten): 
the  zvhole  number  of  Benjaminites,  as  stated  in  v.  15,  was  but  25,0004-700. 


l60  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

However  keenly  the  rest  of  Israel  may  have  felt  its  indignation 
aroused  by  the  deed  of  Gibeah,  and  the  readiness  of  the  Ben- 
jaminites  to  screen  the  perpetrators  (20,  13),  the  combination 
can  hardly  have  taken  place  on  the  scale  depicted.  Nor  is  there 
any  trace  either  in  Judges  (5,  14) — if  this  incident  (comp.  20,  27^) 
be  prior  to  the  time  of  Deborah — or  in  Samuel — if  it  be  sub- 
sefjuent  to  it — of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  having  been  reduced  to 
one-fortieth  of  its  numbers,  or  in  the  narrative  of  i  Sa.  11  of 
the  virtual  extermination  (21,  lo-ii)  of  the  population  of  Jabesh 
Gilead. 

I'hese  difficulties  attach  only  to  c.  20 — 21,  not  to  c.  19.  The 
conclusion  to  which  they  point  is  this,  that  c.  20 — 21  are  not 
homogeneous :  parts  are  decidedly  later  than  c.  19,  and  exhibit 
the  tradition  respecting  the  action  of  the  Israelites  against 
Benjamin  in  the  shape  which  it  has  assumed  in  the  course  of  a 
long  j)erio-l  of  oral  transmission.  The  story  of  the  vengeance 
taken  by  the  Israelites  against  the  guilty  tribe  offered  scope  for 
expansion  and  embellishment,  as  it  was  handed  on  in  the  mouth 
of  the  people ;  and  the  literary  form  in  which  we  have  it  exhibits 
the  last  stage  of  the  process.  Hence  the  exaggeration  both  in 
the  n ambers  and  in  the  scale  upon  which  the  tribes  combined 
and  executed  their  vengeance  upon  Benjamin  and  Jabesh  Gilead. 
The  narrative  of  the  outrage  in  c.  19  is  old  in  style  and  repre- 
sentation ;  it  lias  affinities  with  c.  17 — 18,  and  in  all  probability 
has  come  down  to  us  with  very  little,  if  any,  alteration  of  form. 
The  narrative  of  the  vengeance,  on  the  contrary,  in  c.  20,  has 
been  expanded  :  as  it  was  first  written  down,  the  incidents  were 
simi)ler,  and  the  scale  on  which  they  were  represented  as  having 
taken  place  was  smaller  than  is  now  the  case.  I^ut  the  original 
narrative  has  been  combined  with  the  additions  in  such  a  manner 
that  it  cannot  be  disengaged  with  certainty,  and  is  now,  in  all 
probability,  as  Kuenen  observes,  not  recoverable.^  In  c.  21  the 
narrcitive  of  the  rape  of  the  maidens  at  Shiloh  wears  the  appear- 

'  Which,  however,  is  pretty  clearly  a  gloss,  and  so  no  real  indication  of  the 
period  to  which  the  incident  was  assigned  by  the  original  narrator.  Had  vv. 
27b_2S*  been  an  explanation  made  by  the  original  narrator,  they  would  almost 
certainly  have  stood  in  v.  18,  theyiVj/  occasion  of  the  inquiry  being  made. 

-  Beriheau's  attempted  analysis  is  admitted  to  be  unsuccessful,  being 
dcp  luient  upon  insufficient  criteria.  Another  tentative  solution  is  offered 
by  Biiddo,  ZA  TW.  1S8S,  p.  296  ff.  The  parts  to  which  the  difficulties  attach 
have  points  of  contact  with  P  (p.  136). 


JUDGES.  l6l 

ance  of  antiquity,  and  stands,  no  doubt,  on  the  same  footing  as 
c.  19;  vv.  5-14,  on  the  contrary,  have  affinities  with  the  later 
parts  of  c.  20.  The  remark,  "In  those  days  there  was  no  king 
in  Israel,"  connects  the  two  narratives  of  the  appendix  together 
(17,  6;  18,  i;  19,  i;  21,  25:  in  17,  6  and  21,  25,  with  the 
addition,  "Every  man  did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own 
eyes"):  this,  from  its  character,  must  certainly  be  pre-exilic, 
and  stamps  the  narratives  of  which  it  forms  a  part  as  pre-exilic 
Hkewise.  In  c.  19 — 21  the  phrase  belongs  to  that  part  of  the 
narrative,  which  there  are  independent  reasons  for  supposing  to 
be  earlier  than  the  rest.  The  object  of  the  narrative  in  its  present 
form  appears  to  have  been  to  give  an  ideal  representation  of  the 
community  as  inspired  throughout  by  a  keen  sense  of  right,  and 
as  acting  harmoniously  in  concert  for  the  purpose  of  giving  effect 
to  the  dictates  of  morality. 

In  the  first  and  third  divisions  of  the  book  no  traces  are  to  be 
found  of  the  hand  of  the  Deuteronomic  redactor  of  the  middle 
division ;  there  are  no  marks  either  of  his  distinctive  phraseology 
or  of  his  view  of  the  history,  as  set  forth  in  2,  11-19.  Hence  it 
is  probable  that  these  divisions  did  not  pass  through  his  hand; 
but  were  added  by  a  later  hand  (or  hands)  after  2,  6 — c.  16  had 
reached  its  present  shape. 

On  the  historic  il  value  of  the  Book  of  Judtjes,  reference  may  be  made  to  an 
article  by  Prof.  A.  B.  Davidson  on  Deborah  in  the  Expositor,  Jan.  1887,  pp. 
48-50,  who,  after  remarking  on  the  difference  in  point  of  view  between  the 
histories  and  the  framework,  observes  that  the  regular  movement  of  apostasy, 
subjugation,  penitence,  and  deliverance,  described  in  the  latter,  is  hardly 
strict  history,  but  rather  the  religious  philosophy  of  the  history.  "The  author 
speaks  of  Israel  as  an  ideal  unity,  and  attributes  to  this  unity  defection,  which 
no  doubt  characterized  only  fragments  of  the  whole.  .  .  .  The  histories 
preserved  in  the  book  are  probably  traditions  preserved  among  the  individual 
tribes.  That  in  some  instances  we  have  duphcates  exhibiting  divergences  in 
details  is  natural,  and  does  not  detract  from  the  general  historical  worth  of 
the  whole.  The  story  of  Deborah  is  given  in  a  prose  form  (c.  4)  as  well  as 
in  the  poem  (c.  5),  and  the  divergences  can  be  accounted  for  only  on  the 
supposition  that  c.  4  is  an  independent  tradition."  Thus  the  Song  speaks  of 
a  combination  of  kings  of  Canaan  (5,  19),  of  whom  Sisera  is  the  head — his 
mother  (5,  29)  is  attended  by  princesses  (not  ladies,  AV. :  see  i  Ki.  1 1,  3. 
Is.  49,  23);  c.  4  speaks  of  Jabin,  who  is  described  as  himself  "king  of 
Canaan,"  reigning  at  Hazor,  and  of  Sisera,  his  general.  Further,  while  in 
c.  4  Deborah  dwells  at  Bethel  in  Ei.hraim,  and  Barak  at  Kedesh  in  Naph- 
tali,  and,  in  addition  to  his  own  tribe,  summons  only  Zebulun  (4,  10),  in  5, 
15   both  leaders  are  brought  into  close  connexion   with    Issachar,  and  the 

L 


1 62  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

language  employed  creates  at  least  the  impression  that  they  belonged  to  that 
tribe.  In  5,  14.  15.  18  Ephraim,  Benjamin,  Machir  {i.e.  Manasseh),  and 
Issachar,  as  well  as  Naphtali  and  Zebulun,  are  alluded  to  as  assisting  in  the 
struggle.  No  doubt  the  points  of  agreement  between  the  narrative  and  the 
poem  are  greater  than  the  points  of  divergence  ;  but  there  is  sufficient 
divergence  to  show  that  the  narrative  embodies  a  tradition  which  had  become 
modified,  and  in  parts  obscured,  in  the  course  of  oral  transmission.  In  fact, 
it  is  not  impossible  that  tradition  (as  is  its  wont)  may  have  combined  two 
distinct  occurrences,  and  that,  with  the  victory  of  Barak  and  Deborah  over 
the  kings  of  Canaan,  with  Sisera  at  their  head,  may  have  been  intermingled 
elements  belonging  properly  to  an  old  Israelitish  victory  over  Jabin,  a  king  in 
the  far  north  of  Palestine,  reigning  at  Hazor.  On  the  narrative  of  Gideon 
(c  6 — 8),  comp.  Wellh.  Comp.  p.  223  ff.;  Bertheau,  p.  158  ff. 


§  2.   1-2  Samuel. 

Literature.— Otto  Thenius,  Die  Biicher  Samuels  (in  the  Kgf.  Exeg. 
Hamib,),  ed.  2,  1864  (in  some  respects  antiquated);  Wellhausen,  Der  Text 
der  Biicher  Samuelis,  1871  (important  for  the  criticism  of  the  text);  Keil, 
Die  Biicher  Samuels  (ed.  2,  1875)  5  Wellhausen  in  Bleek's  Einlei/uvg,  1878, 
pp.  206-231  [=Comp.  pp.  238-266];  Hist.  pp.  245-272;  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick, 
1-2  Samuel  in  the  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  and  Colleges;  Aug.  Kloster- 
mann,  Die  Biicher  Sam.  u,  der  Konige,  in  Strack  and  Zrickler's  Kgf.  Kom- 
men^ar,  1887  (to  be  constantly  distrusted  in  its  treatment  of  the  text) ;  C. 
Budde  in  the  ZATW.  1888,  p.  231  ff. ;  S.  R.  Driver,  Notes  on  the  Hebrew 
Text  of  the  Books  of  Saj?aiel,  with  an  Int7-oductio7i  on  HebrLi.u  Palaeography 
ayid  the  anciejit  Versions^  and  facsimiles  of  Inscriptions  (1890). 

The  two  Books  of  Samuel,  like  the  two  Books  of  Kings, 
formed  originally  a  single  book.  The  Book  of  Samuel  and  the 
Book  of  Kings  were  treated  by  the  LXX  as  a  complete  history  of 
the  two  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Judah  ;  and  the  work  was  divided 
by  them  into  four  books,  termed  accordingly  /^i'ySAot  ^ao-tXet^i/.i 
The  same  division  was  followed  by  Jerome  in  the  Vulgate, 
though,  for  the  tide  "Books  o{ Kingdoms,''  he  preferred  to  sub- 
stitute "Books  of  Khigs:"^  It  hence  passed  generally  into 
Christian  Bibles,  and  was  adopted  from  them  in  the  printed 
editions  of  the  Hebrew  text,  with  the  difference,  however,  that 
each  ])air  of  books  retained  the  general  title  which  it  bore  m 

^  The  case  is  similar  with  1-2  Chronicles,  and  with  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
each  of  which  originally  formed  in  the  Hebrew  one  book.  Comp.  Origen, 
op.  Euseb.  6,  25. 

'  See  his  Preface  to  the  Books  of  Kings  (called  also  the  Prologus  Gahatus\ 
printed  at  ihe  beginning  of  ordinary  editions  of  the  Vulgate. 


1-2   SAMUEL.  163 

Hebrew  MSS.,  and  1-4  ^ao-iXciwi/  or  Regum  became  1-2  Samuel 
and  1-2  Ki7igs. 

The  Book  owes  its  title  to  the  circumstance  that  Samuel  is 
the  prominent  figure  both  at  its  opening  and  for  some  time  sub- 
sequently, and  from  the  part  taken  by  him  in  the  consecration  of 
both  Saul  and  David,  may  be  said  in  a  measure  to  have  deter- 
mined the  history  during  the  entire  period  embraced  by  it. 

The  period  of  history  included  by  1-2  Sam.  begins  with  the 
circumstances  leading  to  the  birth  of  Samuel,  and  extends  to  the 
close  of  David's  public  life — i  Kings  opening  with  the  picture 
of  David  lying  on  his  deathbed,  and  passing  at  once  to  the 
events  which  resulted  in  the  nomination  of  Solomon  as  his  suc- 
cessor. The  death  of  Saul  marks  the  division  between  i  and  2 
Sam.  The  contents  of  the  books  may  be  grouped  for  convenience 
under  the  four  heads :  1.  Samuel  and  the  establishment  of  the 
monarchy  (I  i — 14);  2.  Saul  and  David  (I  15 — 31);  3.  David 
(II  I — 20) ;  4.  an  appendix  (II  20 — 24),  of  miscellaneous  con- 
tents. The  division  possesses,  however,  only  a  relative  value, 
the  first  two  parts  especially  running  into  and  presupposing  one 
another.  Some  of  the  narratives  contained  in  1-2  Sam.  point 
forwards,  or  backwards,  to  one  another,  and  are  in  other  ways  so 
connected  together  as  to  show  that  they  are  the  work  of  one  and 
the  same  writer :  this  is  not,  however,  the  case  in  all ;  and  it  will 
be  the  aim  of  the  following  pages  to  indicate,  where  this  is 
sufficiently  clear,  the  diiferent  elements  of  which  the  two  books 
are  composed. 

The  reader  will  at  once  notice  three  concluding  summaries,  which  occur  in 
the  course  of  the  two  books,  I  14,  47--5I  (Saul's  wars;  his  family  and  princi- 
pal officer) ;  II  8,  15-18  (list  of  David's  ministers,  immediately  following 
upon  a  summaiy  account  of  his  wars,  vv.  I-14) ;  20,  23-26  (list  of  ministers 
repeated,  with  one  addition,  that  of  Adoram).  These  summaries  show  that 
the  narrative  to  which  each  is  attached  has  reached  a  definite  halting  point, 
and  support  (as  will  appear)  certain  inferences  respecting  its  relation  to  the 
parts  which  follow. 

I.   I  Sa.  I — 14.  Samuel  and  the  Monarchy. 

(i)  C.  I — 7.  Birth  and  youth  of  Samuel,  including  (2,  17-36. 
3,  11-14)  the  announcement  of  the  fall  of  Eli's  house  (i,  i — 4, 
i*^) ;  defeat  of  Israel  by  the  Philistines  :  capture  and  restoration 
of  the  Ark  (4,  i^ — 7,  i);  Samuel's  judgeship,  and  victory  over 
the  Philistines  at  Eben-ezer  (7,  2-17). 

It  is  doubtful  whether  4,  i^ — 7,  i  was  intended  in  the  first 


1 64  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

instance  as  a  continuation  of  c.  i — 4,  i*.  For,  whereas  the 
general  tenor  of  c.  i — 4,  i*  would  lead  us  to  expect  the  fall  of 
Eli's  house  to  be  the  prominent  feature  in  the  sequel,  in  point  of 
fact  the  fortunes  of  the  Ark  form  the  principal  topic  in  4,  i^ — 
7,  I,  and  the  fate  of  Eli  and  his  sons  is  but  a  particular  incident 
in  the  national  disaster :  thus  a  different  interest  prevails  in  the 
two  narratives ;  and  c.  i — 4,  i*  appears  to  have  been  written  as 
an  introduction  to  4,  1^—7,  i  (stating  particulars  of  the  previous 
history  of  Eli  and  his  sons,  and  accounting  for  the  prophetical 
importance  of  Samuel)  by  a  somewhat  later  hand. 

The  Song  of  PLannah  {2,  i-io)  is  not  early  in  style,  and  seems  unsuited  to 
Hannah's  position  :  its  theme  is  the  humiliation  of  the  lofty  and  the  exalta- 
tion of  the  lowly,  which  isdeveloped  wiih  no  special  reference  to  Hannah's 
circumstances;^  and  v.  10  presupposes  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy. 
The  Song  was  probably  composed  in  celebration  of  some  national  success : 
it  may  have  been  attributed  to  Hannah  on  account  of  v.  s^.  2,  27-36 
(announcement  to  Eli  l)y  the  unnamed  prophet),  which  has  affinities  with  H 
7,  must  have  been  recast  by  the  narrator,  and  in  its  new  form  coloured  by 
the  ass  iciations  wiih  which  he  was  himself  familiar;  for  v.  35  (like  2,  10) 
presupposes  the  monarchy  ("  shall  walk  before  mme  anointed  for  ever  ").  The 
prophecy  relates  to  the  supersession  of  the  priesthood  of  Eli's  family  by  that 
of  Zadok  (i  Ki.  2,  27^,  which  is  to  enjoy  permanently  {v.  35)  the  favour  of 
the  royal  dynasty.  In  point  of  fact,  from  the  time  of  Solomon  onwards, 
Zadok's  line  held  uninterrupted  supremacy  in  the  priesthood  at  Jerusalem. 
Observe  that  6,  6  alludes  to  the  narrative  of  J  (Ex.  8,  32  [IL   28] ;   10,  2 

7,  2-17  is  a  section  of  later  origin  than  either  c.  i — 4,  i*^  or 
4,  i'' — 7,  I,  homogeneous  (see  below)  with  c.  8.  10,  17-27''.  c.  12. 
Hitherto  Samuel  has  appeared  only  as  a  prophet:  here  he  is 
represented  as  a  "judge"  (7,  3^  6^  10  ff,;  cf.  12,  11)  under 
whom  the  Israelites  are  delivered  from  their  oppressors,  much  in 
the  manner  of  the  deliverances  recorded  in  the  Book  of  Judges. 
The  consequences  of  the  victory  at  Eben-ezer  are  in  7,  13  gener- 
alized in  terms  hardly  reconcilable  with  the  subsequent  history  : 
contrast  the  picture  of  the  Philistines'  ascendency  immediately 
afterwards  (10,  5.  13,  3.  19  {{.  tVrc), 

It  is  probable  that  the  original  sequel  of  4,  !*• — 7,  I  has  here  been  omitted  to 
m  ikc  room  for  7,  2fr. ;  for  the  existing  narrative  does  not  explain  (i)  how  the 
Philistines  reached  Gibeah  (10,  5  &c. ),  and  secured  the  ascendency  imjilied 
13,  19  ff. ;  or  (2)  how  Shiloh  suddenly  disappears  from  history,  and  the  priest- 

^  It  differs  in  this  respect  from  \\\^  Magnificat  (see  v.  2  of  this,  Luke  I,  48), 
which  is  somcanies  quoted  as  iiarallel. 


1-2   SAMUEL.  165 

hood  located  there  reappears  shortly  afterwards  at  Nob  (c.  22).  That  some 
signal  disaster  befell  Shiloh  may  be  inferred  with  certainty  from  the  allusion 
in  Jer.  7,  14.  26,  6  (comp.  Ps.  78,  60;  and  Oa^yne,  Jeretniah,  p.  117). 

(2)  C.  8—14.  Circumstances  leading  to  the  appointment  of 
Saul  as  king  (c.  8—12);  Saul's  measures  of  defence  against  the 
Philistines;  Jonathan's  exploit  at  Michmash  (13,  1—14,  46); 
summary  of  Saul's  wars,  and  notice  of  his  femily  (14,  47-52)- 

C.  8 12  are  formed  by  the  combination  of  two  independenf^ 

narratives  of  the  manner  in  which  Saul  became  king,  differing  in 
their  representation  both  of  Samuel  and  of  his  relation  to  Saul. 
The  elder  narrative  comprises  9,   i — 10,  16;  27*^  [as  in  LXX : 
see  RV.  marg?\;  11,    i-ii.    15   (nomination  of  Saul  as  king  by 
Samuel  ;    his    success    against    Nahash    king    of  Ammon,    and 
coronation  by  the  people  at  Gilgal),  of  which  the  continuation  is 
c.    13—14.      The   other   and   later   narrative   consists   of  c.   8 
(request  of  the  people  for  a  king);   10,  17-27^  (election  of  Saul 
by  lot  at   Mizpah);  c.    12    (Samuel's    farewell   address   to   the 
people).     In  the  older  narrative  Samuel  the  seer,  famous  in  a 
particular  district,   anoints   Saul  in   accordance  with  Jehovah's 
instruction,  in  order  that  Israel  may  have  a  leader  to  deliver  it 
from  the  Philistine  yoke  (9,  16),  inspiring  him  at  the  same  time 
to  do  "as  his   hand    shall  find"  (10,   7)  when  occasion  arises. 
The  occasion  comes  in  the  peril  to  which  Jabesh  of  Gilead  a 
month  (10,  27^  LXX)  afterwards  is  exposed.      Saul  rescues  it 
successfully  (11,  i-n);  and  Samuel's  choice  is  confirmed  by  the 
people  with  acclamation  (11,  15).     In  13,  2-7^  15''— 14,  46  Saul 
fulfils  the  object  of  his  nomination  by  his  successes  against  the 
PhiUstines;  and  14,  47-52  closes  the  narrative.     C.  11  does  not 
appear  to  presuppose  the  election  of  Saul  by  the  people,   10, 
I7-2  7^     The   messengers  of  Jabesh  do  not  come   to   Gibeah 
{v.  4)  on  Saul's  account :  Saul  only  hears  the  tidings  accidentally 
upon  his  return  from  the  field ;  and  in  what  follows  he  acts,  not 
in  virtue  of  an  office  publicly  conferred  upon  him,  but  in  virtue 
of  the  impulse  seizing  him  {7K  6) ;  whereupon,  mindful  of  Samuel's 
injunction  to  "do  as  his  hand  shall  find,"  he  assumes  the  com- 
mand of  the  people  (on   11,  14,  see  below).     Throughout  this 
narrative  also  the  appomtment  of  Saul  is  regarded  favourably 
(see  especially  9,  16^^);  nor  is  there  any  indication  of  reluctance 
on  Samuel's  part  to  see  the  monarchy  established. 

»  So  Budde,  p.  228,  &c.,  against  Wellh.,  Stade,  and  Kuenen. 


1 66  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  the  other  narrative,  in  which  this  older 
arcount  is  incorporated,  the  i)oint  of  view  is  different.  Samuel 
exercises  the  functions,  not  of  a  seer  or  prophet,  but  of  a  judge, 
in  agreement  with  the  representation  of  7,  2  ff. ;  and  he  rules  the 
people  in  Jehovah's  name  (8,  y*").  The  proposal  for  a  king 
originates  with  the  people ;  and  the  request  addressed  to  Samuel 
is  based,  not  on  the  need  of  deliverance  from  foreign  foes,  but  on 
the  injustice  of  Samuel's  sons  in  their  capacity  as  their  father's 
deputies,  and  on* the  desire  of  the  people  to  have  the  same 
visible  head  as  other  nations  (8,  3-5).  The  request  is  viewed 
with  disfavour  by  Samuel,  and  treated  as  a  renunciation  of 
Jehovah.  He  seeks  to  dissuade  the  people  from  persisting  in  it, 
by  enumerating  to  them  the  exactions  w^hich  their  king  will 
impose  upon  them,  and  yields  in  the  end  unwillingly  (8,  6-22). 
The  same  tone  prevails  in  10,  17-27%  and  in  the  farewell  address 
of  Samuel,  c.  12  {jv.  12.  17.  19).  It  is  not,  of  course,  necessary 
to  suppose  that  this  narrative  is  destitute  of  historical  founda- 
tion;  but  the  emphasis  laid  in  it  upon  aspects  on  which  the 
other  narrative  is  silent,  and  the  difference  of  tone  pervading  it, 
show  not  the  less  clearly  that  it  is  the  work  of  a  different  hand. 
II,  14,  in  which  the  ceremony  at  Gilgal  is  viewed  as  a  renewal  oi 
the  kingdom,  is  probably  a  redactional  adjustment,  made  for  the 
purpose  of  harmonizing  the  two  narratives;  for  in  11,  i-ii,  as 
said  above,  Saul  does  not  appear  to  act  as  one  already  recognised 
as  king.  Perhaps  11,  12  f.  are  inserted  likewise;  but  the  precise 
relation  of  these  verses  to  10,  25-27^  is  uncertain.  The  notice 
9,  2^=  10,  23^  has  been  introduce  1  in  one  of  these  passages  from 
the  other.  The  second  narrative  is  in  style  and  character  homo- 
geneous with  7,  2  ff ,  and  with  this  may  be  regarded  in  a  sense  as 
forming  the  conclusion  to  the  history  of  the  Judges  contained  in 
Jud.  2,  6 — c.  16.  In  both  the  general  point  of  view  is  similar: 
Israel's  apostasy  and  obedience  are  contrasted  in  similar  terms  ; 
and  the  task  of  delivering  Israel  from  the  Philistines,  "begun" 
(Jud.  13,  5)  by  Samson,  is  continued  under  Samuel  (7,  3^  13  i.  ; 
cf.  12,  11). 

In  the  older  narrative,  10,  8  and  13,  7*'-l5"  are  held  by  many  to  be  subse- 

I  j'lient  inscriions.     The  grounds  for  this  opinion  (which  are  based  chielly  upon 

>- ^  imperfe>».  connexion  of  the  two  passages  with  their  context)  may  be  seen 

in  \7cllh.  IlisL  257  f . ;  I!u«ide,  pp.  241-243.     According  to  the  intention  of  the 

w'.nsertion,  the  meeting  of  Samuel  and  Saul  related  in  it  is  the  first  after  10,  8 ; 


1-2 -SAMUEL.  167 

hence  it  is  earlier  than  ii,  14  (if  not  than  11,  12 f.  as  well),  i.e.  earlier  than 
the  union  of  the  two  accounts  of  Saul's  elevation  to  the  throne. 

The  earlier  narrative  is  an  example  of  the  best  style  of  Hebrew 
historiography :  the  scenes  are  brought  vividly  before  the  reader, 
and  are  full  of  minute  incident.  1  The  later  narrative  has  been 
usually  regarded  as  Deuteronomic ;  but  the  Deuteronomic  style 
is  by  no  means  so  pronounced  as  in  the  case  of  the  framework 
of  Judges  and  Kings.  Budde  has  pointed  out  that  it  presents 
noticeable  affinities  with  E,  and  has  made  it  probable  that  it  is  a 
/r^-Deuteronomic  work,  which  in  parts  has  been  expanded  by  a 
subsequent  editor. 

Stylistically,  the  following  features,  connecting  the  different  parts  of  the 
narrative  with  each  other,  or  with  E  and  Judges,  deserve  notice  : — 

7,  3.  12,  20.  24  7c////i  all  your  heart  \yi\  Dt.  always  "with  all  your  heart, 

and  -ivith  all  your  sozil"]. 
7»  3 pu^  ii'^i^'ay  Ihe  strange ^ods :  Gen.  35,  2  (cf.  4).  Jo:>h.  24,  14^.  23  (cf.  20). 

Jud.  10,  16. 
7,  2>  prepare  your  hearts  7into  Jehovah  :  Josh.  24,  23  ("incline"). 
7,  4.  12,  10  Baal  and  ^Ashtoreth:  Jud.  2,  13.  3,  7  (the  'Asherahs).  10,  6. 
7,  5.  12,  19.  T.-},  pray  for  you :  cf.  Gen.  20,  7.  17.  Nu.  11,  2.  21,  7. 
7,  6.  12,  10  we  have  sinned i"^  cf.  Jud.  10,  10  (notice  the  whloe  v.).  15. 
7,  8  cry  and  save :  Jud.  3,  9.  10,  lO.  12  (rryalso  3,  15.  6,  6.  7.  c.  12,  8.  10). 
7,  13  subdued  {:^^y2r\)  :  Jud.  3,  30.  4,  23.  8,  28.  1 1,  i^. 
7,  13.  12,  15  thehayidofj.  was  against  them:  Jud.  2,  15.  Dt.  2,  15  al. 

7,  14  A)7torite,  of  the  non-Israelite  inhabitants  of  W.  Palestine  (p.  112). 

8,  5^  20*.  10,  19.  24":  Dt.  17,  I4''-I5^ 

8,  7\  10,  19.  12,  I2\  17V  19"  (Jehovah  the  nation's  king). 

8,  8  to  forsake  Jehovah,  and  serve  other  gods :  Josh.  24,  16  (cf.  20).  Jud. 

"*"  10,  j3  ;  ct.  c.  12,  10.  Jud.  27T2".'i3.  10,  10. 
8,  18.  12,  \3iyA\oxi\  ye  have  chosen). 
10,  18".  Jud.  6,  8f.  10,  II  f.  :  l^n^?  ^^  oppress  also  Jud.  2,   18.  4,  3;  and 

Ex.  3,  9  (E). 
10,  1^"^  present  yourselves  {^>Y\T\)  before  Jehovah :  Josh.  24,  I. 
12,  6.  8  (allusion  to  Moses  and  the  exodus) :  cf.  Josh.  24,  4-6.  17. 
12,  9  sold:  Jud.  2,  14.  3,  8.  4,  2.  10,  7. 

^  It  contains  several  somewhat  remarkable  and  unusual  words  :  9,  7  ^|v^ 
and  nniK'n  ;  17  ivy ;  25  LXX  nni  ;  10,  3  :^^^  =  to  advance;  13,  6  nnv ; 
14,  I  l^n  ;  6  ~n^*yO  ;  32  ntDy-  PecuUar  to  this  narrative  also  is  the  title  ^>jj 
leader  o^ prince  9,  16.  10,  I  (so  13,  14  and  subsequently  [below,  p.  174]).  In 
the  other  narrative  kingYS,  the  term  always  employed. 

^  The  argument  from  style  is  cutmilative :  hence  expressions  which,  if  they 
stood  alone,  would  have  no  appreciable  weight,  may  help  to  support  an 
inference^  when  they  are  combined  with  others  pointing  in  the  same  dircciion. 


1 68  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

12,    II   enemies  on  ezcry  side  (3'»2DD)  "•  Dt.    12,    lo.  25,  19.  Jo^h.  21,  42. 

23,  I  (D2).  Jud.  2,  14.  8,  34. 
12,  14.  2/^  to  fear  and  serve  Jehovah  :  Josh.  24,  14". 
12,  \6  do  de/o'-'e  your  eyes :  Dt.  I,  30''.  4,  34^  29,  2".  Josh.  24,  17^ 

12, 23  >^  rh'hn  •.  cf.  josh.  24,  16. 

The  siniilariiies,  partly  with  E  (esp.  Josh.  24"),  partly  with  the  redaction  of 
Judges,  are  evident.  The  entire  phenomena  appear  to  be  best  e\i)lained  by 
the  supposition  that  tlie  basis  consists  of  a  norraiive  allied  lo  that  of  E,  ' 
which  was  afterwards  expanded,  esp.  in  12,  9  ^i.,  by  a  writer  whose  style  and 
jioint  of  view  were  similar  to  those  of  Dt.  and  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of 
Judges.  To  this  second  writer  may  be  attributed  the  strange  mention  of 
Samuel  by  himself  in  12,  ii,  and  the  notice  in  12,  i2ofNaV'ash,  derived, 
indeed,  from  c.  II,  but  so  applied  as  to  conflict  with  the  representation  in' 
S,  4ff.  The  original  narrative^  may  l)e  an  excerpt  from  the  same  source  as 
Jud.  6,  7-10.  10,  6-16  (pp.  156,  158),  which  perhaps  carried  on  the  history 
of  E  to  the  lime  of  Samuel.  Graf  pointed  out  the  resemblance  of  i  Sa.  12  to 
Josh.  24;  and  remarked  that  the  discourse  in  the  one  seems  "to  ch  se  the 
history  of  the  Judges,  as  the  discourse  in  the  other  closes  that  of  the  conquest 
of  Palestine"  {Gesch.  B.  p.  97  :  cf.  Del,  Gen.  p.  33^.  That  this  narrative — 
or  at  least  the  representation  contained  in  it — was  known  to  Jeremiah  may 
Ijc  certainly  inferred  from  Jer.  15,  I  ;  for  it  is  only  here  (and  not  in  the  o'.her 
narrative  of  Saul's  appointment  as  kinj)  that  mention  is  made  of  Samuel  as 
interceding  iox  the  people  (Cornilj,  ap.  Buddc,  p.  230). 

II.   C.  15 — 31.   Saul  and  David. 

(i)  C.  15 — 18.  Rejection  of  Saul.  Introduction  of  David  to 
the  history.  Saul's  jealousy  aroused  by  his  successes  against  the 
Philistines. 

C.  15  (Saul  and  Amalek)  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
written  originally  in  continuation  of  c.  14:  for  (i)  it  would  be 
out  of  place  after  the  narrator  of  c.  14  had  finished  his  account  of 
Saul's  reign  {vv.  47-51);  (2)  the  style  and  representation  differ. 

In  c.  14,  for  instance,  the  history  is  narrated,  so  to  say,  objectively : 
Amalek,  v.  48,  is  smitten  (it  is  implied)  because  they  spoiled  the  Israelites: 
here  a  theoretical  motive  is  assigned  for  the  expedition,  vv.  2.  6,  and  supreme 
importance  is  attached  to  the  principle  actuating  Saul  in  his  conduct  of  it 
{v.  10  ff.):  the  circumstances,  also,  of  Saul's  rejection  are  so  told  as  to 
inculcate  at  the  same  lime  the  prophetic  lesson  (Jer.  7,  21-26)  that  Jehovah 
demands  obedience  in  preference  to  sacrifice.  Of  course,  the  fact  that  the 
history  is  thus  told  with  a  purpose  does  not  invalidate  its  general  truth  : 
**  that  Saul  actually  smote  the  Amalekites,  and  that  Samuel  actually  slew 
Agag  at  Gilgal  before  Jehovah,  are  historical  facts,  which  there  is  no  ground 
for  calling  in  cpiestion"  (Wellh.  Comp.  p.  249). 

C.  15  holds,  in  fact,  an  intermediate  position  between  the  two 
^  Which  presents  affinities  with  Hosea  (Budde,  p.  236  f.). 


1-2   SAMUEL.  1G9 

currents  of  narrative  9,  i  &c.  and  c.  8  &c. ;  it  presupposes  the 
former  (for  v.  i  points  back  to  10,  i,  and  a  phrase  in  v.  19^^  appears 
to  be  borrowed  from  14,  32),  but  approximates  in  its  prophetic 
tone  to  the  latter.  Its  contents  adapt  it  for  the  position  which  it 
now  holds  in  the  book,  after  the  formal  close  of  the  history  of 
Saul's  reign,  14,  47-5I)  and  before  the  introduction  of  David: 
note  in  particular  v.  28,  which  explains  how,  in  what  follows, 
David  is  the  principal  figure  even  during  the  lifetime  of  Saul. 

In  c.  16—18  there  are  two  accounts  of  David's  introduction  to 
the   history.     According   to  one  account,    16,    14-23,   he  is    of 
mature  age,  "  a  man  of  war,  and  clever  in  speech  [.;/-  in  business]," 
on  account  of  his  skill  with  the  harp  brought  into  Saul's  service 
at  the  time  of  the  king's  mental  distress,  and  quickly  appointed 
his  armour-bearer  {vv.  18.  21).     According  to  the  other  account, 
17,  I — 18,  5,  he  is  a  shepherd  lad,  inexperienced  in  warfare,  who 
first  attracts  the  king's  attention  by  an   act  of  heroism  against 
the  Philistines:  in  this  account,  moreover,  the  inquiry  17,  55-58 
comes  strangely  from  one  who,  according  to  16,  14-23,  had  not 
merely  been   told  who  his    father  was,   but  had  manifested  a 
marked  affection  for  David,  and  had  repeatedly  been  waited  on 
by    him   {vv.    21.    23).^     Allusions   to    David's    exploit    against 
Goliath  occur,  however,  in  subsequent  parts  of  the  narrative  (see 
19,  5.  21,  9  [Heb.   10].   22,   Io^    13);    so  that  the  victory  over 
Goliath   must  have  formed    prominent  element  in  the  popular 
tradition  respecting  David,^  and  it  is  only  the  literary  form  in 
which  17,  I  — 18,  5  here  appears,  and  its  collision  with  16,  14-23, 
which  forbid  the  supposition  that  it  was  written  originally  for  the 
place  which   it  now  occupies.     But  that   the  following  section 
must  from    the    first    have   been   preceded  by  sojjie  account  of 
David's  military  prowess  is  evident  from   18,   7,  which   implies 
that  he  had  achieved   some  success  (or  successes)  against  the 
Philistines. 

In  the  section   17,  I— 18,  S  the  genuine  text  of  LXX    (cod.  Vat.)  omits 


1  Contrast  also  18,  2  ("did  not  let  him  go  back  "—not  as  RV.)  with  16, 
21-23  ;  and  observe  that  the  terms  of  17,  12  introduce  David  as  a  jicio 
character  in  the  history  (comp.  9,  i  ;  25,  2  ;  i  K.  11,  26).  The  latter  cir- 
cumstance shows,  further,  that  16,  1-13  (David  anointed  at  Belhlehem)  and 
17,  I — 18,  5  do  not  both  belong  to  the  same  stratum  of  narrative. 

-  It  is  remarkable  that  in  II  21,  19  Goliath  is  staled  to  have  been  slain  by 
Elhanan  of  Bethlehem  (otherwise  i  Ch.  20,  5). 


ijo  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

t/z*.  12-31.  41.  50.  55 — 18,  5.  By  the  omission  of  these  verses  the  elements 
which  conniclwiili  16,  14  23  are  gieaily  reduced  (t'.;-.  David  is  no  longer  rejire- 
senled  as  iinknoivn  to  Saul),  but  they  are  not  removed  altogeiher  (comp. 
17,  33.  38  ff.  with  16,  18.  21'').  It  is  doubtful,  therefore,  whether  the  text  of 
LXX  is  here  really  to  l)e  preferred  to  the  Heb.:  both  Wellh.  {Comp.  250)  and 
Kuenen  {Ouiierz.  §  23.  7)  agree  that  either  the  translators,  or,  as  Kuenen 
supposes,  the  sciibe  of  the  MS.  used  by  them,  omitted  the  verses  in  question 
from  harmonistic  motives,  without,  however,  entirely  securing  the  end  desired. 
It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  covenant  with  Jonathan,  18,  3,  is  presupposed  by 
20,  8.  The  verses  17,  12.  15  have  probably  been  modified  in  form,  for  the 
purpose  of  harmonizing  the  representation  with  that  of  16,  14-23. 

In  18,  6-30  (Saul's  growing  jealousy  of  David),  the  coniinuation  of  16, 
14-23  (the  evil  spirit  vexing  Saul),  there  are  again  considerable  omisbions  in 
LXX  (cod.  Vat.),  the  text  of  LXX  reading  as  follows  : — 6^  (And  women 
dancing  came  forth  out  of  all  the  cities  to  meet  David  with  timbrels,  with  joy, 
&c.).  7.  8*  (to  Ind  thousands).  12*  (And  Saul  was  afraid  of  David).  13-16. 
20-21"  (to  against  hi/n).  22-26''  (to  son-in-lazu).  27-29*  (reading  in  28''  "and 
that  all  Israel  loved  him  ").  In  this  instance  it  is  generally  admitted  that  the 
LXX  text  deserves  the  preference  :  the  sequence  of  events  is  clearer,  and  the 
stages  in  the  gradual  growth  of  Saul's  enmity  towards  David  are  distinctly 
marked  (comp.  vv.  li^.  15*'.  29.  19,  i).  See  Kirkpatrick  on  I  Samuel,  p.  242; 
or  the  writer's  Notes  on  Samuel,  p.  121. 

(2)  C,  19 — 22.  David  fitids  hiiiiself  obliged  to  flee  from  Saul. 
He  visits  Samuel  at  Ramah  (19,  18-24),  learns  through  Jonathan 
that  Saul's  enmity  towards  hitii  is  confirmed  (c.  20),  and  repairs 
in  consequence  first  to  Abimelech  at  Nob,  then  to  Achish  at 
(}ath  (c.  21),  and  finally  takes  refuge  in  the  cave  of  AduUam 
(c.  22). 

19,  iS-24  is  parallel  with  lo,  IO-13.  Two  explanations  must  have  been 
current  respecting  the  origin  of  the  proverb,  Is  Saul  also  among  the  prophets  ? 
bo:h,  however,  bringing  the  incident  into  connexion  with  Sa'muel.  The 
account  here  cannot  be  by  the  same  hand  as  that  in  10,  10-13,  though  both 
were  deemed  worthy  of  retention  by  the  compiler  of  the  book.  C.  20  has 
been  supposed  to  be  a  doublet  to  19,  I- 7,  partly  on  account  of  some  resem- 
blance in  the  situation  (19,  1-3  and  20,  i^-t,.  ir.  24),  partly  on  account  of 
the  apparent  incompatibility  of  David's  uncertainty  as  to  -Saul's  feeling 
towards  him  with  the  declared  hostility  of  19,  i.  10  ff.  The  resemblance  is, 
however,  very  partial  ;  and  Saul's  attitude  was  probably  apt  to  fluctuate  from 
day  to  day  with  his  changeful  temper  (comp.  19,  6  f .  after  v.  i). 

(3)  ^'  23 — 26.  David  as  an  outlaw:  {a)  at  Keilah  (23  1-13); 
{b)  in  the  wilderness  of  Ziph  (23,  14-29);  {c)  in  En-gedi,  where 
he  cuts  off  Saul's  skirt  in  the  cave  (c.  24) ;  {d)  in  Carmel  (David 
and  Nabal)  (c.  25) ;  {c)  in  the  wilderness  of  Ziph  again,  where  he 
steals  by  nit^ht  Saul's  sjjcar  and  cruse  of  water  (c.  26).      C.  24 


1-2    SAMUEL.  171 

and  c.  26  recount  two  anecdotes  of  David's  outlaw  life.  Whether, 
however,  the  two  narratives  really  relate  to  two  different  occa- 
sions, or  whether  they  are  merely  different  versions  of  the  same 
occurrence,  is  a  question  on  which  probably  opinion  will  con- 
tinue to  be  divided.  There  are  remarkable  resemblances 
between  the  two  accounts ;  and  though  there  are  also  differences 
of  detail,  these  are  hardly  greater  than  might  have  grown  up  in  a 
story  current  among  the  people  for  some  time  before  it  was 
committed  to  writing.  If  the  occasion  in  c.  26  is  a  different  one 
from  that  in  c.  24,  it  is  singular  that  it  contains  no  allusion,  on 
either  David's  part  or  Saul's,  to  David's  having  spared  Saul's  life 
before. 

As  regards  the  resemblances  between  the  two  accounts,  compare  26,  i  and 
23,  19;  26,  2  and  24,  2  ;  26,  8  and  24,  4.  18'';  26,  9''.  ii"  and  24,  6.  10''  ; 
26,  17  and  24,  16  ("Is  this  thy  voice,  my  son  David?")  ;  26,  18  and  24,  9. 
II  ;  26,  19*  and  24,  9  (Saul  adjured  not  to  listen  to  men  who  may  have  cal- 
umniated David) ;  26,  20^  and  24,  14;  26,  21  and  24,  17  ;  26,  23  and  24,  12. 
15;  26,  25^  and  24,  19  f.  ;  26,  25*^  and  24,  22.  If  the  two  narratives  be 
differvint  versions  of  the  same  event,  that  in  c.  26  will  be  the  earlier  and  the 
more  original :  notice  the  antique  conception  underlying  26,  19  ;  and  in  24, 
17-21  the  more  explicit  terms  of  Saul's  answer  as  compared  with  26,  21.  25. 

(4)  C.  27 — 31.  David  seeks  refuge  in  the  country  of  the 
Philistines  with  Achish  (c.  27).  The  Philistines  resolve  to  attack 
Israel  (28,  i  f.).  Saul  consults  the  witch  at  En-dor  (28,  3-25). 
David  is  dismissed  by  x^chish  on  account  of  the  suspicions  of  the 
Philistine  lords  (c.  29).  His  vengeance  on  the  Amalekites  who 
had  smitten  Ziklag  (c.  30).  Death  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  on 
Mount  Gilboa  (c.  31). 

28,  I  f.  attaches  immediately  to  c.  27,  and  is  continued  by  c.  29 — 31.  28, 
3-25  appears  to  have  been  misplaced.  28,  4  the  Philistines  have  advanced 
to  Shunem  (in  the  plain  of  Jezreel)  ;  29,  i  they  are  still  at  Aphek,  in  the 
Sharon  (Josh.  12,  18),  and  only  reach  Jezreel  in  29,  11.  Thus  the  situation 
in  28,  4  anticipates  c.  29 — 30.  The  narrative  will  be  in  its  right  order  if  28, 
3-25  be  read  after  c.  29 — 30.  On  the  relation  of  28,  3-25  to  c.  15,  Wellh. 
Hist.  pp.  25S-262,  and  Budde,  pp.  244-246,  should  be  compared. 

III.  2  Sa.  I — 20.  David. 

(i)  C.  I — 8.  Lament  of  David  over  Saul  and  Jonathan  (c.  i). 
David  is  made  king  at  Hebron  over  Judah,  and  subsequently, 
after  the    murder  of  Ishbosheth,  over  all  Israel   (c.   2 — 5,   3). 

'  Where,  however,  my  life  should  probably  be  read  with  LXX  for  a  flea. 


172  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Capture  by  Joab  of  the  stronghold  of  Jebus,  which  David  hence- 
forth makes  his  residence  (5,  4-16).  Successes  against  the 
Phihstines  (5,  17-25).  The  removal  of  the  Ark  to  the  "city  of 
David"  (c.  6).  The  prophecy  of  Nathan,  arising  out  of  David's 
desire  to  build  a  Temple  for  the  Ark,  with  David's  prayer  con- 
sequent upon  it  (c.  7).  Summary  of  David's  wars,  and  list  of 
his  ministers  (c.  8). 

The  thread  of  the  history  is  here  carried  forward  without  interruption. 
Only  the  notices  in  2,  io».  11  are,  probably,  later  insertions:  for  10''  is  the 
natural  sequel  of  9,  and  12  of  10''.  And  5,  17-25  can  scarcely  have  been 
written  for  the  place  which  it  now  occupies  ;  for  were  the  entire  ch.  a  con- 
tinuous narrative,  "the  hold"  (miVDII)  of  ""'  I?  could  hardly  denote  any 
other  spot  than  "the  hold"  (same  word)  of  v.  9  {i.e.  Zion),  which,  never- 
theless, is  evidently  not  the  case.  The  same  term  recurs  23,  14,  likewise  in 
connexion  with  David's  Philistine  wars.  Probably  the  passage  was  writtt-n 
originally  for  a  different  context,  and  inserted  here  in  accordance  with  the 
chronology  (see  z;.  17). 

C.  8  marks  a  break  in  the  book,  and  closes  the  chief  account 
of  David's  public  doings.  It  should  be  compared  with  the  con- 
clusion of  the  history  of  Saul's  reign,  I  14,  46-51.  In  some 
respects  it  anticipates  what  follows,  just  as  that  does  (Amalek,  c. 
15),  comp.  vv.  3.  5.  12  (Amnion),  with  c.  10 — 12.  The  oldest 
narrative  of  the  two  reigns  is  constructed  upon  a  similar  model. 
First  is  described  the  manner  in  which  Saul  and  David  respect- 
ively reach  the  throne ;  then  their  accomplishment  of  the 
military  task  in  the  first  instance  entrusted  to  them  (I  9,  16 ;  II 
3,  18,  19,  9):  then  follows  a  survey  of  other  memorable 
achievements;  and  so  the  history  is  concluded. 

(2)  C.  9  —  20  [of  which  I  Ki.  i — 2  is  the  continuation].  History 
of  events  in  David's  ^^^^r/-life,  showing  how  Amnon,  Absalom, 
and  Adonijah  failed  in  turn  to  secure  the  succession  to  the 
throne :  viz.  the  friendly  regard  shown  by  David  to  Jonathan's 
son,  Mephibosheth  (c.  9) ;  the  war  with  Ammon  ;  David  and 
Bathsheba;  the  birth  of  Solomon  (c.  10 — 12);  Amnon's  rape  of 
his  half-sister  Tamar,  and  his  murder  by  order  of  Absalom  (c. 
13);  the  rebellion  and  death  of  Absalom  (c.  14 — 19);  the  revolt 
of  Shcba  (20,  1-22)  (an  incident  springing  out  of  the  revolt  of 
Absalom)  ;  list  of  David's  ministers  (20,  23-26). 

The  parts  of  this  narrative  are  mutually  connected  together,  and 
are  marked  by  unity  of  plan  :  thus  c.  9  is  required  for  the  pur- 
pose of  ex])laining  the  notices  16,  1-4.  19,  24-30  (see  ^,  io),and 


1-2   SAMUEL.  173 

17,  27  (see  9,  5) ;  the  account  of  the  war  with  Amnion  is  needed 
for  the  purpose  of  showing  how  David  became  acquainted  with 
Bathsheba,  the  future  mother  of  Solomon ;  the  following  chapters 
describe  in  detail  how  one  after  another  of  Solomon's  elder 
brothers  failed  to  obtain  the  throne.  The  abundance  and  par- 
ticularity of  detail  show  that  the  narrative  must  date  from  a 
period  very  little  later  than  that  of  the  events  related.  The 
style  is  singularly  bright,  flowing,  and  picturesque. 

IV.  C.  21 — 24.  An  appendix  to  the  main  narrative  of  the  book, 
of  miscellaneous  contents :  viz.  (a)  the  famine  in  Israel  stopped 
through  the  sacrifice  of  the  sons  of  Saul  by  the  Gibeonites  (21, 
1-14);  (l?)  exploits  against  the  Philistines  (21,  15-22);  {c)  David's 
Hymn  of  Triumph  (c.  22=Ps.  18);  (d)  David's  "Last  Words" 
(23,  1-7);  (e)  further  exploits  against  the  Philistines,  and  Hst  of 
David's  heroes  (23,  8-39) ;  (/)  David's  census  of  the  people 
(c.  24). 

Here  a  and  y  are  in  style  and  manner  closely  related  (24,  I  is  evidently  the 
sequel  to  21,  14*" :  comp.  also  21,  14^.  24,  25),  as  are  also  l>  and  e.  The  four 
chapters  interrupt  the  continuous  narrative,  c.  9 — 20,  I  Ki.  I — 2  ;  whence  it 
may  be  inferred  that  they  were  placed  where  ihey  now  stand  a//er  the  separa- 
tion had  been  effected  between  the  Books  of  Samuel  and  Kings.  The  sources 
made  use  of  by  the  compiler  exhibit  no  affinity  with  c.  9-20.  i  Ki.  I — 2. 
The  list  of  heroes  (like  the  previous  lists,  3,  2-5.  5,  14-16.  8,  15-18  &c.) 
may  be  derived  from  the  register  of  the  "  recorder  "  (8,  16)  ;  cf.  below,  p.  177. 

Looking  at  1-2  Sam.  as  a  whole,  relatively  the  latest  passages 
will  be  Hannah's  Song,  and  I  2,  27-36.  7,  2 — c.  8.  10,  i'j-2']^, 
II,  14.  c.  12.  c.  15.  II  7,  all  of  which,  in  their  present  form,  have 
some  affinities  in  thought  and  expression  with  Dt.,  though 
decidedly  less  marked  than  those  observable  in  the  redaction  of 
Kings,  so  that  they  will  hardly  be  later  than  c.  700  b.c.  The 
rest,  it  is  plain,  is  not  throughout  the  work  of  one  hand,  or 
written  zmo  tcnore  (cf.  what  was  said  above  on  I  i — 4,  i^ ;  17, 
I — 18,  5;  19,  18-24;  c.  24  and  26;  II  5,  17-25):  but  in  all 
probability  it  is  mostly  earlier  than  the  passages  just  (}uottd, 
and  in  some  parts  (esp.  II  9 — 20)  nearly  contemporary  with  the 
events  recorded.  The  most  considerable  part  which  appears 
plainly  to  be  the  work  of  a  single  author,  is  II  9 — 20  :  many  parts 
of  the  preceding  history  of  David  (I  15 — II  5),  especially  those 
which,  as  Wellh.  has  shown,  are  mutually  connected  together,^ 

1  Cf.  e.g.  I  iS,  7.  29,  5  ;  18,  25.  27  (LXX).  If  3,  14  ;  22,  20  ff.  23,  9  ff. ; 
23,  2.  30,  8.  II  2,  I.  5.  19  ;  I  25,  2  fif.  30,  26  ff. ;  27,  3.  30,  5. 


[74  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

and  form  a  continuous  thread,  are  also,  probably,  by  the  same 
liand,  though  whether  by  the  same  as  II  9 — 20,  must  remain 
liere  undetermined. 

There  are  a  certain  number  of  expressions  which  occur  frequently  in  1-2 
Sam. ;  but  some  are  evidently  colloquialisms,  and  many  occur  likewise  in  the 
narrative  parts  of  Jud.  Kgs.,  so  that  they  appear  to  have  formed  part  of  the 
phrase jlogy  current  at  the  time,  and  their  use  does  not  imply  necessarily 
identity  of  author.     The  following  are  the  most  noticeable  : — 

I.  As  thy  soul  livdh:  I  i,  26.   17,  55.  II  11,  11.  14,  19:  preceded  by  ^j 
Jehovah  livcth  I  20,  3.  25,  26.  2  Ki.  2,  2.  4.  6.  4,  30.f 

2.  h^'hi  ^11 :  Dt.  13,  14.  Jud.  19, 22. 20, 13.  1 1,  16  6y^^3  nn).  2,  12. 

10,  27.  25,  17.  I  Ki.  21,  10.  13.  2  Ch.  13,  7  :  ^y^2  ''C'^X  or  t^'^}^ 
I  25,  25.  30,  22.  11  16,  7.  20,  I.  I  Ki.  21,  13. t 

3.  /tV/(?z/a/i  of  IJosts:  I  i,  3.  11.  4,  4.  15,  2.  17,  45.  II  5,  10  (\  '•H^N  ^"O- 

6,  2.  18.  7,  8.  26.  27.  I  Ki.  18,  15.  19,  10.  14.  2  Ki.  3,  14.  19,  31 
[  =  Is.  y]^  32].  (All  in  Gen. -Kings.  Often  in  the  prophets,  except 
Joel,  Obadiah,  Jonah,  and  Ezekiel.) 

4.  So  may  God  do  {to  me)  and  j?iofe  also :  I  3,   17.   14,  44.  20,  13.  25,  22. 

^^  3.  9  35-  I9>  14-  I  Ki-  2,  23.  2  Ki.  6,  31.  Ru.  i,  17  :  with  a  plur. 
verl)  (in  the  mouih  of  a  non-Israelite),  I  Ki.  19,  2.  20,  lo.f 

5.  From  Dan  even  to  Becrsheba  :  I  3,    20.   II  3,    10.    17,    11.  24,  2.  15. 

Jud.  20,  I  (.  .  .  pD^).  I  Ki.  4,  25.  From  B.  to  Dan:  i  Ch.  21, 
2.  2  Ch.  30,  5.+ 

6.  /Vmtv  or  leader  (T'JJ),  of  the  chief  ruler  of  Israel :  I  9,  16.  10,  I.  13,  14. 

25,  30.  II  5,  2.  6,  21.  7,  8.  I  Ki.  I,  35.  14,  7.  16,  2.  2  Ki.  20,  5. 
(All  in  Gen. -Kings.) 

7.  nPV /^ 'w;/^  w/k'///"//;' (of  a  spirit):   I  10,  6.   10.   11,  6.  16,  13.   iS,  10 

(of  an  evil  spirit).  Jud.  14,  6.  19.  15,  14.     Not  so  elsewhere. 

8.  As  Jehovah  liveth:  I  14,  39.  45.  19,  6.  20,  3.  21.   25,  26.   34.  26,    10. 

16.  28,  10.  29,  6.  II  2,  27  (C^r/).  4.  9.  12,  5.  14,  II.  15,  21  (22, 
47).  I  Ki.  I,  29  (followed  by  ivho  redeemed  fny  soul,  as  II  4,  9). 
2,  24.  17,  I.  12.  18,  10.  15.  22,  i4i|.  2  Ki.  2,  2.  4.  6.  3,  14.  4,' 
30.  5,  16.  20.  (All  in  the  hist,  books.  In  the  Pent,  only  As  J  live 
thrice:  Nu.  14,  21.  28  [^:n  ^n].  Dt.  32,  4o[^3JX  ^T]]  ) 

9.  Blessed  be  thou  {ye)  of  J.:  I  15,  13.  23,  21.   II  2,   5.  Rulh  3,  10.     Only 

Ps.  115,  15  besides;  but  cf.  Jud.  17,  2.  Ru.  2,  20. 
10.   DL"D  to  spread  out,  deploy:  I  23,  27.  27,  8.  10.  30,    i.  14.  Jud.  9,  33 

44.  20,  y].     (All  in  Gen.-Kings.) 
n.  Tp3  pn-^;'^:  I  25,  22.  34.  i  Ki.  14,  10.  16,  n.  21,  21.  2  Ki.  9,  8.t 
Peculiar,  or  nearly  so,  to  1-2  Sam.  are-^VOHN*  (I  4,   7-    10,  ir.  14,  21. 
19,  7.   n  5,  2.     The  usual  form  is  hDn).-1:^^S1  ^y  nrOHNI  (I  4,  12.  II  i, 

15. 32t;.--in-in  ,Tn  no  d  4, 16.  11 1,  4t).-ii;i  %v^  hl-n  nyO)t:'\so 

p:i''  (I  15,  3.   22,    I9t).-yo:^•  in  the  A>/=to  summon  (I  15,  4.  23,  8t).— 
DSyj'^/.//^  the  masc.  of  HfO^y  (I  17,  56.   20,  2z\\-Battles  of  Jehovlh  ^\  i'6. 


2 


1-2    KINGS.  175 

17.  25,  28;  rather  differently  Nu.  21,  i4f)._i53  n3K^  N^"l  and  not  repeat  it  to 
him  (I  26,  8.  II  20,  lof). — The  comparison  to  an  angel  of  God  (I  29,  9.  II  14, 
17.  20.  19,  27f). — p  ''"inX  M''"!  as  a  hnk  of  transition  (II  2,  i.  8,  i.  10,  i. 
13,  I.  21,  18:  rather  differently  1  24,  6.  Never  in  Hex.:  in  Jud.  only  16, 
4;  in  Ki.  only  II  6,  24.— 'J'DH  belly  (II  2,   23.    3,   27.   4,   6  [not   LXX].   20, 

lof).— nnn  ^^  ^«A  ni^n /^ ,;■■/? '6' >'''^/(',  n''"i3><?^/(ii  3,  35.  12,  17.  13, 5-7. 

10.  An  uncommon  word:  elsewhere  only  in  the  j>?V/,  Lam.  4,  10;  and 
7\r\'2.food,  Ps.  69,  22). 


§  3.  1-2  Kings. 

Literature. — K.  C.  W.  F.  Bahr  in  Lange's  Bibekverk,  1868 ;  Otto 
Thenius  (in  the  A'gf.  Exeg.  Handh.),  ed.  2,  1873  ;  C.  F.  Keil,  ed.  2,  1876  ; 
Wellhausen  in  Bleek's  Einl.  (1878)  pp.  231-266  [=  Comp.  266-302,  and 
pp.  359-61];  Hist.  p.  272  ff.  ;  Stade,  Der  Text  des  Berichtes  iiber  Salomd's 
Bauten  in  \hQ.  ZATW,  18S3,  pp.  129-177  (important:  see  the  chief  results 
in  QPB^.;  also  Stade's  Gesch.  Isr.  i.  pp.  311-343,  with  illustrations);  ib. 
1884,  p.  271  ff.  ;  1885,  pp.  165  ff.,  178,  275  ff.  ;  18S6,  p.  156  ff.  (on  other 
passages  of  Kings) ;  Klostermann  (see  p.  162,  with  the  caution). 

The  two  Books  of  Kings  embrace  the  history  of  Israel  from 
the  period  of  David's  nomination  of  Solomon  as  his  successor, 
consequent  upon  the  rebellion  of  Adonijah,  to  the  release  oi 
Jehoiachin  from  prison  in  Babylon  by  Evil-merodach,  562  B.C. 
The  structure  of  the  two  books  is  essentially  similar  to  that  ot 
the  central  part  of  the  Book  of  Judges  :  materials  derived  from 
older  sources  have  been  arranged  together,  and  sometimes 
expanded  at  the  same  time,  in  a  framework  supplied  by  the 
compiler.  The  framework  of  the  compiler  is  in  general  readily 
distinguishable.  It  comprises  the  chronological  details,  refer 
ences  to  authorities,  and  judgments  on  the  character  of  the 
various  kings,  especially  with  reference  to  their  attitude  to  the 
worship  at  the  high  places, — all  cast  in  the  same  literary  mould, 
and  marked  by  the  same  characteristic  phraseology.  Both  in 
point  of  view  and  in  phraseology,  the  compiler  shows  himself  to 
be  strongly  influenced  by  Deutero7iomy. 

The  Books  of  Kings  may  be  treated  conveniently  in  three 
parts: — (i)  I  i  —  ti  Solomon;  (2)  I  12 — II  \^  Israel  and  Judah  ; 
(3)  II  \Z  —  2^  Jiidali.  Each  part  shows  abundant  marks  of  the 
comi)iler's  hand;  but  the  scheme  or  plan  of  his  work,  from  the 
nature  of  the  case,  is  most  evident  in  the  second  part,  where  the 
compiler  has  to  arrange  and  bring  into  mutual  relation  with  one 
another  the   successive  reigns  in    the    two  contemporary  king- 


176  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

doms.  For  each  reign  he  adopts  an  introductory  and  concluding 
formula,  couched  in  similar  terms  throughout,  between  which 
are  described  the  events  belonging  to  the  reign  in  question,  only 
very  rarely  an  isolated  notice  being  allowed  to  appear  after  the 
closing  formula  (I  16,  7.  II  15,  16;  cf  24,  7). 

These  formulae  are  too  well  known  to  need  quotation.  The  open'ng 
formula,  in  the  case  of  the  kings  of  Judah  (<?.,^.  I  15,  g  (.),  consists  of  two 
sentences,  the  first  defining  the  synchronism  with  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  the 
second  staling  the  age,  the  length  of  reign,  and  the  name  of  the  king's 
mother.  In  the  case  of  the  kings  of  Israel  (^..^.  I  15,  33),  it  consists  usually 
of  a  single  sentence,  in  which  the  synchronism  with  the  kingdom  of  Judah 
and  the  length  of  reign  are  alone  stated.  The  closing  formula  for  the  kings 
of  Judah  {e.j,'-.  II  8,  23f.)  consists  of  two  sentences,  the  first  containing  the 
compiler's  reference  to  his  source,  the  second  —  rarely  separated  from  the 
first  by  an  intervening  notice  (I  14,  30.  15,  7.  23^  22,  46-49,  II  15,  37)— 
mentioning  the  death  and  burial  of  the  king,  and  the  name  of  his  successor. 
In  the  case  of  the  kings  of  Israel  {e.g.  I  16,  27  f.)  the  formula  is  similar, 
except  that  the  words  *'  was  buried  with  his  fathers  "  are  never  used.  Slight 
deviations  from  these  formulae  occasionally  occur,  arising  mostly  out  of  the 
circumstances  of  ihe  case  :  thus  the  clause  "and  slept  with  his  fathers"  is 
omitted  in  the  case  of  those  kings  who  came  to  a  violent  end;  II  12, 
21.  14,  20.  21,  26.  23,  30.  The  repetition  of  the  closing  formula  in  the 
case  of  Jehoash  II  13,  12  f.  14,  15  f.  is  no  doubt  the  result  of  some  error: 
its  position  in  13,  12  f.,  immediately  after  the  opening  formula  (e'.  lof.),  is 
contrary  to  analogy. 

The  J  U((L;/ntn/s  on  the  several  kings  ("And  he  did  that  whieh  was  right — 
or  that  which  was  evil — in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah;"  in  the  case  of  Israel, 
always  "that  which  was  evil")  usually  follow  the  opening  formula,  and  are 
mostly'confiiied  to  a  single  verse  (as  I  15,  26).  Occasionally,  huwever,  they 
are  drawn  out  at  greater  length,  and  embrace  fuller  particulars  (as  I  14, 
22-24.  15,  11-14.  16,  30-33.  II  16,  3-4). 

The  Book  of  Kings  differs  froin  all  the  preceding  historical 
book.s,  in  the  f^ict  that  the  compiler  refers  habitually  to  certain 
authorities  fur  particulars  not  contained  in  his  own  work.  These 
autiiorities  arc  (i)  for  the  reign  of  Solomon,  the  "Book  of  the 
acts  of  Solomon"  (i  Ki.  1 1,  41) ;  (2)  for  the  Northern  kingdom, 
the  "  Book  of  the  clironicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  "(17  times — for 
all  tlie  kings  cxcei)t  Jchoram  and  Iloshea)  ;  (3)  for  the  Southern 
kingd(jm,  the  "Book  of  the  chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Judah" 
(15  times — for  all  except  Ahaziah,  Athaliah,  Jehoahaz,  Jehoiachin, 
and  Zedekiah).  These  authorities,  it  is  to  be  noticed,  are  always 
referred  to  for  information  respecting  the  kings,  their  build- 
ings, warlike  entcri)rises,  and  other  undertakings  ;  for  instance. 


1-2    KINGS.  177 

"And  the  rest  of  the  acts  of  Solomon,  and  all  that  he  did,  and 
his  wisdo?n,  are  they  not  written  in  the  Book  of  the  acts  of  Solo- 
mon ?  "  ^  It  may  be  safely  inferred  from  the  character  of  these 
references  that  the  "  Books  of  chronicles "  were  of  a  political 
character  :  they  contained  notices  of  the  public  and  official  doings 
of  the  several  kings.^  The  Book  of  the  acts  of  Solomon 
included,  in  addition,  some  specimens  or  notices  of  his  "wis- 
dom." The  name  by  which  the  Books  are  quoted  points  to  the 
same  conclusion.  The  expression  chronicles  (lit.  ivords,  or  acts, 
of  days)  is  the  proper  term  used  to  denote  an  official  journal,  or 
minutes  of  events  :  i  Ch.  27,  24  it  is  implied  that  the  results  of 
David's  census  would  in  the  ordinary  course  of  things  have  been 
included  in  the  "chronicles"  of  his  reign;  Neh.  12,  23  a  "book 
of  chronicles "  is  mentioned,  in  which  the  heads  of  Levitical 
families  were  registered.  Now,  it  appears  from  2  Sa.  8,  16.  20,  24. 
I  Ki.  4,  3.  2  Ki.  18,  18.  37.  2  Ch.  34,  8  that  David,  Solomon, 
Hezekiah.  and  Josiah  had  among  their  ministers  one  who  bore 
the  title  oi recorder  (\\\..  reniembra7icer :  "T'DTD,  LXX  6  vTro/xtjxvrja-KoiVj 
6  v7rofjivrjiJ,aToypd<f>o<;,  6  eirl  twv  viroixvqfxaTwv) ',  and  it  may  reason- 
ably be  inferred  that  the  other  kings  as  well  had  a  similar 
minister.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  function  of  this 
minister  was  to  keep  an  official  record  of  the  public  events  of  the 
reign, ^  such  as  would  be  denoted  by  D''OM  ''IQ"!  or  "  chronicles." 
It  has  been  questioned  whether  the  "Books"  referred  to  in 
Kings  are  the  actual  official  records  of  the  two  kingdoms,  or 
two  independent  historical  works  based  upon  them.  Modern 
scholars,  though  not  upon  very  decisive  grounds,  prefer  generally 

'  Other  phrases  used  are  :  "how  he  warred,  and  how  he  reigned,"  "and 
all  that  he  did,"  "and  all  his  might,  and  all  that  he  did,  and  the  cities  that 
he  built,"  "and  his  treason  that  he  wrought,"  "  and  all  that  he  did,  and  the 
ivory  house  which  he  lAiilt,  and  all  the  cities  that  he  built,"  "and  his  might 
wherewith  he  fought  against  Amaziah  king  of  Judah,"  "and  all  that  he 
did,  and  his  might,  how  he  warred,  and  how  he  recovered  Damascus  and 
Hamath,"  "and  his  conspiracy  which  he  made,"  "and  all  his  might,  and 
how  he  made  the  pool,  and  the  conduit,  and  brought  water  into  the  city," 
"and  all  that  he  did,  ami  his  sin  that  he  sinned"  (I  14,  19.  29  a/.  15,  23. 
16,  20.  22,  39.  II  14,  15.  28.  15,  15.  20,  20.  21,  17). 

-  The. sin  of  Manasseh  would  Lie  no  doubt  his  public  recognition  of  idolatry. 

^  Comp.  Est.  2,  23.  6,  I,  in  which  last  passage  "chronicles"  is  in  appo- 
sition with  "  book  of  records "  (ni3"iDTM  ~IDD))  a  term  used  in  the  Aramaic 
sections  of  Ezra  to  denote  the  Persian  official  archives  (Ezr.  4,  15  ;  cf.  6,  2). 

M 


178  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  latter  alternative.  The  difference  is  not  important.  In  either 
case  the  two  books  were  digests  or  summaries  of  events  of 
national  importance,  with  names  and  lists  of  officers.  &c.  The 
book  dealing  with  the  reign  of  Solomon  appears  to  have  been 
distinct  from  either  of  the  two  containing  the  annals  of  the  two 
kingdoms  subsequent  to  the  rupture. 

In  the  narrative  of  Kings  (apart  from  the  compiler's  frame- 
work) two  elements  are  distinguishable  —  (i)  brief,  statistical 
notices,  sometimes  called  the  "  Epitome,"  relating  chiefly  to 
events  of  political  importance;  (2)  longer,  continuous  narratives, 
describing  usually  occurrences  in  which  the  prophets  were  more 
or  less  directly  concerned.  In  form  the  Epitome  is  no  doubt 
the  work  of  the  compiler;  but  the  particulars  embraced  in  it, 
after  what  has  been  said,  may  reasonably  be  regarded  as  derived 
by  him  from  the  two  books  named.  The  longer  narratives, 
which  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  formed  part  of  the  official 
annals  (for  these  are  uniformly  referred  to  in  connexion  with  the 
public  doings  of  the  kings),  will  have  been  taken  by  him  from 
various  independent  sources.  These  narratives  are  written 
mostly  in  a  bright  and  chaste  Hebrew  style,  though  some  of  them 
exhibit  slight  peculiarities  of  diction, ^  due  doubtless  (in  part) 
to  their  North  Israelitish  origin.  Their  authors  were  in  all  pro- 
bability prophets,— in  most  cases,  prophets  belonging  to  the 
Northern  kingdom  ;  though  the  data  do  not  exist  for  identifying 
them,  in  individual  cases,  either  wnth  any  of  the  prophets  named 
incidentally  in  the  narrative  of  Kings,  or  with  those  mentioned 
from  time  to  time  in  the  Chronicles  in  connexion  with  the  history 

^  ^..-  in  the  Elisha-narratives,  -"nx  for  nx  ///<'«  (fem.)  II  4,  16.  23.  8,  i 
(also  I  14,  2.  Jud.  17,  2.  Jcr.  4,  30.  Ez.  36,  13+),  and  the  other  ferns,  in  ^  — 
4,  2.  3.  7.  23  :  the  prep.  -^X  'i^'if^i,  written -niX  (as  often  in  Jer.  Ez.)  12 
times  between  I  20  and  II  8  (I  20,  25  Hs.  22,  7.  8  (iriND).  24.  II  i,  15  bis. 
3.  II.  12.  26.  6,  16.  8,  8);  and  slight  solecisms  of  form  or  expression,  as 
WnnU'.-lD  n  5,  18  ;  L"  in  •i:Sc.70  6,  n  ;  n^^X  ^cV/cw.?  6,  13  Kt.  (  =  ]rLi()  ; 
nry^w.  (Aram.  XT)  6.  19;  m^^r^l  7,  12;  DH-nv  9,  18;  DH^'rX-nj;  9,  20; 
ti.e  verb  (Aram.)  nbC'H  4,  28.  (-nix,  however,  will  hardly  have  been  the 
pronunciation  of  (he  ori-inal  auth..r  :  notice  the  frequent  plena  scHptio ;  and 
the  occurrence  several  times  in  the  same  chapters  of  the  usual  form  -nX-)  As 
the  book  ap  roaches  its  dose,  some  deterioration  of  style  is  noticeable,  though 
mostly  (as  it  seems)  in  the  parts  due  to  the  compiler,  e.g.  II  17.  c.  21-25. 


1-2   KINGS.  179 

of  particular  reigns.^  These  prophetical  narratives  appear  in 
most  cases  to  have  been  transferred  by  the  compiler  to  his  work 
without  material  alteration.  Sometimes,  however,  especially 
where  speeches  or  prophecies  are  concerned,  the  style  and 
thought  so  closely  resemble  those  of  the  framework,  that  it  is 
impossible  not  to  conclude  that  the  original  text  has  been 
expanded  or  developed  by  him. 

From  the  fulness  of  particulars  respecting  the  history  of  the 
Temple  (II  11,  4  ff. ;  12,  4-16;  16,  10-18  ;  22,  3  ff,),  it  has  been 
conjectured,  not  improbably,  that  the  Temple  archives  were  also 
among  the  sources  employed  by  the  comi:uler.  In  the  chron- 
ology, the  age  at  accession  and  regnal  years  of  the  several  kings 
are  generally  considered  to  be  derived  from  the  two  official 
"  chronicles  : "  but  the  synchronisms  will  hardly  be  taken  from 
the  same  sources ;  for  it  does  not  appear  probable  that  in  each 
kingdom  the  accessions  would  be  dated  regularly  by  the  regnal 
years  of  the  other.  The  author  of  a  joint  history  of  both  king- 
doms would,  however,  have  a  sufficient  inducement  to  notice 
such  synchronisms ;  so  that  they  may  be  reasonably  attributed 
to  the  compiler,  who  may  be  supposed  to  have  arrived  at  them 
by  computation  from  the  regnal  years  of  the  successive  kings.^ 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  reigns  of  the  two  series  of  kings  a  definite  prin- 
ciple is  followed  by  the  compiler.  When  the  narrative  of  a  reign  (in  either 
series)  has  once  been  begun,  it  is  continued  to  its  close, — even  the  contem- 
porary incidents  of  a  })rophet's  career,  which  stand  in  no  immediate  relation 
to  public  events,  being  included  in  it :  when  it  is  ended,  the  reign  or  reigns 
of  the  other  series,  which  have  synchronized  with  it,  are  dealt  with  ;  the 
reic^n  overlapping  it  at  the  end  having  been  completed,  the  compiler  resumes 
his  narrative  of  the  first  series  with  the  reign  next  following,  and  so  on. 

We  may  now  proceed  to  consider  the  Books  of  Kings  in 
detail. 

I.  I  Ki.  I — II.  Solomon. — Here  c.  i — 2  are  the  continuation  of 
2  Sa.  9 — 20  (p.  172),  forming  at  once  the  close  of  the  history  of 
David  and  the  introduction  to  that  of  Solomon.  Only  2,  2-4, 
as  the  phraseology  unmistakably  shows  (see  below),  owes  its 
present  form  to  the  compiler  ;  and  the  two  notices  respecting 
David's  death,  and  the  length  of  his  reign,  in  2,  lo-ii,  may  be 
due  to  his  hand  also.     In  other  respects  c.  1—2  is  entirely  in 

1  2  Ch.  9,  29.  12,  15.  13,  22.  20,  3).  26,  22.  32,  32.  33,  19  (?). 
^  See  the  note  in  the  writer's  Isaiah,  p.  12  ff.,  with  the  references. 


I  So     LITKRATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

the  style  of  2  Sa.  9 — 20,  and  appears  to  be  the  work  of  tlie 
same  author.  Solomon's  throne  being  now  secured,  the  account 
of  his  reign  follows,  c.  3 — 11.  The  principle  upon  which  the 
narrative  is  here  arranged  has  been  pointed  out  by  Wellh.  The 
central  point  is  the  description  of  Solomon's  buildings,  the 
Temple  and  the  royal  palace  contiguous,^  c.  6 — 7.  On  each  side 
of  this  the  compiler  has  placed  a  group  of  narratives  and  shorter 
notices,  with  the  view  of  illustrating  Solomon's  wisdom  and  mag- 
nificence. At  the  close,  c.  ir,  comes  some  account  of  Solomon's 
political  opponents,  preparatory  to  the  narrative,  c.  1 2,  of  the 
division  of  his  kingdom.  Thus  3,  4-15  describes  Solomon's 
choice  of  wisdom,  which  is  at  once  followed  by  an  illustration  of 
it  as  afforded  by  his  judgment  on  the  two  children.  C.  4  gives 
a  picture  of  the  character  and  extent  of  his  empire ;  c.  5  (nego- 
tiations with  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  and  preparations  for  the  work 
of  building  the  Temple)  is  introductory  to  c.  6 — 7,  as  8,  i — 9,  9 
(prayer  of  dedication,  and  warning  for  the  future)  forms  the  con- 
clusion to  it.  9,  10-28  consists  of  notices  relating  indirectly  to 
Solomon's  buildings  (the  cities  offered  by  him  to  Hiram  in 
acknowledgment  of  his  services ;  the  levy  raised  by  Solomon 
from  among  the  Canaanites  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  his 
buildings;  his  navy  bringing  gold  from  Ophir).  In  10,  1-13 
(the  narrative  of  the  visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba)  another  even 
more  dazzling  picture  is  presented  of  Solomon's  wisdom  and 
royal  splendour.  10,  14-29  the  notices  of  the  wealth  which 
Solomon's  wide  commercial  relations  brought  in  to  him  (9, 
26-28),  which  had  been  interrupted  by  the  episode  of  the 
Queen  of  Sheba,  are  resumed.  It  will  be  evident  from  this 
survey  how  homogeneous,  speaking  generally,  c.  3 — 4  are  with 
9,  10 — 10,  29.  C.  II,  in  terms  ominous  of  the  future,  describes 
how,  in  the  judgment  of  the  compiler,  Solomon's  reign  had  been 
clouded,  partly  by  his  own  declension  in  religion,  partly  through 
the  troubles  occasioned  by  political  opponents. 

The  parts  of  c.  3 — 11  which  have  been  added,  or  expanded, 
by  the  compiler  are  distinguishable  without  much  difficulty. 
3,  2.  3  (which  agree  with  the  disapproval  of  the  high  places 
ex[)ressed  elsewhere  by  him  :  the  narrative  of  3,  4  (f.,  on  the  con- 
trary, does  not  seem  to  consider  any  excuse  to  be  necessary) ; 
14  (notice  the  Deuteronomic  phraseology:   see  p.  190  f.,  Nos,  2, 

'  See  ihe  art.  "Jerusalem,"  Part  ii.,  in  the  Ewycl,  Britannica  (ed.  9). 


1-2   KINGS.  l8[ 

3,  22b) ;  6,  11-13  ;  8,  i-ii  (expanded  probably  from  a  narrative 
originally  briefer  i);  8,  23-61  (the  prayer  of  dedication,  which  it 
seems  has  received  its  present  form  at  the  hands  of  the  compiler) ; 
9,  1-9  (the  Deut.  phrases  are  here  even  more  strongly  marked 
than  in  the  prayer :  see  below);  11,  1-13  (in  its  present  form), 
and  parts  of  vv.  32-39  :  perhaps  also  5,  1-5  ;  8,  15-19,  though 
these  two  sections,  which  are  kindred  in  character  and  import 
with  the  prophecy  of  Nathan,  2  Sa.  7,  may  be  the  work  of  an 
earlier  prophetical  narrator.  All  these  passages  are,  on  the  one 
hand,  so  different  in  style  from  the  main  current  of  narrative, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  have  such  affinities  both  in  style  and  in 
point  of  view  with  the  subsequent  parts  of  the  two  books  which  are 
plainly  the  work  of  the  compiler,  that  no  hesitation  need  be  felt 
in  attributing  them  to  his  hand.  What  remains  is  (in  the  main) 
the pre-Deuteronomic  narrative  of  Solomon^ s  reign,  though  probably 
not  entirely  in  its  original  order,  and  including  a  few  additions 
made  to  it  subsequently.  3,  4-13.  15.  16-28.  10,  1-13  will  be 
prophetical  narratives  of  relatively  early  origin.  The  list  of  officers 
in  4,  1-19,  with  the  sequel  (describing  their  duties)  in  4,  27-28, 
may  naturally  be  supposed  to  be  derived  from  the  State-annals 
(the  "Book  of  the  acts  of  Solomon,"  11,  41).  The  intermediate 
verses,  4,  20-26,  interrupt  the  connexion,^  and  seem  to  be  an 
insertion,  which  the  expression  in  v.  24,  ^''  beyond  \\\q.  River  "[;>. 
the  Euphrates]  applied  to  the  country  west  of  the  Euphrates,  and 
implying  consequently  a  Babylonian  standpoint  (see  Ezr.  4,  loff 
5,  3  &c.),  shows  cannot  be  earlier  than  the  period  of  the  exile. 

In  5,  15  f.  the  numbers  are  larger  than  is  probable  ;  and  the  entire  notice 
(in  spite  of  the  explanation  proffered  in  2  Ch.  2,  17  f.)  is  in  imperfect  relation 
with  V.  13  f.  9,  10-28  consists  of  a  series  of  notices,  imperfectly  connected 
together :  v.  14,  for  instance,  appears,  in  fact,  to  refer  to  an  incident 
afiterior  X.O  vv.  Ii''-I3:  the  "account"  of  the  levy,  promised  in  z*.  15,  only 
follows  in  V.  20,  the  iniermediate  verses  being  parenthetic  :  9,  24''  (Pharaoh's 
daughter  and  Millo)  has  no  point  of  contact  either  with  what  precedes  or  with 
what  follows.  And  9,  22  (no  levy  of  Israelites)  conflicts  with  5,  13  f.  and 
II,  28  (which  speaks  of  the  "burden  of  the  house  of  Joseph").  The  literary 
form  of  9,  10-28  is,  for  some  reason,  less  complete  than  that  of  any  other 
portion   of  the    Books   of  Kings.       In  the  LXX   many  of  the   notices    arc 


^  LXX  in  8,  1-5  has  a  considerably  shorter  text,  which,  nevertheless,  reads 
quite  ccrapletely,  and  may  represent  the  more  original  form  of  the  passage. 

^  The  Heb.  word  rendered  those  in  v.  27  (H^X)  should  properly  be  these. 
In  the  LXX,  4,  27  f.  immediately  follow  4,  19  (4,  20  f.  standing  after  2,  46). 


1 82     LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

differently  arranged,  and  the  text  is  sometimes  briefer  :  it  seems,  therefore, 
that  in  the  MSS.  used  by  them  the  Hebrew  text  here  had  not  yet  reached  tiie 
form  in  which  we  now  have  it,^ 

8,  1 2  f.  have  a  poetical  tinge.  It  is  remarkable  now  that  in  LXX  (where  ihey 
stand  after  v.  53)  they  appear  in  a  fuller  form,  with  the  addition  obx.  i^ov  c/Xt-a 
yiypaTTBci  i*  (aifi/.iy  r^s  -sJS^j  ;  i.e.  (as  Can  hardly  be  doubted  :  of.  Josh.  10,  13 
Pesh.2^  -|K^\-l  -IDD  hv  nniDD  N''n  nSi  (comp.  Wellh.  Com/>.  271  ;  Encycl. 
Brit.  ed.  9,  xiv.  p.  84).  The  original  Hebrew  cannot  be  represented  quite 
accurately  by  the  Greek  text,  and  WcUii.'s  restoration  may  not  be  altogether 
certain  :  but  the  words  just  quoted  can  hardly  have  been  invented  by  the 
translators;  it  seems  therefore  that  the  "Book  ofjashar"  {p.  114)  contained 
a  poetical  account  of  the  foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple,  and  was  still  cited 
by  name  in  the  text  of  Kings  used  by  the  LXX. 

The  kernel  of  c.  11  is  old;  but  the  narrative  must,  in  parts, 
have  been  recast  and  placed  in  a  different  light.  In  7'v.  1-13, 
V.  7 — where  TX  fhe7i  connects  imperfectly  with  w.  5-6 — and  the 
notice  v.  3  respecting  the  number  of  Solomon's  wives,  are  no  doubt 
excerpts  from  the  older  narrative :  the  emphasis  laid  on  the 
declension  caused  thereby  in  Solotnon's  religion  is  expressed  in 
phrases  which  betoken  the  hand  of  the  compiler.  In  what 
follows,  the  original  purport  of  the  narrative  can  hardly  be  that 
which  now  a])pears.  In  the  narrative  in  its  present  form,  the 
"adversaries"  in  v.  14  ^L  are  described  as  "raised  up"  by  way  of 
punishment  for  the  sins  of  Solomon's  later  days  {vv.  3.  4.  9) : 
but,  in  point  of  fact,  the  incidents  described  in  vv.  21-22.  24-25 
(note  the  exjiression  "^//the  days  of  Solomon"),  if  not  also  in 
vv.  26-28,  occurred  early  in  his  reign ;  hence,  if  the  view  of  tlie 
compiler  be  that  of  the  original  narrator,  the  punishment  will 
have  preceded  the  sin  which  occasioned  it.  It  seems  clear  that 
the  narrative  itself  (z/.  14  ft".)  is  ancient,  but  that  the  setting  {vv. 
9-13),  which  represents  the  events  narrated  as  the  punishment  for 
the  idolatry  oi  vv.  1-8,  was  added  subsequently  by  the  compiler. 
In  the  narrative  of  Ahijah  {vv.  29-39),  ^^-  32-39  must  have  been 

'  Compare  the  last  two  notes.  So  5,  17.  iS\  6,  37-38*  take  the  place  in 
LXX  of  6,  I'' :  6,  11-13  and  9>  ^5-^5  are  omitted  :  on  the  other  hand,  9,  24  f. 
23.  17  appear  (with  4,  29  f.  3,  I^  5,  15)  after  2,  35  ;  9,  16.  17"  (with  3,  i'^ 
after  4,  34;  9,  24"  after  9,  9;  9,  15.  17-22  after  10,  22:  there  are  also 
several  additions.  In  some  casts  (but  l.y  no  means  in  all)  there  is  good 
renson  to  suppose  that  the  recensic:n  represented  by  tlie  LXX  has  preserved 
better  readings  than  the  Hebrew  ;  see  examples  in  QFB^. 

'  Where  "lu'TI  is  similarly  confused  with  "l^u'H  the  soti^  n/\  ^s*^  ^^■)- 


1-2   KINGS.  183 

expanded  by  the  compiler,  as  they  abound  with  marks  of  his 
style  (see  p.  190  fF.).  11,  41-43  is  the  concluding  formula  of 
Solomon's  reign,  in  th  j  compiler's  usual  manner. 

The  work  which  lay  at  the  basis  of  the  pre-Deuteronomic 
account  of  Solomon's  reign  must  have  been  one  in  which  the 
arrangement  of  material  was  determined  less  by  chronological 
sequence  than  by  community  of  subject.  In  other  words,  it  was 
not  so  much  a  chronicle  as  a  series  of  detached  notices.  The 
description  of  the  buildings  forming  the  central  feature  in  it, 
particulars  respecting  the  preparations  or  materials  required  for 
them,  and  notices,  or  short  narratives,  illustrating  Solomon's 
wisdom,  or  splendour,  or  the  organization  of  his  empire,  were 
placed  on  either  side  of  it.  At  the  close  came  c.  11  (in  its 
original  form),  containing  some  account  of  the  political  opponents 
who  from  time  to  time  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  his  reign. 
Throughout,  the  author  evinces  a  warm  admiration  for  Solomon  : 
he  recounts  with  manifest  satisfaction  the  evidences  of  his 
wisdom,  and  dwells  with  pride  on  the  details  of  his  imperial 
magnificence,  on  the  wealth  which  streamed  in  to  Jerusalem 
from  all  quarters,  on  his  successful  alliances  and  commercial 
undertakings,  and  on  the  manner  in  which  his  fame  commanded 
the  wonder  and  respect  of  distant  nations.  The  darker  shades 
in  the  picture  seem  largely,  though  not,  perhaps,  entirely,  to  be 
due  to  the  Deuteronomic  compiler. 

II.  I  Ki.  12 — 2  Ki.  17.  Israel  and  Judah, — Here  we  have 
alternately  short  notices  and  lon>-  continuous  narratives — the 
latter  now  and  then  expanded  by  the  compiler — arranged  in  a 
chronological  framework,  in  the  manner  indicated  above.  The 
longer  narratives  are  sometimes  slightly  modified  at  the  beginning 
and  end  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  connexion  with  the 
history  on  either  side  of  them.  C.  12  contains  the  older 
narrative  of  the  defection  of  the  ten  tribes  from  the  dynasty  of 
i:)avid ;  vv.  26-33  (Jeroboam's  calves,  and  the  worship  instituted 
in  connexion  with  them)  may  be  due,  in  their  present  form,  to 
the  compiler;  12,  33  introduces  the  account  of  the  prophecy 
against  the  altar  of  Bethel— a  narrative  not  probably  of  very 
early  origin,  as  it  seems  to  date  from  a  time  when  the  names  both 
of  the  prophet  of  Judah  and  of  the  "  old  prophet  "  were  no  longer 
remembered.  13,  33-34  lead  back  to  the  main  thread  of  the 
history.     14,  1-18  (the  wife  of  Jeroboam  and  the  prophet  Ahijah) 


1 84  LITERATURE   OF    THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

is  in  its  substance,  no  doubt,  ancient ;  but  the  answer  of  Ahijah 
has  certainly  in  parts  been  recast  in  the  phraseology  of  the 
compiler  (esp.  vv.  8.  9.  10.  15.  16). 

Observe  the  standing  phrases  of  the  compiler  in  these  verses  (see  p.  190  ff.) ; 
and  the  anachronism  in  14,  9  (as  addressed  io  Jeroboam)^  "above  all  that  were 
before  thee"  (16,  25.  30  (cf.  ZZ-  ^^  ^7>  2.  18,  5)  show  besides  that  this  phrase 
is  the  compiler's).  In  some  of  its  other  features  the  prophecy  bears  a  striking 
resemblance  to  those  of  Jehu  son  of  Hanani  16,  1-4,  Elijah  21,  20^-22,  the 
unnamed  prophet  ib.  24,  and  the  disciple  of  Elisha  II  9,  7-10  (comp.  14,  7 
with  16,  2;  yp2  \'T\'^*)2  14,  lo-  16,  II.  21,  21.  II  9,  8  [i  Sa.  25,  22.  34]; 
^ITyi  "llVy  14,  10.  21,  21.  II  9,  8.  14,  26  (in  a  notice  of  the  compiler's)  ; 
inX  1^3  14,  10.  16,  3  ['•"inSj.  21,  21  ;.  Him  thai  dieth,  &c.  14,  II.  16,  4. 
21,  24  :  but  it  is  quite  possible  that  these  phrases  are  original  here,  and  have 
been  adopted  thence  by  the  compiler  when  he  recast,  or  amplified,  the  three 
later  prophecies  quoted.  (That  the  prophecies  in  the  Books  of  Kings  have 
really,  in  parts,  been  amplified  by  the  compiler  may  be  inferred  upon  two 
grounds  :  not  only  do  the  parts  in  question  exhil)it  comjiion  features,  connect- 
ing them  with  the  compiler,  but  in  style  and  expression  they  have  no  parallel 
in  the  proihecies  of  xVmos,  Ilosea,  or  other  prophets,  whose  writings  have 
been  preserved  independently,  prior  to  Jeremiah.) 

From  14,  19  to  c.  16  the  history  consists  chiefly  of  a  collection 
of  short  notices  (14,  25-28.  15,  6.  7^  12-13.  ^5-  16-22.  27-28 
&c.)  arranged  in  the  schematism  of  the  compiler  (the  chronology 
and  judgments  on  the  kings),  as  14,  19-20.  21-24.  29-31.  15, 
1-2.  3-5-  t-  8.  9-1 1-  U-  23-24.  25-26.  29-32.  33-34.  16,  1-4 
(recast),  (S:c.     (On  the  piiraseology  of  these  passages,  see  below.) 

Ci  16  ended,  the  framework  expands  for  the  purpose  of 
admitting  the  narratives  respecting  Elijah  and  Elisha.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  all  these  narratives  are  by  the  same  hand  :  but 
all  appear  to  be  of  North  Israelitish  origin  ;  and  all,  especially 
those  dealing  with  Elijah,  exhibit  the  ease,  and  grace,  and  vivid- 
ness which  belong  to  the  best  style  of  Hebrew  historical  narrative. 
The  beginning  of  the  history  of  Elijah  has  probably  been  omitted 
by  the  compiler:  the  place  wheiice  Elijah  is  to  depart,  17,  3,  the 
ground  for  which  he  is  persecuted  and  addressed  as  the  "  Troubler 
of  Israel,'"'  18,  10.  17,  and  particulars  respecting  the  murder  of 
the  prophets  by  Jezebel,  alkidcd  to  18,  13,  are  not  stated  in  the 
existing  narrative.  'J'he  suddenness,  however,  with  which  Elijah 
is  introduced  ui)on  the  scene,  and  the  abruptness  of  his  first 
utterance  in  17,  i,  are  in  harmony  with  the  character  which 
everywhere  belongs  to  the  prophet's  movements,  and  the  dramatic 
form  in  which  the  narrative  is  cast.     C.    17  the  diama  opens: 


1-2   KINGS.  185 

the  seventy  of  the  famine  foretold  by  EHjah  is  left  to  be  inferred 
by  the  reader  from  the  picture  of  the  privations  to  which  the 
prophet  himself  is  exposed.  C.  18  recounts  the  triumph  of 
Elijah  upon  Carmel;  c.  19  the  reaction  experienced  by  him 
afterwards ;  his  withdrawal  to  Horeb ;  the  mysterious  vision 
there;  the  commission  {vv,  15--18)  assuring  him  of  the  final 
triumph  of  his  cause.  The  events  to  which  this  commission 
correspond  are  related  in  2  Ki.  8,  7-15.  c.  9 — 10,  but  with  a 
different  motive,  from  a  political  rather  than  a  religious  stand- 
point, and  without  reference  to  Elijah, — an  indication  that  these 
narratives,  together  with  I  20.  22  (where  likewise  the  predominant 
interest  is  political),  did  not  originally  form  part  of  the  same 
literary  vihoXo.  as  I  17-19.  I  21,  however  (Ahab  and  Naboth), 
is  in  the  style  of  I  17-19  :  Elijah,  as  before,  suddenly  intercepts 
Ahab  with  his  unwelcome  presence ;  and  the  close  of  the  struggle 
between  the  prophet  and  the  king  looms  in  view  {vv.  19.  20). 
But  the  narrative  which  records  actually  the  death  of  Ahab, 
though  designed  by  the  compiler  to  describe  the  end  of  Ahab 
foretold  by  Elijah,  was  not,  perhaps,  written  as  the  sequel  to  c. 
21  :  in  particular,  the  place  22,  37-38  (Samaria),  where  the  dogs 
licked  the  blood  of  Ahab,  does  not  accord  with  the  prediction  in 
21,  19  (Jezreel).  II  i  presents  an  impressive  picture  of  Elijah's 
inviolable  greatness  :  II  2  (the  ascension  of  Elijah)  is  at  once 
the  close  of  the  history  of  Elijah  and  the  introduction  to  that 
of  Elisha;  from  a  literary  point  of  view  it  is  more  closely 
connected  with  the  latter  than  with  the  former. 

To  the  same  hand  to  which  are  due  I  20.  22  may  also,  perhaps, 
be  ascribed  II  3,  4-27  (Jehoram  and  Jehoshaphat  against  Moab) ; 
6,  24 — 7,  20  (siege  of  Samaria  by  Benhadad  :  its  relief  in  accord- 
ance with  Elisha's  prediction);  and  9,  i — 10,  28  (the  "photo- 
graphic picture"  of  the  accession  of  Jehu).  In  all  these  nar- 
ratives the  political  interest  predominates  above  the  biographical ; 
and  some  noticeable  similarities   of  form   and    expression  also 


occur 


1 


The  history  of  EHsha  is  comprised  in  a  series  of  short  narra- 
tives, describing  particular  incidents  in  his  life  :  these  are  intro- 
duced by  II  2,  1-18  (Elisha  succeeds  to  the  inheritance  of 
Elijah),    the    rest    consisting    of    2,    19-22    (the    bitter    waters 

1  Comp.  I  20,  18.  II  7, 12.  10,  14;  I  20,  30  end  (innn  mn).  22,  25. 

II  9,  2t ;  I  22,  4^  5.  7.  II  3,  f.  II  ;  Vl^  IDH  I  22,  24.  II  9,  23. 


1 86  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

sweetened) ;  23-25  (the  mocking  children  rent  by  bears);  4,  1-7 
(the  widow's  oil  multiplied);  8-37  (the  Shunammite  woman); 
38-41  (the  poisoned  pot  rendered  harmless);  42-44  (the  barley 
loaves  multiplied);  c.  5  (Naaman);  6,  1-7  (the  iron  axe-head 
made  to  swim) ;  8-23  (attempt  of  the  Syrians  to  capture  Elisha); 
8,  1-6  (Gehazi  recounts  Elisha's  wonders  to  the  king);  7-15 
(Elisha  and  Hazael) ;  13,  14-19  (Elisha  and  Joash) ;  20-21 
(miracle  wrought  by  Elisha's  bones).  These  narratives  no  doubt 
exhibit  the  traditions  respecting  Elisha  as  they  were  current  in 
prophetic  circles  in  the  9-8  cent.  B.C.  :  their  immediate  source 
may  have  been  a  work  narrating  anecdotes  from  the  life  of  Elisha  ' 
(and  perhaps  from  the  lives  of  other  prophets  as  well). 

The  narratives  of  Elijah  and  Elisha  appear  to  have  been  incorporated  by 
the  compiler  without  substantial  alieratioii  :  only  here  and  there  has  one  of 
them  been  t^xpanded  by  an  insertion  which,  by  its  manner,  betrays  the  com- 
piler's hand  (I  21,  20*>-26  :  notice  the  phrases  in  vv.  20''-24,  and  the  awkward 
parenthesis  in  vv.  1^-2.6  ;  II  9,  7-10%  where  not  only  do  the  phrases  of  the 
compiler  abound  (p.  190  ff.),  but  it  i>  difficult  not  to  think  that  v.  10''  "  and  he 
opened  the  door  and  fled,''  in  agreement  with  the  command  v.  3'',  should 
follow  immediately  the  announcement  of  ^.  6). 

In  contrast  with  the  sections  dealing  witli  the  N.  kingdom,  in 
which  the  prophets  play  such  a  considerable  part,  the  longer 
narratives  relating  to  the  S.  kingdom  II  it,  i  — 12,  16  (eleva- 
tion of  Joash  to  the  throne,  and  his  measures  regarding  the 
Temple),  16,  10-18  (the  altar  of  Ahaz)  place  the  Temple  and 
priesthood  of  Jerusalem  in  the  foreground.  These  narratives  are 
evidently  of  Judaean  origin,  and  (to  judge  from  the  minuteness 
in  the  details)  based  probably  upon  official  documents.  The 
section  13,  14-19  (Elisha  and  Joash)  has  been  noticed  above: 
14,  8-14  (Amaziah's  challenge  of  Joash),  it  may  be  inferred  from 
V.  II  "  Beth-shemesh  which  belongcth  to  JudaW^  (cf  I  19,  3),  is  of 
Israelitish  origin.  The  narrative  in  the  following  chapters  is 
composed  chiefly  of  short  notices — even  the  long  and  important 
reigns  of  Jeroboam  and  Azariah  (Uzziah)  receiving  each  hardly 
more  than  a  single  verse  of  independent  detail  (14,  22.  25  [26-7 
is  comment].  15,  5).  After  the  close  of  the  N.  kingdom  (17,  6), 
the  compiler  introduces  a  long  survey  of  the  causes  which,  in 
his  judgment,  led  to  its  fall  (17,  7-23),  and  explains  {vv.  24-41) 
the  origin  of  the  mixed  i)opulation  and  religion  of  the  country  of 
Samaria  at  the  time  in  which  he  lived. 


1-2   KINGS.  187 

III.   2  Ki.  \Z—2^,  Jiidah. 

With  c.  18  begins  the  reign  of  Hezekiah.  18,  1-12  is  the 
composition  of  the  compiler,  though  the  particulars  in  vv.  2.  4. 
8  are  doubtless  derived  by  him  from  his  sources;  vv.  9-12 
re  eat,  in  brief,  the  account  of  the  close  of  the  N.  kingdom. 

18,  13 — 19,  37  comprises  the  narrative  of  the  invasion  of  Judah  by 
Sennacherib  in  his  campaign  of  701,  and  the  miraculous  occur- 
rence which  obliged  his  retreat.  Here  the  brief  notices  in  18, 
14-16  differ  in  character  from  the  circumstantial  narrative  com- 
mencing with  V.  17;  it  is  also  remarkable  that  the  name  of  the 
king,  which  v.  1^  ii.  is  uniformly  written  "irT'pTn,  is  here  spelt 
rT'pTn:  it  is  fair  to  infer,  therefore,  that  they  are  derived  from  a 
different  source,  which  may  well  be  the  State-annals.     18,  17 — 

19,  37  is  the  one  long  narrative  in  the  Book  of  Kings  relating  to 
Judah,  and  similar  in  general  character  to  the  prophetical  narra- 
tives of  the  N.  kingdom.  It  includes  a  prophecy,  19,  21-31, 
attributed  to  Isaiah,  and  unquestionably  his ;  but  there  is  no 
ground  for  supposing  that  the  narrative  as  a  whole,  though  it 
stands  also  (together  with  20,  1-19)  in  the  Book  of  Isaiah  (c. 
36 — 39),  is  from  Isaiah's  hand ;  as  will  be  shown  (under  Isaiah), 
there  are  reasons  for  concluding  it  to  be  the  work  of  a  prophet 
writing  in  the  subsequent  generation,  which  was  incorporated, 
with  slight  additions,  in  his  work  by  the  compiler  of  Kings. 

As  the  narrative  approaches  the  time  in  which  the  compiler 
himself  lived  (c.  21  ff.),  and  in  which,  therefore,  the  writer's 
personal  knowledge,  or  information  derived  from  the  generation 
immediately  preceding,  would  be  available,  his  own  share  in  the 
work  appears  to  increase.  In  the  account  of  the  reign  of  Manasseh 
(c.  21),  the  narration  of  concrete  facts  scarcely  extends  beyond 
vv.  3.  4*.  5.  6^  7^  16^:  the  rest  is  the  comment  of  the  compiler, 
vv.  11-15,  which  is  not  assigned  to  any  individual  prophet, 
though  it  agrees  remarkably  with  parts  of  Jeremiah  (see  below, 
p.  193),  being  probably  the  compiler's  summary  of  the  teaching 
of  contemporary  prophets. 

The  reign  of  Josiah  (22,  i — 23,  30),  including  the  two  im- 
portant events,  the  discovery  of  the  Book  of  the  Law  and  the 
reformation  based  upon  it,  engrosses  naturally  the  interest  of 
the  compiler,  and  is  described  by  him  at  some  length  :  the  parts 
in  which  his  own  style  is  specially  prominent  are  22,  13^  16  ff. 
and   23,   3.    21-28   (especially   25^'  from   Dt.   6,  5;  and  26-7). 


1 88  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

25,  22-26  is  an  abridgment  of  Jer.  40,  7-9.  41,  if.  17  f.  42,  i. 
43,  3  ff . :  25,  27-30  cannot  of  course  have  been  written  before 
the  year  of  Jehoiachin's  release,  B.C.  562. 

According  to  Wellh.  and  Kuenen,  the  compilation  of  the 
Book  of  Kings  was  completed  substantially  before  the  exile  (c.  600 
B.c,),^  only  short  passages  which  imply  an  exilic  standpoint  being 
introduced  afterwards. 

These  passages,  as  given  by  Kuenen  (p.  420),  are  I  4,  20-26  [Heb.  4,  20 — 
5,  6]  (see  V.  24);  9,  1-9.  11,  9-13  (in  their  present  form)  ;  II  17,  19-20;  20, 
17-18;  21,  10-15  ;  22,  15-20;  23,  26-27  :  24,  2-4;  24,  18—25,  30- 

I  4,  20-26  has  been  discussed  above  (p.  i8r) :  as  the  passage  seems  clearly 
to  be  an  insertion  in  the  text  of  c.  4,  v.  24  does  not,  as  some  have  argued 
(Keil,  Einl.  §  58.  3),  show  that  the  Book  of  Kings,  as  a  whole,  was  only 
compiled  during  the  exile.  II  17,  19  f.  likewise  interrupts  the  connexion. 
The  original  writer  is  dealing  only  with  the  causes  of  the  declension  of  the 
kingdom  o{  Israel :  in  v.  18  he  remarks  that  in  consequence  of  Israel's  rejec- 
tion Judah  only  was  left ;  and  the  sequel  to  this  is  vv.  21-23,  describing  how 
this  result  came  about  ("  F07  he  rent  Israel  from  the  house  of  David,"  tS:c.). 
Vv.  19-20,  commenting  on  the  faithlessness  oi  Judah,  and  the  rejection 
and  exile  of  the  entire  seed  of  Israel,  are  plainly  an  insertion  made  by  a 
subsequent  writer,  who  desiderated  a  notice  of  the  same  causes  producing  a 
similar  effect  in  the  case  of  Judah.  II  24,  18  ff.  can,  of  course,  only  have 
been  written  after  the  exile  had  commenced.  The  other  passages  are  either 
such  as  are  thought  to  presuppose  the  fall  of  the  city  and  temple,  or  contain 
references  to  passages  which  do  this  (I  II,  9''  to  9,  1-9;  II  23,  26.  24,  3  to  21, 
10-15  [Manasseh])  :  but  very  similar  anticipations  are  expressed  by  Jeremiah 
before  the  exile  ;  so  that  no  sufficient  reason  exists,  at  least  on  the  ground  of 
the  contents  of  these  passages,  for  attributing  them  to  a  different  hand  from 
that  of  the  main  compiler  of  the  Book.  But  it  must  be  admitted  that  II  21, 
10-15.  23,  26-27  interfere  with  the  connexion,  and  wear  the  appearance  of 
being  insertions  made  after  the  original  narrative  was  completed,  so  that  upon 
literary  grounds  this  view  of  their  origin  is  not  untenable.  On  the  whole,  it 
is  highly  proliable  that  the  redaction  of  Kings  was  not  entirely  completed  by 
the  main  compiler  ;  though  it  is  only  occasionally  possible  to  point  with 
confidence  to  the  passages  which  belong  to  a  subsequent  stage  of  it. 

That  it  is  one  and  the  same  compiler  who  formulated  the  short  notices  or 
"  Epitome,"  and  at  the  same  time  combined  them  with  the  longer  narratives, 
is  shown  (against  '1  hcnius)  by  Wcllh.  p.  298  (after  Kucn.  Onderz.  (ed.  i)  i. 
266f. ):  thcic  aie  casts  in  which  each  /rcs/t/'/oses  the  other;  and  the  contents 

^  Notice  the  ex-prcssion  to  this  day,  II  S,  22.  16,  6,  in  pa^-sages  belonging 
clearly  to  the  compiler,  and  not  taken  by  him  from  his  sources,  and  of  which 
at  least  the  first  appears  to  imply  that  the  Jewish  State  was  still  existing 
when  it  was  written  ;  also  the  precise  information  respecting  the  Samaritans, 
17,  24-34  (//w/i?  this  day,  v.  34),  which  a  writer  near  at  hand  would  be  more 
likely  to  prssess  than  one  resident  in  r>ab\  Ionia. 


1-2    KINGS.  189 

of  the  Epitome  are  much  too  fragmentary   or  it  to  have  ever  constituted  an 
independent  history. 

The  compiler  of  Kings,  though  not,  probably  (as  has  some- 
times  been  supposed),  Jeremiah  himself,  was  nevertheless  a  man 
hke-minded  with  Jeremiah,  and  almost  certainly  a  contemporary 
who  lived  and  wrote  under  the  same  influences.     Deuteronomy 
is  the  standard  by  which   the   compiler  judges  both   men  and 
actions ;  and  the  history,  from  the  beginning  of  Solomon's  reign, 
is  presented,  not  in  a  purely  "objective"  form  (as  e.g.  in  2  Sa. 
^ — 20),  but  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Deuteronomic  code. 
It  is  a  characteristic  of  the  passages  added  by  the  compiler  (so 
far  as  they  are  not  notices  based  upon  his  sources)  that  they  do 
not  usually  add  to  the  historic  contents  of  the  narratives,  but 
(Hke  the  corresponding  additions  in  Judges)  present  comments 
upon  it,  sometimes  introduced  as  such,   sometimes  introduced 
indirectly  in  the  shape  of  prophetic  glances  at  the  future,  at 
'different  stages  of  the  history.     The  principles  which,  in  his  view, 
the  history  as  a  whole   is   to  exemplify,  are  already  expressed 
succinctly  in  the  charge  which  he  represents  David  as  giving  to 
his  son  Solomon  (I  2,  3-4) :  they  are  stated  by  him  again  in 
3,  14,  and  more  distinctly  in  9,  1-9.     Obedience  to  the  Deutero- 
nomic law  is  the  qualification  for  an  approving  verdict :  deviation 
from  it  is  the  source  of  ill  success  (I  11,  9-13.  14,  y-n-  i^,  2.  II 
17,  7-18  &c.),  and  the  sure  prelude  to  condemnation.     Every 
king  of  the  Northern  kingdom  is  characterized  as  doing  "that 
which  was  evil  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah  :  "  in  the  Southern  kingdom 
the  exceptions  are  Asa,  Jehoshaphat,  Jehoash,  Amaziah,  Uzziah, 
Jotham,  Hezekiah,  Josiah,— usually,  however,  with  the  limitation 
that  "the  high  places  were  not  removed,"  as  demanded  by  the 
Deuteronomic  law.     The  writer  viewed  Jeroboam  as  the  author 
of  a  schism,  and  the  founder  of  a  worship  which  contravened  the 
first  principle  of  the  Deuteronomic  code,  the  law  of  the  Central 
Sanctuary,  and  lent  itself  readily  to  contamination  by  heathen 
cults  :  hence  his  uniformly  unfavourable  verdict  on  the  rulers  of 
the  N.  kingdom.      He  does  not,  however,  place  all  deviations 
from  the  law  of  Dt.  in  the  same  category :  he  views,  indeed,  the 
worship  (of  Jehovah)  at  the  high  places  with  disfavour,  but  the 
kings  who  permit  it  are  not  thereby  disqualified  from  receiving  a 
verdict  of  approval,  as  are  those  who  patronized,  or  encouraged, 
practices  actually  heathen. 


IQO  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT. 

Phrases  characteristic  of  the  compiler  of  Kings.  In  many  of  these  the 
influence  of  Dt.  is  directly  traceal'le  ;  others,  though  not  actually  occurring 
in  it,  frequently  express  thoughts  in  harmony  with  its  spirit. 

1.  To  keep  the  charge  of  Jehovah:  I  2,  3.  Dt.  II,  I  ;  cf.  Josh.  22,  3  (D^). 

2.  To  xualk  in  the  -ways  of  Jehovah:  I  2,  3.  3,  14.  8,  58.  II,  33.  38.  Dt. 

8,  6.  10,  12.  II,  22.  19,  9.  26,  17.  28,  9.  30,  16.  Josh.  22,  5. 

3.  To  keep  (or  execute)  his  statutes  and  comniandincnts  and  judgments  (some- 

times one  term  omitted):  I  2,  3.  3,  14.  6,  12.  8,  58.  61.  9,  4.  6. 
II,  zz-  34-  38-  14,  8-  n  17,  13  (cr.  37)-  19-  18,  6.  23,  3.  In  Dt. 
constantly.  (The  reference  throughout  is  specially  to  Deuteronomy. 
So  generally,  where  the  law,  or  Moses,  is  alluded  to  :  I  8,  9  (Dt. 
10,  5.  29,  i).  53(Dt.  4,  20  [also  Lev.  20,  26]).  56  (Dt.  12,  9  f .  25,  19). 
II  10,  31.  14,  6  (Dt.  24,  16).  18,  12.  21,  8.  22,  8,  23,  21.  25.)  ' 

4.  Testimonies  (niiy)  ^  I  2,  3.  II   17,  15.   23,   3  (in  Dt,  always  pointed 

nny:  4,  45-  6,  17. 20), 

5.  That  thou  may  est  prosper^  &c.  :  I  2,  3.  Dt.  29,  9.  Josh.  I,  7''. 

6.  7<'  establish  his  {my)  word:  I  2,  4.  6,  12.  8,  20.  12,  15  ;  cf.  Dt.  9,  5. 

7.  7i?  7ualk  before  me  {in  truth,  uprightness,  kc.) :  I  2,  4.  3,  6.  8,  23.  25. 

9,  4  (II  20,  3  the  Hithp,). 

S.  There  shall  not  Jail  (lit.  be  cut  off)  to  thee:  I  2,  4.  8,  25.  9,  5.  Cf. 
Jer.  33,  17.  18.  35,  19  ;  and  with  p  2  Sa.  3,  29.  Josh.  9,  23. 

9.  /F/VA  all  the  heart  and  with  all  tlie  soul :  I  2,  4.  8,  48.  II  23  3.  25,  as 
often  in  Dt.  (in  II  23,  25  widi  "IXO  in  the  rare  sense  of  "  might," 
only  besides  in  Dt.  6,  5) :  see  p.  94.     Cf.  luith  all  the  heart  (alone)  : 

I  8,  23.  14,  8.  II  10,  31. 

10.    To  build  an  house  to  the  name  of  J.  :  I  3,  2.  5,  3.  5.  8,  17.  19.  20.  44. 

48  (cf  9,  7)  :  dependent  on  2  Sa.  7,  13  (the  prophecy  of  Nathan), 
H.  As  it  is  this  day:  I  3,  6.  8,  24.  61.  Dt.  2,  30.  4,  20,  t,^.  8,  18.  10,  15. 

29,  28  [Heb.  27]. 

12.  Given  me  jrst  on  every  side:  I  5,  4  [He'i.   18],   Dt.   12,   lo.   25,  19. 

Josh.  21,  42.  23,  I  (D^),  2  Sa.  7,  I, 

13.  Chose  out  of  all  the  tribes  of  Israel :  I  8,  16.  ii,  32.  14,  21.  II  21,  7. 

14.  1  hat  my  name  might  be  there:  I  8,   i6.'  29.   II  23,  27.      Elsewhere 

with  to  put  (Db')  or  make  to  dwell  (JDiJ') :  I  9,  3.   ii,  36.  14,  21. 

II  21,  4.  7,  as  in  Dt.  (p.  94,  No.  35). 

In  8,  22  ft".  and  9,  1-9,  the  reminiscences  from  Dt.,  or  the  Deut.  sections 
of  Joshua,  are  remirkably  abundant : — 

•8,  23.  Dt.  4,  39.  Josh,  2,  II"  (D-).  — 25  DK  p-|  {)'et  so  that).  II  21,  8.  Dt. 
I5>  5  (peculiar.  Not  elsewhere,  except  in  the  parallels  2  Ch.  6,  16.  33,  8). — 
2T  {the  heaven  of  heavens).  Dt.  10,  14,-32.  Dt.  25,  I. — 33".  Dt,  28,25, — 
35'.  Dt.  II,  I7-— 37"-  Dt.  28,  22.  38.— 37\  ib.  52  (comp.  e.sp.  "gates;" 
p.  92,  No.  6).— 40".  Dt,  4,  lo^  12,  I,  31,  13. —41*,  Dt,  29,  21.  — 42\  Dt. 
II,  2  and  often.— 43*  {peoples  of  tie  earth).  53.  60.  Dt.  28,  10,  Josh,  4.  24 
(D-). — 43^  {thy  name  is  called  over,  viz,  in  token  of  ownershi|)  [see  2  Sa.  12, 
28  RV.  marg.\).  Dt.  28,  lO  (esp.  in  Jer.,  as  7,  10  f.  25,  29  ah). — 44",  Dt, 
20,  I.  21,  \o.~i\(i  {deliver  up  before:  see  p.  94,  No.  29). — 47'.  Dt.  30,  I. — 


1-2    KINGS.  191 

48".  Dt.  30,  2.— 51.  Dt.  9,  2%—ib,  {iron  furnace)  Dt.  4,  20.  Jer.  11,  4.t— 
52".  Dt.  4,  7.-56.  Jo.h.  21,43.  23,  14  (D2).— 58  (see  above,  Nos.  2,  3).— 6o\ 
Josh.  4,  24  (D-).— 6o^  Dt.  4,  39-— 9j  3  (^^  P^t  ^ny  name  there:  see  above. 
No.  14).— 4  (■'^ee  Nos.  7,  3)-— 6^  Dt.  29,  26.— 7^  Dt.  28,  37.— 8''-9.  Dt.  29, 
24-26  (Jer,  22,  8-9). 

15.  Perfect  =  ^\io\\y  devoted  (of  the  heart):   I  8,   61.   11,  4.    15,   3.   14. 

II  20,  3  =  Is.  38,  3.     Only  so  besides  in  Chr. 

16.  To  cut  off  from  upon  the  ground :  I  9,  7.  13,  34  (to  destroy).   14,   15 

(to  root  up)  :  with  the  same,  or  similar,  verbs,  Dt,  4,  26,  6,  15. 
II,  17.  28,  21.  63.  29,  28.  Jer,  12,  14.  24,  10,  27,  10.  28,  16. 

17.  To  dismiss  {T^V:;)  from  before  my  {his)  face:  I  9,  7,  Jer.  15,  i  :  so  with 

cast  azvay  {-yh^rO  H  I3>  23,  17,  20  [|t:,  not  ^y^].  24,  20.  Jer.  7, 
15;  with  remove  (l^Dn)  H  17,  18.  23.  23,  27.  24,  3.  Jer.  32,  31  ; 
with  cast  ^(dOi)  Jer.  23,  39.     Not  in  Dt. 

18.  II,  2  :  Josh.  23,  12''  (D2) ;  cf.  Dt.  7,  3.  4^ 

19.  D''^"!pC^  abo77iinations  (of  false  gods)  :  I  11,  5.  7.  11  23,  13.  24.  Dt.  29, 

I']  [Heb.  16].     So  in  Jer.  and  Ez. 

20.  To  do  that  zvhich  is  evil  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah  :  I  1 1,  6,  and  more  than 

thirty  times  besides  (p.  93,  No.  26). 

21.  P]3J^nn  to  be  angry:  I  ii,  9.  II  17,  18.  Dt.  i,  37.  4,  21.  9,  8.  20. t 
22*.  For  the  sake  of  David  thy  father  {ox  my  servant) :  I  II,  12.  13,  32.  34 

(cf.  36).  15,  4.  II  8,  19.  19,  34.  20,  6. 
22*^.  Other  references  to  David  as  a  standard  of  piety  are  also  frequent  : 

I  3,  3.  6.  14.  9,  4.  II,  4.  6.  33.  38.  14,  8.  15,  3.  5.  II.  11  14,  3. 
16,  2.  18,  3.  22,  2. 

23.  ChoscJi,  with  reference  to  Jerusalem  :  I   ii,  13.   32.  36.  8,  44.  48  (cf. 

16).  14,  21.  II  21,  7.  23,  27.     Based  on  Dt.  .(p.  92,  No.  11). 

24.  To  do  that  which  is  right  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah:  In,  "^1'  3^'  I4)  §• 

15,  5.  II.  22,  43  al.  (p.  93,  No.  25). 

25.  A  lamp  (for  David)  :  I  ii,  36.  15,  4.  II  8,  19  =  2  Ch.  21,  7. 

26.  To  provoke  Jehovah  to  aitger  [rather,  to  vex  Him]  :  I  14,  9.  15.  15,  30. 

16,  2.  7.  13,  26,  2^-  21,  22.  22,  53.  II  17,  II.  17.  21,  6.  15.  22,  17. 
23,  19.  26.  Dt.  4,  25.  9,  18.  31,  29,  32,  16.  21  ;  and  often  in  Jer, 

27.  Behold,  I  bring  evil  zipon  ,   .   .  :  I   14,    10.   21,  21.  II  21,   12.  22,  16 

(=  2  Ch.  34,  24).  Jer.  6,  19.  11,  ii.  19,  3.  15.  35,  17,  45,  5,t  lo 
bi'ing  evil  upon  also  I  9,  9.  21,  29.  II  22,  20,  and  often  in  Jer. :  not 
common  elsewhere. 

28.  The  fettej-ed  and  the  free  (an  alliterative  proverbial  phrase,  denoting 

"all") :  I  14,  10.  21,  21.  II  9,  8.  14,  26.  Dt.  32,  36  (the  Song).f 

29.  Who  made  Israel  to  sin  (of  Jeroboam) :  I  14,  16.  15,  26.  30.  34.  16,  26. 

22,  52.  II  3,  3.  10,  29.  31.  13,  2.  6.  14,  24.  15.  9.  18.  24.  28.  23, 
15  :  comp.  21,  16  (of  Manasseh  and  Judah).     Cf.  I  12,  30.  13,  34. 

II  17,  21.  22. 

30.  Upon  every  high  hill  and  under  every  spreadijig  tree :  \  14,  23.  II  16,  4 

(cf.  2  Ch,  28,  4).  17,  10  (the  first  clause  varied  from  Dt.  12,  2";  the 
second  precisely  as  there;  also  Jer.  2,  20.  3,  6.  13  [cf.  17,  2J.  Is. 
57,  5.  Ez.  6,  13  t). 


192  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

31.  Abominations  of  the  nations:  I   14,  24.   II   16,  3.  21,  2.     Cf.  Dt.  18, 

9.  12. 

32.  Whom  Jehovah  dispossessed  from  before  the  children  of  Israel:  I  14,  24, 

21,26.  II  16,  3.  17,  8.  21,  2.     Cf.  Dt.  9,  4-  5-  "»  23.  Josh.  23,  5. 

33.  Idols  ixM^i)-'  I  '5.  12.  21,  26.   II   17,   12.   21,   II.  21.  23,  24.     Also 

Lev.  26,  30.  Dt.  29,  16.  Jer.  50,  2,  and  esp.  in  Ezek.  [39  timesj.f 

34.  Turned  not  aside  from  .   .   .  :   I   15,  5.   22,  43.  II  3,  3-  10,  29  (nni<r:).^ 

31  bvo)'  13'  2.  6.  II.  14,  24.   15,  9.   18  (i5y?o).  24.  28.  17,  22.  18, 

6  (nnsD). 

35.  Vanities  D"'^nn  (of  idols) :  I  16,  13.  26.  Dt.  32,  21  ;  cf.  Jer.  8,  19.  14, 

22.  Unusual.     Cf.  II  17,  15.  Jer.  2,  5  (the  cognate  verb  73n). 

36.  Did  sell  himself  {So  do  evil)  :  I  21,  20.  25.  II  17,  7.     Only  so  here.     ' 

37.  The  people  still  sacrificed  and  burnt  incense  in  the  high  places :  I  22,  43. 

II  12,  4.  14,  4.  15,  4-  35  :  similarly  I  3,  2.  ii,  8.  II  16,  4.    17,    ii. 

23,  5  :  burnt  incense  ^A^s^o,  in  a  similar  connexion,  II  18,  4.   22,    17. 
23,  8,  and  often  in  Jer.  (as  ii,  12.  13.  17.  44,  3  ff.). 

38.  Would  not  destroy :  II  8,  19.  13,  23.  Dt.  10,  10. 

39.  My  {his)  semants  the  prophets :  II  9,  7.   17,  13.  23.  21,  10.  24,  2  :  in 

Jer.   six  times  (7,   25.  25,  4.  26,  5.  29,  19.  35,  15.  44,  4).      First  in 
Am.  3,  7.     Also  Zech.  I,  6.  Ezr.  9,  11.  Dan.  9,  lo.f 

40.  To  blot  out  the  name  from  under  heaven :  II  14,  27.  Dt.  9,  14.  29,  19  ; 

cf.  7,  24.  25,  19. 

41.  7'he  host  of  heaven   venerated:    II  17,   16.  21,  3'|.    4.    5;|.  Jer.  8,  2. 

19,  13.  Zeph.  I,  5.     Forbidden  Dt.  4,  19.  17,  3.! 

42.  To  cleave  to  Jehovah  :  II  18,  6  (cf.  the  same  word  in  3,  3.  I  ii,  2),  as 

in  Dt.  (p.  93,  No.  I5).i 

If  the  reader  will  be  at  the  pains  of  underlining  in  his  text  the  phrases  here 
cited,  he  will  not  only  realize  how  numerous  they  are,  but  also  perceive  how 
they  seldom  occur  indiscriminately  in  the  narrative  as  such,  but  are  generally 
aggregated  m  particular  passages  (mostly  comments  on  the  history,  or  speeches), 
which  are  thereby  distinguished  from  their  context,  and  shown  to  be  presum- 
ably the  work  of  a  different  hand. 

The  following  modes  adopted  by  the  compiler  for  introducing  historical 
notices  are  observable  : — 

43.  /;;  his  days  ...   I  16,  34.  II  8,  20.    15,  19  LXX  (see  QPB^.)  23,  29. 

24,  I. 

44.  Jn  those  days  .   .   .   II  10,  32.  15,  37.  20,  I. 

45.  At  that  time  ...   I  14,  I.  II  16,  6.  18,  16.  20,  12.  24,  lO. 

.  46.  ne(:^\r\  ■  emphaac)  ...   II  14,  7.  22.  25.  15.  35^  18,  4.  8. 
47.    7hen  (IX)  ...   I  3,    16.  8,  i.   12.  9,   ii*".   24''.  11,  7.  16,  21,  22,  49 

(Heb.  50).  II  8,  22^,.  12,  17  (Ileb.  18).  14,  8.  15  16.  16,  5.     Comp. 

Tin  9,  9  LXX  (—9,  24  Heb.). 
This  use  of  J5^  is  noticeable.     In  many  cases,  the  notices  introduced  by  it 

^  Comp.  also  II  17,  36.  38  and  Dt.  9,  29.  6,  13.  4,  23  ;  19,  15.  19  (kingdoms 
of  the  earth)  and  Dt.  28,  25  (also  six  or  seven  times  in  Jer.);  19,  15^  and 
Jer.  32,  17;   19,  iS**  and  Dl.  4,  28. 


1-2   KINGS.  193 

lack  any  definite  point  of  attachment  in  the  preceding  narrative :  at  the  same 
time,  their  directness  of  statement  and  terseness  of  form  suggest  the  inference 
that  they  may  be  derived  immediately  from  the  contemporary  annali^^tic 
records  (Ewald,  Hist.  i.  168 ;  Wellh.  Hist,  p.  2S6).  The  same  may  be  the 
case  with  some  of  the  other  notices  just  cited. 

48.  The  frequency  with  which  the  prophecies  in  1-2  Ki.  are  introduced 
by  the  same  term  (O)  It^i^  jj?^  Forasmuch  ^j  ...  is  also  notice- 
able :  I  3,  II.  8,  18.  II,  II.  13,  21.  14,  7.  16,  2.  20,  28.  36.  42. 
21,  20  (inf.).  29.  II  I,  16.  10,  30.  19,  28  (Isaiah).  21,  II.  22,  19. 

The  resemblances  with  Jer.  are  most  marked  towards  the  end 
of  the  two  books,  esp.  in  II  17,  13-20.  21,  11-15.  22,  16-19:— 

II  17,  13  testified:  Jer.  II,  7. 

Turn  ye,  &c. :  cf.  Jer.  18.  II.  25,  5.  35,  15. 

my  servants  the  prophets  :  see  above,  No.  39  (esp.  7,  25.  25,  41). 
14.  40.   18,   12.   21,  9  hearkened  not:  Jer.  7,  26.    1 1,   7,  and  often 
besides. 
hardened  theirnecks :  Jer.  7,  26.  17,  23.  19,  15  (from  Dt.  10,  16). 
le^follo^ived  vanity  and  became  vain :  Jer.  2,  5. 
16  the  host  of  heaven:  see  above,  No.  41. 
18.  23  removed  prom  before  his  face :  see  above,  No.  17. 
10  rejected  all  the  seed  of  Israel :  cf.  Jer.  31,  37  If  •   •   •>  I  will  also 
reject  all  the  seed  of  Israel. 
21,  II  (effect  of  Manasseh's  guilt)  :  Jer.  15,  4. 

12  both  his  ears  shall  tmgle :  Jer.  19,  3  (probably  from  I  Sa.  3,  iif). 
l^  for  a  prey  and  a  spoil :  cf.  Jer.  30,  16. 
15  :  cf.  Jer.  25,  6.  7.  32,  32 ;  7,  25  (p^). 

16.  24,  4  innocent  blood  {ox  the  blood  of  innocents)  in  Jerusalem  :  Jer. 
19,  4.  22,  17  (of  Jehoiakin:i). 
22   16*.  17^:  Jer.    19,  3b-4.     '*  This  place"  is  also  very  common  else- 
where in  Jer.,  as  7,  6.  7.  20.  i6,  9. 
17*  to  vex  me  with  the  itjork  of  their  hands  (so  I   16,  7)  :  Jer.  25,  6b. 

7b.  32,  30^  44,  8  (from  Dt.  31,  29). 
•17b  and  mv  xvrath  shall  be  kindled,  &c. :  Jer,  7,  20. 
igfor  a  desolation  and  a  curse:  Jer.  42,  i8b.  44?  22^. 
But  these  parallels  are  not  sufficient  to  show  that  Jeremiah  is  the  compiler 
of  Kings.     The  passages  quoted  consist  rather  of  summaries  of  ihe  prophetic 
teaching  of  the  time,  which  was  based  ultimately  upon  Dt.,  and  of  which 
the  most  influential  representative  was  no  doubt  Jeremiah  :  hence  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  his  phraseology  acquired  general  currency,  and  would  be  natu- 
rally employed  by  the  compiler  in  framing  his  summaries. 


N 


CHAPTER  III. 

ISAIAH. 

LiiRRATURE.  —  W.  Gesenius,  Dcr  Proph.  Jesaja  iihersetzt ;  mil  einetn 
vollst.  phil.  krit.  u.  hist.  Conimentar,  1820-21  ;  F.  Hitzig,  Der  Proph.  Jes. 
iibers.  u.  aus^s^elc-i^,  1833  (the  source  of  much  that  is  l)est  exegetically  in  more 
recent  commentaries);  \\.  Ewald  in  the  PropJieten  des  A.  Biindes,  1840-41, 
(etl.  2)  1867-68  (parts  of  vols,  ii.,  iv.,  v.  of  the  translation) ;  A.  Knobel,  Der 
Proph.  Jis.  (in  the  A'gf.  Exeg.  IJandb.)  1843,  ed.  4  with  additions  by 
L.  Diestel,  1872  ;  ed.  5  (rewritten  throrghout)  by  A.  Dillmann,  1890;  C.  P. 
Caspari,  Beitrdge  ztir  Eiiil.  in  das  Buchjes.  1848  ;  S.  D.  Luzzatto,  il  prof. 
Isaia  volgarizato  e  conimentato  [in  Hebrew]  ad  uso  degli  Israelili,  Padova 
1856-67;  F.  Delitzsch,  Bibl.  Comm.  iiber  das  Buch  Jes.  1866,  (ed.  4)  1889; 
T.  K.  Cheyne,  The  Book  of  Isaiah  chronclogically  arranged,  1870,  and  The 
Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  a  new  transl.,  iviih  connn.  and  appendices,  1880,  (ed.  3) 
1884  ;  W.  Kay  in  the  Speaker's  Connn.  ;  E.  Keussin  La  Bibl',  1876  ;  C.  W.  E. 
Nagelsbach  (in  Lange's  Bibelwerk),  Dcr  Proph.  Jes.  1877;  C.  J-  Breden- 
kamp,  Der  Proph.  Jes.  erldiit-'rt,  1S86-87.  Of  a  more  general  character  are 
• — Sir  Edw.  Strachey,  /jTi^/j^  History  and  Politics  in  the  times  of  Sargon  and 
Sennacherib,  ed.  2,  1874;  F.  Ii.  Kriiger,  Essai  siir  la  theologie  d'Esaie 
xl.-Ixvi.,  18S1  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  The  Prophets  of  Israel  and  their  place  in 
history  to  the  close  of  the  %th  cent.  B.C.,  1882,  Lectures  v. -viii.  ;  A.  B.  David- 
son in  the  Expositor,  1883,  Aug.,  Sept.  ;  1884,  Feb.,  Apr.,  Oct.,  Nov., 
Dec.  (on  c.  40-66);  II.  Gulhe,  Das  Znkti7iftibild  des  Jes.  {Akademische 
Antrittsvorlcsung),  1 885  ;  S.  R.  Driver,  Isaiah  ;  his  life  and  times,  and  the 
luritings  which  bear  his  name  (in  the  series  called  "  Men  of  the  Bible  "),  1SS8  ; 
G.  A.  Smith,  'J'he  Book  of  Isaiah  (in  the  "Expositor's  Bible"),  (2  vols., 
18S9-90),  For  other  literaiuie,  .see  Deli'.zsch,  p.  34  ff.  (Eng.  Ir.  p.  45  ff.); 
Dillm.  p.  xxviii.  f.  ;  and  the  authorities  referred  to  in  Kuenen's  Onderzock,  ii. 
(ed.  2)  1889,  pp.  28-157. 

On  the  Prophets  generally,  the  character  of  prophecy,  their  relation  to 
the  history,  their  theology,  &c.,  the  following  works  may  be  consulted  :  Aug. 
Tholuck,  Die  Prophetcn  u.  ihre  Wcissagujigen,  i860,  (ed.  2)  1867  ;  G.  F. 
Ochler,  Die  7 heologie  des  AT.s,  1873  (translated),  §  205  ff.  ;  A.  Kuenen, 
Prophets  and  prophecy  in  Israel  (very  lull  of  information  on  the  prophets  and 
their  work,  but  written  from  an  avowedly  naturalistic  standpoint),  1877  ; 
F.  E.  Konig,  Der  Offenbartingsbegriff  des  AT.s,  2  vols.  1882  (an  exhaustive 
discussion  of  the  nature  of  prophecy,  and  the  views  that  have  been  held  of  il) ; 

194 


ISAIAH  195 

C.  von  OrelH,  Die  alttest.  Weiss,  von  de)-  Voile n du ng  des  Gottesreiches,  1882 
(translated  under  the  title  OT.  Prophecy) ;  Ed.  Riehm,  Die  Mess.  Weiss. ^  ihre 
Entstekiiftg,  ihr  zeitgesch.  Charakter,  u.  ihr  Verhdltiiiss  zit  der  Neutest. 
Erfiilhcitg^  (ed.  2)  1885  (to  be  recommended) ;  C.  A.  Briggs,  Messianic 
Prophecy^  1886;  H.  Schultz,  Aittest.  Theologie^  (ed.  4)  1889,  p.  213  ff. 
(and  elsewhere) ;  F.  Delitzsch,  Mess.  Weissagwigeu  in  Gcsc/i.  Folge,  1890. 
See  also  Dean  Stanley's  Lectures  on  the  Jetvish  Church,  vols.  ii.  and  iii,  ;  and 
F.  W.  Farrar,  The  Minor  Prophets^  1890,  chaps,  i. — iv, 

B.C.  Chronological  Table. 

745.    TiGLATH-PlLESER  II. 

740.    Uzziah  named  (probably)  in  Assyrian  Inscription.     Call  of  I?aiah. 
734.  Pekah  deposed  and  slain  ;  Hoshea  (with  Assyrian  help)  raised  to  the 

throne  of  Samaria,     Deportation  of  inhabitants  of  N.  and  N.E.  Israel 

by  Tiglath-Pileser. 
732.  Damascus  taken  by  Tiglath-Pileser. 
727.  Shalmaneser  IV. 

722.  Sargon.     Fall  of  Samaria  and  end  of  the  Northern  Kingdom, 
711.   Siege  and  capture  of  Ashdod  by  the  troops  of  Sargon. 
710.   Sargon  defeats  Merodach-baladan,  and  enters  Babylon. 
705.  Sennacherib. 

703.   Sennacherib  defeats  Merodach-baladan,  and  spoils  his  palace. 
701.  Campaign  of  Sennacherib  against  Phoenicia,  Philistia,  and  Judah, 
681.   Sennacherib  succeeded  by  Esarhaddon. 
607.   Nineveh  destroyed  by  the  Medes  and  Babylonians. 
586.  Destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar. 
549-38.   Period  of  Cyrus'  successes  in  Western  and  Central  Asia. 
538.  Cyrus  captures  Babylon,  and  releases  the  Jewish  exiles, 

Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  "the  Twelve "(/>.  the  Minor 
Prophets)  form  the  concluding  part  of  the  second  great  division 
of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  "  The  Prophets,"  being  called  specially, 
in  contradistinction  to  the  "Former  Prophets"  (p,  96),  the 
"Latter  Prophets." 

Isaiah,  son  of  Amoz,  received  the  prophetic  call  in  the  last 
year  of  King  Uzziah's  reign  (6,  i),  i.e.  (according  to  the  new 
chronology  ^)  b.c.  740 ;  and  he  prophesied  in  Jerusalem  during 
the  reigns  of  the  three  succeeding  kings,  Jotham,  Ahaz,  and 
Hezekiah.  He  was  married  (8,  3) ;  and  two  sons  are  alluded  to, 
Shear-jashub  (7,  3)  and  Maher-shalal-hash-baz  (8,  1-4).  The 
scene  of  his  labours  appears  to  have  been  chiefly,  if  not  ex- 
clusively, Jerusalem ;  and  from  the  position  which  was  evidently 
accorded  to  him  by    both  Ahaz  and  Hezekiah,  it  has  been  con- 

^  See  the  writer's  Isaiah,  pp.  8,  13  f.  (with  the  references). 


iqG        literature  of  the  old  testament. 

jectured  that  he  was  of  noble  blood.  Few  particulars  of  his  life  are 
recorded;  the  chief  being  connected  with  the  part  taken  by  him 
at  the  two  crises  through  which  during  his  lifetime  Judah  passed 
(c.  7 — 8  ;  36 — 37).  For  how  many  years  he  survived  the  second 
of  these  crises  (b.c.  701)  is  not  known  ;  in  2  cent.  a.d.  there  was  a 
tradition  current  among  the  Jews,  and  alluded  to  also  by  Christian 
writers,  that  he  suffered  martyrdom  by  being  sawn  asunder  in 
the  persecutions  which  followed  the  accession  of  Manasseh. 
According  to  2  Ch.  26,  22  Isaiah  was  the  author  of  a  history  of 
the  reign  of  Uzziah  ;  and  i'/?.  32,  32  mention  is  made  of  a  "  Vision 
of  Isaiah,"  containing  an  account  of  the  reign  of  Hezekiah, 
which  formed  part  of  the  (lost)  "Book  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  and 
Israel"  (see  below,  under  Chronicles);  but  nothing  further  is 
known  of  either  of  these  works. 

The  Book  of  Isaiah  may  be  divided  conveniently  as  follows : 
— c.  I  — 12.  13—23.  24—27.  28—33.  34—35-  36—39-  40—66. 
Among  these  prophecies  there  are  some  which,  as  will  appear, 
are  not  the  work  of  Isaiah  himself,  but  belong  to  a  different,  and 
later,  period  of  Israelitish  history. 

I.  C.  I  — 12.  The  first  collection  of  Isaiah's  prophecies, 
relating  to  the  kingdoms  of  Judah  and  Israel,  and  belonging  to 
various  occasions  from  B.C.  740  to  B.C.  701. 

C.  I.  The  "Great  Arraignment"  (Ewald).  Vv.  2-9  the 
prophet  charges  his  people  with  unfaithfulness  and  ingratitude  : 
he  compares  them  to  unnatural  children  who  have  disowned 
their  father ;  and  traces  to  their  want  of  discer«ment  the  troubles 
from  which  they  are  at  present  suffering.  Vv.  10-17  the 
defence  which  they  are  supposed  to  offer,  that  the  Temple 
services  are  maintained  with  splendour  and  regularity,  is  in- 
dignantly disallowed  by  him:  their  religious  observances  are  not 
the  expression  of  a  right  heart.  Vv.  18-23  ^^  o^^^  of  pardon  is 
made,  on  God's  part,  to  the  guilty  nation, — an  offer,  however, 
which  it  speedily  appears  will  not  be  accepted  by  it.  Vv.  24-31 
the  prophet  passes  sentence.  Jehovah  will  take  the  judgment 
into  His  own  hands,  and  by  a  severe  discipline  purge  away  evil- 
doers, and  restore  the  people  to  its  pristine  and  ideal  character. 

The  date  of  c.  i  is  uncertain,  l)ut  it  must  have  been  written  (notice  in  t.  7 
tlie/Zf/.  DvDX)  whilst  a  f(je  was  ravaging  the  territory  of  Judah.  According 
to  some  (Ges.  Del.  Dillm  ),  these  foes  are  the  allied  troops  of  Syria  and 
Israel  (2  Ki.  15,  37),  and  the  ch.  belongs  to  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Jotham, 


ISAIAH. 


197 


being  the  first  of  Isaiah's  prophecies  after  his  call  (c.  6) :  according  to  others 
(Hitz.,  W.  R.  Smith)  they  are  the  Assyrians  {ib.  18,  13),  and  the  ch.  belongs 
to  the  reign  of  Plezekiah  (e.g.  701),  its  position  at  the  beginning  of  Isaiah's 
prophecies  being  explained  from  the  general  character  of  much  of  its  contents 
fitting  it  to  form  an  introduction  to  the  following  discourses. 

C.  2 — 5.  Here  Isaiah  dwells  in  greater  detail  on  the  judgment 
which  he  sees  imminent  upon  Judah.  He  opens  2,  2-4  with  an 
impressive  picture  of  the  pre-eminence  to  be  accorded  in  the 
future,  by  the  nations  of  the  world,  to  Israel's  religion.  Vv. 
5-8  he  contrasts  therewith  the  very  different  condition  of  his 
people,  w-hich  he  sees  about  him;  and  announces  vv.  9-22  the 
judgment  about  to  fall  upon  every  object  of  human  pride  and 
strength.  3,  i-i  i  a  collapse  of  all  existing  society  is  approach- 
ing, the  cause  of  which  is  referred,  vv.  12-15,  t<^  the  selfish  and 
thoughtless  behaviour  of  the  nation's  guides.  3,  16 — 4,  i  Isaiah 
attacks  the  luxurious  dress  of  the  women,  declaring  how  in  the  day 
when  disaster  overtakes  the  city,  and  her  warriors  are  defeated  by 
the  foe,  it  will  have  to  be  exchanged  for  a  captive's  garb.  This, 
however,  is  not  the  end.  For  those  who  escape  the  judgment  a 
brighter  future  will  then  commence,  which  is  described  4,  2-6. 
C.  5,  in  its  general  scope,  is  parallel  to  c.  2 — 4.  Vv.  i — 7  the 
parable  of  the  vineyard  shows  how  Judah  has  disappointed  its 
Lord  and  Owner :  vv.  8-24  the  prophet  denounces,  in  a  series 
of  "Woes,"  the  chief  national  sins;  ending,  vv.  25-30,  with  a 
more  distinct  allusion  to  what  may  shortly  be  expected  at  the 
hands  of  an  unnamed  but  formidable  foe  (the  x\ssyrians). 

Probably  a  summary  of  discourses  deUvered  at  the  end  of  Jotham's  reign,  or 
beginning  of  that  of  Ahaz.  3,  12  implies  ihat  the  throne  was  occupied  by  a 
weak  king,  such  as  Ahaz  was:  from  2,  16  ("ships  of  Tarshish  ")  it  may 
perhaps  be  inferred  that  the  seaport  of  Elath,  which  Uzziah  had  recovered 
for  Judah  (2  Ki.  14,  22),  had  not  yet  been  captured  by  the  Syrians  {ib.  16, 
6).  The  idea  of  a  national  catastrophe,  extirpating  evil-doers,  but  preserv- 
ing a  remnant,  worthy  to  form  the  nucleus  of  a  renovated  community  in  the 
future  (4,  3  ff.),  is  characteristic  of  Isaiah  ;  it  is  foreshadowed  at  the  time  of 
his  call  (6,  13"),  and  recurs  often  afterwards,  i,  26  f.  10,  21  f.  17,  5-8  (of 
Ephraim).  28,  5.  37,  32.  The  "  Day  of  Jehovah  "  (2,  12  ff.)  is  the  figure — 
first,  as  it  seems,  so  applied  by  Amos  (5,  18.  20) — under  which,  with  varying 
imagery,  the  prophets  represent  Jehovah's  manifestation  at  important 
moments  of  history  (see  W.  R.  Smith,  Pi'oph.  131  f.,  396  f.  ;  Isaiah,  p.  27  f.). 

C.  6.  Isaiah's  call  (year  of  Uzziah's  death — not  later  than  740 
B.C.).  The  vision,  with  its  impressive  symbolism,  is  described  by 
Isaiah  in  chaste  and  dignified  language.    The  terms  of  his  prophetic 


198  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

commission  are  stated  in  vv.  10-13.  He  is  to  be  the  preacher 
and  teacher  of  his  people;  but  his  work,  whatever  it  may  accom- 
plish secretly,  is  to  be  in  appearance  fruitless.  And  this  is  to 
continue  until  the  desolating  tide  of  invasion  has  swept  over  the 
land,  and  purged  to  the  utmost  the  sin-stricken  nation.  He  is 
not,  however,  left  without  a  gleam  of  hope  :  the  core  of  the 
Jewish  nation  will  survive  the  judgment,  and  burst  out  afterwards  ' 
into  new  life  :  it  is  a  "  holy  seed,"  and  as  such  is  indestructible 
{v.  \'^ :  for  the  figure  of  the  reviving  tree,  cf.  Job  14,  7-9). 

C.  7,  I — 9,  7.  Prophecies  uttered  during  the  Syro-Ephraimitish 
war  (B.C.  735-734).  An  alliance  had  been  concluded  between  ^ 
Pekah,  king  of  Israel,  and  Rezin,  king  of  Damascus,  for  the 
purpose  of  opposing  a  barrier  to  the  aggressions  of  the  Assyrians  ; 
and  the  object  of  the  present  invasion  of  Judah  was  to  force  that 
country  to  join  the  coalition  :  the  intention  of  the  allies  being  to 
depose  Ahaz  (who  cherished  Assyrian  proclivities),  and  to  sub- 
stitute for  him  a  more  subservient  ruler,  one  son  of  Tabeel 
(7,  6).  The  invasion  caused  great  alarm  in  Judah  (7,  2) ;  and 
Ahaz  meditated  casting  himself  upon  the  Assyrians  for  help, — a 
j)olicy  of  which  Isaiah  strongly  disapproved.  Isaiah,  being 
directed  to  go  and  accost  Ahaz,  assures  him  that  his  fears  are 
groundless  :  the  power  of  the  two  allied  kingdoms  is  doomed  to 
extinction ;  their  plan  for  the  ruin  of  Judah  will  not  succeed, 
7,  4-9.  To  meet  Ahaz'  distrust,  Isaiah  announces  the  birth  of 
the'  child,  who,  in  spite  of  the  destitution  {v.  15,  cf.  22)  through 
which  his  country  must  first  pass,  is  still  the  mysterious  pledge 
and  symbol  of  its  deliverance,  vv.  13-16.  The  thought  which 
has  hitherto  been  in  the  background  is  now  no  longer  concealed : 
and  Isaiah  confronts  Ahaz  with  the  naked  truth,  declaring  how 
his  plan  for  invoking  Assyrian  help  will  issue  in  unforeseen 
consequences  :  Judah  will  become  the  arena  of  a  conflict  between 
Assyria  and  Egypt,  and  will  be  desolated  by  their  contending 
armies,  vv,  17-25.  In  8,  1-4  Isaiah  reaffirms,  in  a  symbolical 
form,  the  prediction  of  7,  8  f .  16.  8,  5-15  are  words  of  con- 
solation addressed  to  his  immediate  friends  and  disciples.  The 
tide  of  invasion  will  indeed  inundate  Israel ;  and  will  even  pass 
on  and  threaten  to  engulph  Judah:  but  it  will  be  suddenly 
arrested,  vv.  5-10:  do  not  regard  Rezin  and  Pekah  with 
unreasoning  fear;  do  not  desert  principle  in  the  presence  of 
imagined   danger,    iw.    11-15.     Dark   times   are  coming,   when 


ISAIAH.  199 

men  will  wish  that  they  had  followed  the  "  teaching  and  admoni- 
tion" (v.  20;  see  V.  16)  of  Isaiah,  vv.  16-22.  But  nevertheless 
Jehovah  has  a  brighter  future  in  store  for  His  people  :  the  North 
and  North-east  districts,  which  had  just  been  depopulated  (in 
734)  by  Tiglath-pileser  (2  Ki.  15,  29),  will  be  the  first  to  experience 
it ;  and  the  prophecy  closes  with  an  impressive  picture  of  the 
restoration  and  triumph  of  the  shattered  nation,  of  the  end  of  its 
oppressors,  and  of  its  security  and  prosperity  under  the  wondrous 
rule  of  its  ideal  King,  9,  1-7. 

9,  8 — 10,  4  (belonging  probably  to  the  beginning  of  the  same 
war,  but  addressed  to  Israel,  not  Juda.h).  The  prophet  in  four 
strophes,  each  closing  with  the  same  ominous  refrain,  draws  a 
picture  of  the  approaching  collapse  of  the  N.  kingdom,  which 
he  traces  to  its  moral  and  social  disintegration.  (0  9?  8-12.  The 
Ephraimites'  proud,  but  inconsiderate,  superiority  to  danger 
will  terminate  in  their  country  being  beset  on  all  sides  by  its 
foes.  (2)  9,  13-17.  A  great  and  sudden  disaster  befalls  Ephraim, 
defeating  the  plans  of  its  statesmen,  and  leaving  it  defenceless. 
(3)  9,  18-21.  Rival  factions  contending  with  one  another  insidi- 
ously undermine  Ephraim's  strength.  (4)  10,  1-4.  The  rulers  of 
the  nation  have  demoralized  both  the  people  and  themselves : 
in  the  day  when  misfortune  comes  they  will  be  unable  to  cope 
with  it,  and  will  perish  helplessly  on  the  battle-field. 

10,  5 — 12,  6.  A  picture  of  the  pride  and  ambition  of  the 
Assyrians,  of  their  sudden  ruin,  of  the  release  of  Jerusalem  from 
its  peril,  and  of  the  ensuing  rule  of  the  Messianic  king.  This 
prophecy  is  one  of  the  most  striking  creations  of  Isaiah's  genius : 
in  power  and  originality  of  conception  it  stands  unsurpassed. 
The  Assyrian  is  in  reality  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
Providence,  but  he  fails  to  recognise  the  truth ;  and  Isaiah 
describes  his  overweening  pretensions,  10,  5-15,  and  their 
sudden  collapse,  vv.  16-19.  The  fall  of  the  Assyrian  will  not 
indeed  leave  Israel  unscathed ;  but  those  who  escape,  though 
but  a  remnant,  will  have  their  understanding  enlightened,  and 
will  look  to  Jehovah  alone,  vv.  20-23.  Let  Judah,  then,  be 
reassured :  though  the  Assyrian  draw  near,  and  even  swing  his 
arm  audaciously  against  the  citadel  of  Zion,  in  the  moment 
when  victory  seems  secure  he  will  be  foiled,  vv.  24-34; 
Jerusalem  will  be  delivered,  and  a  reign  of  peace,  under  the 
gracious  rule  of  the  ideal  Prince  of  David's  line,  will  be  inaugu- 


200  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

rated,  ii,  i-io  :  Israel's  exiles  from  all  quarters  will  return; 
the  rivalry  of  Judah  and  Ephraim  will  be  at  an  end,  m.  11-16  ; 
and  the  restored  nation  will  express  its  gratitude  to  its  Deliverer 
in  a  hymn  of  thanksgiving  and  praise  (c.  12). 

In  10,  28-32  Isaiah  represents  the  Assyrian  as  advancing  against 
Jerusalem  by  the  usual  line  of  approach  from  the  norih.  It  does  not 
appear,  however,  that  either  Sargon  or  Sennacherib  actually  followed  this 
route  ;  and  the  prophet,  it  is  probable,  intends  merely  to  draw  an  effective 
ima:^inative  picture  of  the  danger  threatening  Jerusalem,  and  of  the  manner 
in  which  {v.  n  f.)  it  would  be  suddenly  averted.  The  historical  situation 
implied  by  the  prophecy  agrees  with  that  of  the  year  701  B.C.,  when 
Sennacherib,  having  completed  the  reduction  of  the  rebellious  cities  of 
Phoenicia,  was  starting  for  the  south,  intending  to  reduce  similarly  Jerusalem, 
and  the  Philistine  cities  of  Ashkelon  and  Ekron :  at  a  time  when  the 
Assyrians  were  actually  approaching  from  the  north,  their  intended  attack 
might  readily  take  shape  in  the  prophet's  imagination  in  the  manner  repre- 
sented in  10,  2S-32  (comp.  Isaiah,  pp.  66  f.  70-73.  Similarly  Ew., 
Schrader,  KA  T.  p.  386,  Stade). 

Prof.  W.  R.  Smith  {Proph.  i<yj  ff.)  places  the  prophecy  at  the  beginning 
of  Sargon's  reign,  regarding  10,  5  fiF.  as  an  ideal  representation  of  the 
ambitious  pretensions  of  the  Assyrians,  and  of  the  failure  to  which  they  were 
doomed,  not  suggested  by  any  j/trza/ historical  occasion,  (Similarly  Dillm.  ; 
Kuen.  §  43.  5  places  it  towards  the  end  of  Sargon's  reign.) 

On  c.  12  comp.  Prof.  Francis  Brown  in  \\iQ  Journ.  of  Bibl.  Lit.  1S90, 
pp.  128-131. 

IL  C.  13  —  23.  Prophecies  dealing  (chiefly)  with  foreign 
nations.  C.  i  — 12  centre  entirely  round  either  Judah  or  Israel ; 
the  present  group  comprises  prophecies,  in  which,  though  there 
is  often  an  indirect  reference  to  one  of  tl.c.-c  countries,  the 
primary  interest  lies,  as  a  rule,  in  the  nation  which  they  respect- 
ively concern.  The  prophets  observed  closely  the  movements 
of  history  :  they  saw  in  the  rise  and  fall  of  nations  the  exhibition 
of  a  Divine  purpose ;  and  the  varying  fortunes  of  Israel's  nearer 
or  more  distant  neighbours  often  mater'nPv  nffected  Israel 
itself.  These  nations  were,  moreover,  rci-it  .  to  Israel  and  Judah 
in, different  ways  :  sometimes,  for  instance,  they  were  united  by 
ties  of  sym{)athy  and  alliance;  in  other  cases  they  viewed  one 
another  with  mutual  jealousy  and  distrust.  The  neighbouring 
nations,  especially,  being  thus  in  various  ways  viewed  with 
interest  by  their  own  people,  the  Hebrew  prophets  not  un- 
naturally included  them  in  their  prophetic  survey.  The  foreign 
prophecies  of  Isaiah  are  distinguished  by  great  individuality  of 
character.     The  prophet  displays  a  remarkable  familiarity  with 


ISAIAH.  201 


the  condition,  social  or  physical,  of  the  countries  with  which  he 
deals  •  and  seizes  in  each  instance  some  characteristic  aspect,  or 
feature,  for  notice  {e.g.  the  haughty  independence  of  Moab,  the 
tall  and  handsome  physique  of  the  Ethiopians,  the  local  and  other 
pecuharities  of  Egypt,  the  commerce  and  colonies  of  Tyre). 

^^^  I 14,  23.  On  Babylon.     In  this  prophecy  the  Jews  are 

represented  as  in  exile,  held  in  thraldom  by  the  Babylonians,  but 
shortly  to  be  released  in  consequence  of  the  capture  of  Babylon 
by  the  Medes  (13,  17).  C.  13  describes  the  mustering  of  the 
assailing  forces  on  the  mountains,  the  terror  of  their  approach, 
the  capture  and  sack  of  the  city,  the  fewness  of  the  survivors 
(v.  12),  and  the  desolation  which  will  mark  thereafter  the  site  of 
Babylon.  14,  1-2  states  the  reason  of  this,  viz.  because  the 
time  has  arrived  for  Israel  to  be  released  from  exile  :  *'  For 
Jehovah  will  have  compassion  upon  Jacob,  and  will  again  choose 
Israel,  and  settle  them  in  their  own  land."  14,  3-20  the 
prophet  provides  Israel  with  an  ode  of  triumph,  to  be  sung  in 
the  day  of  its  deliverance,  depicting,  with  extreme  beauty  of 
imagery,  and  not  without  a  delicate  under-current  of  irony,  the 
fall  of  the  Babylonian  monarch  from  his  proud  estate:  vv.  21-23 
he  reasserts  the  irretrievable  ruin  of  the  great  city. 

The  situation  presupposed  by  this  prophecy  is  not  that  of 
Isaiah's  age.  The  Jews  are  not  warned,  as  Isaiah  (39,  6)  might 
warn  them,  against  the  folly  of  concluding  an  alliance  with 
Babylon,  or  reminded  of  the  disastrous  consequences  which 
such  an  alliance  might  entail;  nor  are  they  threatened,  as 
Jeremiah  threatens  them,  with  impending  exile :  they  are  repre- 
sented as  i7i  exile^  and  as  about  to  be  delivered  from  it  (14,  1-2). 
It  was  the  office  of  the  prophet  of  Israel  to  address  himself  to 
the  needs  of  his  own  age,  to  announce  to  his  contemporaries 
the  judgments,  or  consolations,  which  arose  out  of  the  circum- 
stances of  their  own  time,  to  interpret  for  them  their  own 
history.  To  base  a  promise  upon  a  condition  of  things  not  yet 
existent,  and  without  any  pomt  of  contact  with  the  circum- 
stances or  situation  of  those  to  whom  it  is  addressed,  is  alien 
to  the  genius  of  prophecy.  Upon  grounds  of  analogy  the 
prophecy  13,  2—14,  23  can  only  be  attributed  to  an  author 
living  towards  the  close  of  the  exile  and  holding  out  to  his 
contemporaries  the  prospect  of  release  from  Babylon,  as  Isaiah 
held  out  to  his  contemporaries  the  prospect  of  dehverance  from 


202  LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Assyria.  (Comp.  below,  p.  230.)  The  best  commentary  on  it 
is  the  long  prophecy  against  Babylon,  contained  in  Jer.  50 — 51, 
and  written  during  (or  at  least  on  the  eve  of)  the  exile,  which 
views  the  approaching  fall  of  Babylon  from  the  same  standpoint, 
and  manifests  the  same  spirit  as  this  does.  As  the  prophecy 
only  names  the  Medes,  and  contains  no  allusion  to  Cyrus  or 
the  Persians,  it  is  probable  that  it  was  written  shortly  before 
549  B.C.  (in  which  year  Cyrus  overthrew  the  Median  empire 
of  Astyages  :  the  Persians  uniting  with  the  Medes,  after  successes 
in  Asia  Minor  and  elsewhere,  captured  Babylon  in  538). 

14,  24-27.  On  the  Assyrian.  A  short  prophecy  declaring 
Jehovah's  purpose  to  overthrow  the  Assyrian  army  upon  the 
*'  mountains  "  of  Judah. 

The  date  is  no  doubt  during  the  period  of  Sennacherib's  campaign  against 
Judah  in  701.  The  prophecy  has  no  connexion  with  what  precedes.  It  is 
directed  against  Assyria,  not  Babylon  ;  and  it  anticipates,  not  the  capture  of 
the  city  of  Babylon,  but  the  overthrow  of  the  hosts  of  Assyria  in  Judah. 

14,  28-32.  On  the  Philistines.  The  Philistines  are  in  exulta- 
tion at  the  fall  of  some  dreaded  foe  :  Isaiah  warns  them  that 
their  rejoicing  is  premature,  that  the  power  which  they 
dreaded  will  recover  itself,  and  prove  even  more  formidable  than 
before.  The  Assyrian  is  approaching  in  the  distance  {v.  31^'); 
Philistia  will  suffer  severely  at  his  hands  {vv.  30'^  31^),  though 
Zion,  in  the  strength  of  its  God,  will  be  secure  {vv.  3o\  32''). 

The  title  {v.  28)  suggests  that  "  the  rod  which  smote"  Philistia  was  Ahaz, 
and  assigns  the  prophecy  to  728  [or  715]  B.C.  But  the  connexion  of 
thought  appears  to  require  the  foe  alluded  to  in  v,  29  to  be  identical  with 
the  foe  alluded  to,  more  directly,  in  v.  31,  i.e.  the  Assyrian.  If  so,  Sargon 
will  be  the  "snake"  of  v.  29,  and  Sennacherib  the  more  formidable 
"serpent  flying  about,"  and  the  date  will  be  some  short  time  after  Sargon's 
death  in  705.  The  Philistines  might  naturally  feel  elated  upon  receivin^r 
news  of  the  murder  of  Sargon,  who  had  defeated  Hanno  of  Gaza  at  Raphia 
in  720,  and  captured  Ashdod  in  711.  That  Sennacherib  severely  punished 
the  Philistines,  appears  from  his  own  inscription  {Isaiah,  p.  67  f.).  • 

C.  15 — 16.  On  Moab.  The  prophet  sees  a  great  and  terrible 
disaster  about  to  fall  upon  Moab,  desolating  the  country,  and 
obliging  the  flight  of  its  inhabitants,  c.  15.  He  bids  the  fugitives 
seek  safety  in  the  protection  of  the  house  of  David,  and  send 
tokens  of  their  submission  to  Jerusalem ;  for  there,  as  he  knows, 
the  violence  of  the  Assyrian  aggressor  will  soon  be  stilled  (cf.  29, 
20),  and  a  just  and   righteous  king  will   be  sitting  on   David's 


ISAIAH.  203 

throne  (cf.  9,  5-7),  16,  1-5.  But  the  haughty  independence 
of  the  Moabites  prevents  their  accepting  the  prophet's  advice ; 
and  the  judgment  must  accordingly  run  its  course,  16,  6-12. 
Vv.  13-14  form  an  epilogue.  The  prophecy,  as  a  whole,  had 
been  delivered  on  some  previous  occasion:  Isaiah,  in  the  epilogue, 
affirms  solemnly  its  speedy  fulfilment. 

The  dates  both  of  the  original  prophecy  and  of  the  epilogue,  are  matter  of 
conjecture.  The  epilogue  may  be  assigned  plausibly  to  a  period  shortly 
before  Sargon's  campaign  against  Ashdod  in  711,  when  Moab  is  mentioned 
as  intriguing  with  Philistia  and  Egypt  {Isaiah,  p.  45).  But  to  what  date  the 
prophecy  itself  belongs  is  very  uncertain.  The  expression  heretofore  in  v. 
13  is  ambiguous  :  it  may  denote  a  comparatively  short  interval  of  time  (2  Sa. 
15.  34)>  or  one  that  is  much  longer  (Ps.  93,  2).  The  prophecy  may  have 
been  written  by  Isaiah  some  25  years  before,  in  anticipation  of  the  foray 
made  by  Tiglath-pileser  upon  the  districts  east  of  Jordan  in  734,  which 
(according  to  the  notice  I  Ch.  5,  26)  extended  as  far  south  as  Reuben.  But 
the  style  and  tone  of  15,  i — 16,  12  impress  many  critics  as  different  from  that 
of  Isaiah  ;  and  hence  they  suppose  it  to  have  been  delivered  originally  by 
some  earlier  prophet,  but  to  have  been  adopted  and  reinforced  by  Isaiah, 
The  terms  of  16,  13  (which  in  no  way  connect  the  preceding  prophecy  with 
Isaiah  himself)  rather  support  this  view.  There  are  analogies  for  the  repro- 
duction (and  partial  modification)  by  one  prophet  of  a  passage  written  by 
another  :  comp.  2,  2-4  with  Micah  4,  1-3  ;  Jer.  49,  7-16  and  Obad.  1-9.  16; 
and  the  use  made  by  Jer.  himself  of  this  prophecy  (see  the  reff.  on  RV.  marv. 
of  Jer.  48),  The  invasion  (as  the  Moabites  flee  in  the  direction  of  Edom) 
appears  to  \zX.q.  place  from  the  North  ;  Judnh  is  represented  as  strong  enough 
to  defend  the  fugitives  ;  and  the  territory  N.  of  the  Arnon  {i.e.  Reuben  and 
part  of  Gad)  is  occupied  by  the  Moabites.  This  combination  of  circumstances 
suits  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II.;  and  the  original  prophecy  has  accordingly 
been  referred  to  the  occasion  of  the  sul>jugation  of  Moab  by  that  king,  pre- 
supposed by  2  Ki.  14,  25,  when  the  powerful  monarch  Uzziah  vi'as  ruling 
over  Judah — the  author  being  supposed  to  be  a  prophet  of  Judah  who  sym- 
pathized (15,  5,  16,  10  f.)  with  the  suffering  Moabites  (so  Hitzig,  Reuss, 
Wellh.  in  the  Encycl.  Brit.  xvi.  535  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  Proph.  pp.  91  f.,  392  ; 
Dillm. ).  Ges.,  Ew.,  Cheyne,  Kuen.  (§44),  Baudissin,  also,  attribute  15,  i — 16, 
12  to  an  earlier  prophet  than  Isaiah,  but  without  attempting  to  define  its 
occasion  more  particularly.  16,  3''-4  (which  is  in  harmony  with  Isaiah's  style 
and  thought)  may  be  conjectured,  if  this  view  be  adopted,  to  be  an  addition 
made  to  the  original  prophecy  by  Isaiah  himself  (Cheyne). 

17,  i-ii.  On  Damascus.  Isaiah  declares  the  impending  fall 
of  Damascus,  to  be  followed  shortly  by  that  of  Ephraim  as  well,  vv. 
1-5.  A  remnant  will,  however,  escape,  who  will  be  spiritually 
transformed,  and  recognise  Jehovah  as  the  sole  source  of  their 
strength,  vv.  6-8.  The  ground  of  Ephraim's  ruin  is  its  forgetful- 
ness  of  Jehovah,  and  its  adoption  of  foreign  cults,  vv.  9-1 1. 


204  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  prophecy  is  parallel  in  thought  to  8,  4,  thougli,  from  its  containing  no 
allusion  to  hostilities  with  Jiidali-,  it  may  be  inferred  (Ew,  Del.  Ch.  Kuen. 
Dillm.)  that  it  was  written  before  the  Syro-Ephraimitish  war  had  commenced. 

17,  12-T4.  A  short  but  singularly  grapliic  prophecy,  describing 
the  ocean-like  roar  of  the  advancing  Assyrian  hosts,  and  their 
sudden  dispersion. 

In  general  conception  (though  the  figures  used  are  different)  the  prophecy 
resembles  14,  24-27,  and  may  be  assigned  to  the  same  period. 

C.  18.  On  Ethiopia  [Heb.  Cush].  The  king  of  Ethiopia, 
alarmed  by  intelligence  of  the  approach  of  the  Assyrians,  is 
summoning  his  troops  from  different  parts  of  his  empire,  vv.  1-2. 
Isaiah  declares  to  him  that  his  anxiety  is  needless :  the  plans  of 
the  Assyrians  will  be  intercepted,  and  their  hosts  overthrown, 
independently  of  the  arms  of  Ethiopia,  vv.  3-6.  Hereupon  the 
Ethiopians  will  do  homage  to  the  God  of  Israel,  v.  7. 

The  prophecy  may  be  assigned,  like  the  last,  to  the  year  701.  An  advance 
upon  Egypt  lay  always  within  the  plans  of  the  A'^syrians  :  and  the  Ethiopians 
might  well  fear  that  Sennacherib,  when  he  had  conquered  Ju  'ah  and  the 
Philistines,  would  pursue  his  successes,  and  make  an  endeavour  to  add  not 
Egypt  only,  but  Ethiopia  as  well,  to  his  empire.  In  p.  int  of  fact,  Sen- 
nacherib was  advancing  towards  Egypt  when  his  army  (at  Pelusium)  was 
smitten  by  a  pestilence  (lldt.  ii.  141  ;  Isaiah,  p.  81  f.). 

C.  19.  On  Egypt.  A  period  of  unexampled  collapse  and 
decay,  affecting  every  grade  and  class  of  society,  is  about  to 
comnience  for  Egypt,  vv.  1-17,  to  be  succeeded  by  the  nation's 
conversion  and  spiritual  renovation,  vv.  18-25. 

The  prophecy  is  a  remarkable  one,  both  on  account  of  its  many  allusions 
to  the  characteristic  habits  of  the  people  and  features  of  the  country,  and  for 
the  catholicity  of  the  picture  with  which  it  closes  (Assyria  and  Egypt,  the  one 
Judah's  oppressor,  the  other  its  untrue  friend,  to  be  incorporated,  on  an  equality 
with  Israel  itself,  in  the  kingdom  of  God). 

The  date  of  the  prophecy  is  not  certain  ;  but  it  is  at  least  a  plausible  con- 
jecture that  it  was  written  in  720  B.C.,  when  Sargon  defeated  the  Egyptians 
at  Raphia.  Sargon  did  not  "  rule  over"  Egypt  {v.  4) ;  but  it  is  not  necessary 
to  suppose  that  Isaiah  has  here  a  definite  person  in  view  ;  he  piobably  merely 
means  to  say  that,  in  the  political  disorganization  which  he  sees  to  be  immi- 
nent, the  country  will  fall  a  prey  to  the  first  ambitious  and  determined  man 
who  invades  it.  In  point  of  fact,  Sargon  defeated  the  Eg}'ptian  arms  boih  in 
720  and  in  711  ;  viennacherib  did  the  same  in  701  ;  Esarhaddon  penetrated 
into  Egypt,  and  reduced  it  to  the  condition  of  an  Assyrian  province,  c.  672  ; 
Psammclichus,  a  Libyan,  made  himself  master  of  it  shortly  afterwards,  c.  660, 
and  revolutionized  the  policy  of  its  former  kings  by  opening  it  for  the  first 
time  to  the  Greeks.  Ew.,  Stade,  Dillm.,  Kuen.  (§  43.  23-25)  assign  thfe 
prophecy  to  the  period  afte)-  Sennacherib's  retreat  in  701. 


ISAIAH. 


205 


C.  20.  On  Ashdod.  While  Asbdod  was  besieged  by  the 
Assyrian  troops  in  711,  Isaiah  walks  the  street  of  Jerusalem  in  a 
captive's  garb,  continuing  to  do  so  for  three  years,  in  order  to 
prefigure  the  shameful  fate  that  would  befall  Egypt  at  the  hands 
of  the  victorious  Assyrians. 

The  date  is  fixed  by  Sargon's  Inscriptions,  which  allude  to  the  siege  of 
Ashdod,  and  imply  that  the  revolt  of  the  Philistines,  which  led  to  it,  was 
carried  through  with  promises  of  help  from  Es,7pt.  Isaiah's  symbolical  act 
was  doubtless  meant  indirectlvias  a  protest  against  the  Egyptianizing  party  in 
Jerusalem,  and  intended  to  impress  forcibly  upon  the  people  of  the  capital 
the  folly  of  reliance  upon  Egypt. 

21,  i-io.  On  BabVCon.  The  prophet  in  imagination  sees 
Babylon  besieged  by, an  eager  and  impetuous  foe,  vv.  1-2  :  the 
vision  agitates  and  a\)pals  him,  vv.  3-4  :  the  issue,  for  a  while, 
appears  uncertain,  but  in  the  end  he  is  assured  that  the  city  has 
fallen,  vv.  5-9;  andihe  announces  the  result  as  a  duty  imposed 
upon  him,  but  with  no  sense  of  satisfaction  or  relief,  v.  10. 

The  prophecy  has  been  commonly  referred  to  the  capture  of  Babylon  by 
the  Medes  and  Persians  under  Cyrus  in  538  B.C.  This  view  is  open  to  two 
objections:  (i)  no  intelligible  purpose  would  be  subserved  by  Isaiah's 
announcing  to  the  generation  of  Hezekiah  an  occurrence  lying  nearly  200 
years  in  the  future,  and  having  no  beai-ing  on  contemporary  interests ;  (2)  it 
does  not  account  for  the  alarm  and  aversion  with  which  the  prophet  contem- 
plates the  issue  {vv.  3.  4.  10),  so  different  from  the  exultation  displayed  else- 
where by  the  prophets  when  announcing  the  fall  of  the  great  oppressing 
city  (c.  13,  2—14,  23;  c.  40 — 48;  Jer,  50 — 51).  The  first  of  these  objec- 
tions would  be  obviated  by  the  supposition  that  the  prophecy  is  really  the 
work  of  an  author  M'riting  towards  the  close  of  the  exile  (Ew.  Hitz.  &c.); 
but  even  so  the  second  would  still  retain  its  force.  Hence  the  prophecy  has 
been  referred  by  Kleinert,  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1877,  p.  174  ff.,  Cheyne,  and  the 
present  writer  {Isaiah,  p.  96  ff.)  to  a  siege  of  Babylon  by  the  Assyrians  in 
Isaiah's  own  time.  The  inscriptions  show  that  Merodach  -  Baladan  made 
repeated  efforts,  in  the  time  of  Sargon  and  Sennacherib,  to  free  Babylon  from 
the  Assyrian  yoke,  and  that  the,  Assyrians  on  three  separate  occasions,  B.C. 
710,  703,  and  696,  besieged  and  entered  the  rebellious  city.  As  Merodach- 
Baladan  had  probably  (c.  39)  some  understanHing  with  Hezekiah,  the 
struggle  between  him  and  the  Assyrians  would  be  watched  with  interest  in 
Judah  :  the  success  of  the  latter  would  mean  the  punishment  of  those  sus- 
)  ected  of  being  implicated  with  him.  This  success  (perhaps  in  710)  Isaiah 
finds  it  his  duty  to  announce.  His  human  sympathies  are  with  his  own 
people  :  he  foresees  the  sufferings  which  the  present  triumph  of  Assyria  will 
entail  upon  them  ("my  threshing,"  &c.  v.  10)  ;  and  hence  the  distress  with 
which  the  prospect  fills  him  {v.  3  f.),  and  the  apparent  unwillingness  with 
which  he  delivers  his  message.  This  view  of  the  prophecy  has  not,  however, 
found  favour  with  recent  writers  on  Isaiah  (Delitzsch ;  Kuen,  §  43,  10 ;  Dillm.), 


206  LITERATURE   CF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

who  agree  in  supposing  it  to  refe.  to  the  conquest  of  Babylon  by  Cyru?,  and 
ascribe  it  accordingly  to  a  prophet  living  towards  the  close  of  the  exile. 

21,  II-I2.  On  Dumah  {i.e.  Fdom).  A  call  of  inquiry  reaches 
the  prophet  from  Seir  (Gen.  2>^\  8  f.):  he  replies,  in  dark  and 
enigmatic  terms,  that  though  the  "morning"  {i.e.  brighter  days) 
may  dawn  for  Edom,  it  will  quickiy  be  followed  by  a  "  night "  of 
trouble ;  for  the  present  no  more  favourable  answer  can  be  given. 

21,  13-17.  On  'Arab.  A  tide  of  invasion  is  about  to  overflow 
the  region  inhabited  by  'Arab  and  KeJar  {v.  17) ;  the  Dedanite 
caravans  passing  through  it  have  to  seek  refuge  in  the  woods  : 
the  people  of  Tema  bring  supplies  tc  the  fugitive  traders. 
Within  a  year  Kedar  will  be  so  reduced  in  numbers,  that  only 
an  insignificant  remnant  will  survive. 

'Arab  denotes  not  Arabia  (in  our  sense  of  th'^  word),  but  a  particular 
nomad  tribe  inhabiting  the  N.  of  the  Peninsula,  and  mentioned  Ez.  27,  20  f., 
with  Dedan  and  Kedar,  as  engaged  in  commerce  vith  Tyre.  Kedar  was  a 
wealthy  pastoral  tribe,  60,  7.  Jer.  49,  29,  Tema  lay  some  250  miles  S.-E.  of 
P>lom.  Sargon's  troops  were  engaged  in  war  with  .'he  Philistines  in  both 
720  and  711  :  and  it  may  be  conjectured  that  these  two  prophecies  were 
delivered  in  view  of  an  expected  campaign  of  the  Assyrians  in  the  neigh- 
bouring regions  in  one  of  these  years. 

2:,  I- 1 4.  A  rebuke,  addressed  by  Isaiah  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  capital,  on  account  of  the  undignified  temper  displayed 
by  them  when  their  city  was  threatened  with  an  assault  by  the 
foe.  V.  I  describes  the  demeanour  of  the  people  ;  vv.  2-3  the 
events  which  had  preceded  ;  vv.  4-5  the  grief  and  shame  over- 
whelming the  prophet  in  consequence;  vv.  6-12  the  hasty 
measures  of  defence  which  had  been  taken  by  the  people,  and 
the  inappropriate  temper  manifested  by  them  at  the  time  and 
subsequently:  v.  13  is  the  prophet's  rebuke. 

The  prophecy  belongs  probably  to  either  711  or  701  B.C.  In  711  B.C. 
Sargon's  troops  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Judah  (engaged  upon  the 
siege  of  Ashdod)  ;  and  as  Judah  is  mentioned  at  the  same  lime  as  **  speaking 
treason  "  against  him,  it  is  possible  that  some  collision  may  have  taken  place 
with  Sargon's  soldiers,  resulting  in  a  panic  and  defeat,  such  as  Isaiah 
describes.^  The  objection  to  referring  it  to  701,  the  year  of  Sennacherib's 
invasion,  is  its  minatory  tone ;  for  in  the  other  prophecies  belonging 
undoubtedly  to  this  period,  Isaiah  makes  it  his  aim  to  encourage  and  sustain 

*  But  the  hypothesis  that  Sargon  gained  a  series  of  successes,  and  even 
ended  by  capturing  Jerusalem,  lacks  adequate  historical  foundation,  and 
must  be  rejected  (see  W.  R.  Smiih,  Proph.  p.  295  ff.  ;  Isaiah,  p.  \o\  f.  ; 
Schrader,  KAT.  p.  407  f.  ;  Kuen.  §  41.  ^c  ;  Dillm.  pp.  3,  103,  197). 


ISAIAH.  207 

his  people  :  but  this  difificulty  may  be  overcome  by  referring  it  to  an  episode  in 
this  invasion — by  supposing  it  to  allude,  for  instance,  to  a  panic  occasioned 
by  the  first  conflict  with  the  Assyrians  (W.  R.  Smith,  Proph.  p.  346  ; 
Dillm.),  or  else  to  have  been  spoken  by  the  prophet  after  Sennacherib's 
retreat,  in  condemnation  of  the  temper  shown  by  the  people  while  the 
invasion  was  in  progress  (Guthe,  Sorensen,  Kuenen,  §  43.  19-21). 

2  2,    15-25.     On    Shebna.      Shebna,    a    minister    holding    in 
'Jerusalem  the  influential  office  of  Governor  or  Comptroller  of 
the  Palace,  is  threatened   by  Isaiah  with    disgrace   and  banish- 
ment ;  and  Eliakim,  a  man  of  approved  views,  is  nominated  as 
his  successor. 

It  is  evident  that  Shebna  represented  a  policy  obnoxious  to  Isaiah — 
probably  he  was  one  of  the  friends  of  Egypt.  The  prophecy  must  date 
from  before  701  ;  for  in  that  year  (36,  3.  37,  2)  Eliakim  is  mentioned  as 
holding  the  office  here  promised  him  by  Isaiah,  and  Shebna  occupies  the 
subordinate  position  of  "  Scribe,"  or  secretary. 

C.  23.  On  Tyre.  In  picturesque  and  effective  imagery,  the 
approaching  fall  of  Tyre,  the  great  commercial  and  colonizing 
city  of  antiquity,  is  described,  iw.  1-14.  After  seventy  years  of 
enforced  quiescence,  however,  Tyre  will  revive,  and  resume  her 
former  occupation  ;  but  her  gains,  instead  of  being  applied  to 
her  own  profit  or  adornment,  will  be  consecrated  to  the  service 
of  Jehovah,  vv.  15-18. 

Jsaiah  expresses  here,  in  a  form  consonant  with  the  special 
character  of  Tyre — as  before,  in  the  case  of  Ethiopia,  18,  7,  and 
Egypt,  19,  18  ff. — the  thought  of  its  future  acknowledgment  of 
the  true  God :  the  commercial  spirit,  by  which  it  is  actuated, 
will  not  be  discarded,  but  it  will  be  elevated  and  ennobled. 

The  dale  of  the  prophecy  depends  partly  upon  v.  13.  This  verse  is 
d'fficult  and  uncertain  :  but  if  the  rendering  of  RV.  be  correct,  the  prophet 
points,  as  a  warning  to  Tyre,  to  the  punishment  recently  inflicted  upon 
Chaldaea  by  the  Assyrians — probably  in  710-09  or  703  (p.  195);  and  the 
prophecy  will  have  been  written  shortly  before  Sennacherib's  invasion  of 
Phoenicia  in  701  (Cheyne,  W.  R.  Smith,  Proph.  p.  2>IZ  J  cf  Isaiah,  p.  106). 
But  the  *' Chaldseans  "  are  introduced  somewhat  unexpectedly;  and  Del. 
(whose  rendering  of  the  received  text  is  too  forced  to  be  probable)  inclines 
to  adopt  the  emendation  of  Ew.  and  Schrader  {KAT.  p.  409  f )  D^jyjD 
Canaanites  for  DHI^^,  the  verse  then  referring,  of  course,  to  the  fate  impend- 
ing on  Phoenicia  itself.  Kuenen  (§  42.  23),  finding  this  verse  inexplicable, 
disregards  it,  and  assigns  the  prophecy  to  the  period  of  Shahnaneser's  siege 
of  Tyre  (between  727  and  723  B.C.),  related  by  Josephus  {Arch.  ix.  14.  2). 

III.  C.  24 — 27.     These   chapters   are   intimately  connected 


2oS  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

together,  and  form  a  single  prophecy.  They  "  present  vividly 
and  stro:igly  the  Divine  judgment  upon  the  world,  and  the 
redemption  of  God's  people."  In  particular,  they  declare  the 
overthrow  of  some  proud,  tyrannical  city  (the  name  of  which  is 
not  stated),  and  depict  the  felicity,  and  spiritual  blessedness, 
which  Israel  will  afterwards  enjoy. 

2^,  1-13  announce  a  great  convulsion  about  to  overwhelm  a  ^ 
large  portion  of  the  earth,  obliterating  every  distinction  of  class, 
and  spreading  desolation  far  and  wide.  For  a  moment,  however, 
the  vision  of  ruin  is  interrupted  ;  and  the  praises  of  the  redeemed 
Israelites  are  heard,  borne  from  afar  over  the  Western  waters,  , 
V.  14  f.  :  but  such  rejoicings,  the  prophet  declares,  are 
premature;  another  and  more  terrible  scene  in  the  drama  of 
judgment  has  still  to  be  enacted,  vv.  16-24.  In  c.  25  the 
deliverance  is  supposed  to  have  been  effected,  and  the  hostile 
city  overthrown  :  and  the  prophet  puts  into  the  mouth  of  the 
redeemed  community  two  hymns  of  thanksgiving,  25,  1-5.  9  ', 
25,  6-8  he  pictures  the  blessedness  of  which  Zion  will  then  be 
the  centre  for  «// nations  ;  while  haughty  Moab,  25,  10-12,  will 
be  ignominiously  humbled.  26,  i-io  is  a  third  hymn  of  thanks- 
giving ;  26,  11-19  is  a  retrospect  (supposed  likewise  to  be 
spoken  after  the  deliverance)  :  the  nation  looks  back  to  the 
period  of  distress  precedmg  its  deliverance,  and  confesses  that 
this  had  been  accomplished,  not  by  any  power  of  its  own,  but  by 
Divine  aid.  26,  20-21  the  prophet  returns  to  his  own  present, 
and  addresses  words  of  comfort  to  his  contemporaries  in  view  of 
the  approaching  "indignation"  {i.e.  24,  i  ff.).  C.  27  contains 
further  descriptions  of  the  fall  of  the  hostile  power,  with  a  fourth 
hymn  {vv.  2-5),  and  of  the  restoration  of  God's  own  people. 

Modem  critics  agree  generally  in  the  opinion  that  this  prophecy 
is  not  Isaiah's:  and  (chiefly)  for  the  following  reasons: — i.  It 
lacks  a  suitable  occasion  in  Isaiah's  age.  It  cannot  be  plausibly 
assigned  to  the  period  of  the  Assyrian  crisis  of  701  ;  for  we  possess 
a  long  series  of  discourses  belonging  to  the  years  702-701  :  in 
all  Isaiah  views  similarly  the  coming  overthrow  of  Assyria ; 
but  in  the  present  prophecy  both  the  structure  and  the  point  of 
view  are  throughout  different  (contrast  e.g.  c.  29 — 32  with  these 
chapters).  Thus  Isaiah  never  connects  either  the  aggressions  or 
the  ruin  of  the  Assyrian  power  with  movements  of  the  dimen- 
sions here  contemplated:  the  Assyrian  forces  are  broken  "upon 


ISAIAH.  209 

the  mountains"  of  Judah  (14,  25);  but  the  earth  generally  is 
untouched  (contrast  24,  1-12.  17-20).  Isaiah  always  speaks  of 
the  army,  or  king,  of  Assyria  :  here  the  oppressing  power  is  some 
great  city  (25,  2-3.  26,  5).  In  Isaiah,  again,  W  "remnant" 
which  escapes  is  saved  in  Judah  or  Jerusalem  (4,  3.  37,  32): 
here  the  voices  of  the  redeemed  are  first  heard  from  distant 
quarters  of  the  earth  (24,  14-16). 

2.  The  literary  treatment  (in  spite  of  certain  phraseological 
points  of  contact  with  Isaiah)  is  in  many  respects  unlike  Isaiah's. 

3.  There  are  features  in  the  representation  and  contents  of  the 
prophecy  which  seem  to  spring  out  of  a  different  (and  later) 
vein  of  thought  from  Isaiah's. 

Thus  the  style  is  more  artificial  than  that  of  Isaiah,  as  appears,  for  instance, 
in  the  frequent  combination  of  nearly  synonymous  clauses,  often  i^yvS£T«;  (24, 
3ff.),  the  repetition  of  a  word  (24,  16.  25,  i^.  26,  3.  5.  15.  27,  5),  the 
numerous  alliterations  and  word-plays  (24,  i.  3.  4.  6.  16.  17.  18.  19.  25,  6. 
10^  26,  3.  27,  7),  the  tendency  to  rhyme  (24,  i.  8.  16.  25,  i.  6.  7.  26,  2.  13. 
20.  21.  27,  3.  5),— all  features,  which,  though  they  may  be  found  occasionally 
in  Isaiah,  are  never  aggregated  in  his  writings  as  they  are  here.  There  are, 
moreover,  many  unusual  expressions,  the  combination  of  which  points  simi- 
larly to  an  author  other  than  Isaiah.  Traits  connected  with  the  representa- 
tion, not  in  the  manner  of  Isaiah,  are  e.g.  24,  16.  21-22.  25,  6.  26,  18  f. 
(the  resurrection).  27,  I  (the  animal  symbolism),  the  reflexions  26,  7  ff.  Tiie 
principal  points  of  contact  with  Isaiah  are  24,  6  (lytJO)-    10^  (23,   i).   13  (17, 

6).  i6b  (21,  2.  zz,  I).  20  (I,  8  n:)fo).  25,  2  (17,  J  n^so).  4  (14,  30  D^bn 

T 

D^:V3N'i).  4  (9,  17  n^D^l  -|'')DK^).  5  (32,  2  jvv).  7  (10,  20  inD^D).  9  (17, 
8  D'JDn).  Ill' (17,  7  f.  22,  III').  13  (ji^  „  jhe  ^.-i^jg  dispersion);  but,  in 
the  light  of  the  general  difference,  these  are  not  sufficient  to  establish  Isaiah's 
authorship  :  they  do  not  show  more  than  that  the  author  was  familiar  with 
Isaiah's  writings,  and  sometimes  borroM^ed  expressions  from  them.  His  pro- 
phecy contains  similarly  reminiscences  from  other  p-ophers,  as  24,  i  (Nah.  2, 
11) ;  24,  2.  4.  27,  6  (Hos.  4,  9.  3.  14,  7  ff.)  ;  24,  i7-i8»  (Jer.  48,  43-44") ;  24, 
2.0^  (Am.  5,  2)  ;  26,  I  (Isa.  60,  18) ;  26,  21  (Micah  i,  3).  It  is  true  the  author 
follows  Isaiah  more  than  other  prophets ;  but  it  is  difficult  not  to  feel  the 
justice  of  D.jliLZ:>ch's  remark  {Isaiah,  ed.  4,  p.  2S6),  "  that  the  contents  of  the 
prophecy,  in  order  to  find  a  place  in  the  OT.  knowledge  of  salvation,  must 
be  referred  to  an  age  subsequent  to  Isaiah's." 

But  if  it  be  not  Isaiah's,  to  what  period  is  the  prophecy  to  be 
assigned  ?  The  absence  of  distinct  historical  allusions  makes  this 
question  a  difficult  one  to  answer.  27,  i  alludes  (as  it  seems)  to 
Assyria,  Babylon,  and  Egypt ;  hence  it  will  not  be  earlier  than 
the  time  when  Babylon  became  formidable  to  the  Jews.  The 
present  writer  was  disposed  formerly  to  acquiesce  in  the  opinion 

O 


2IO  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

that  it  might  have  been  written  on  the  eve  of  the  exile,  in  view 
of  the  great  poHtical  upheaval  wrought  by  Nebuchadnezzar  ;  but 
it  differs  so  widely  from  the  other  prophecies  of  this  period 
(Jer.  Ez.)  that  this  view  can  scarcely  be  maintained.  There  are 
features  in  which  it  is  in  advance  not  merely  of  Isaiah,  but  even 
of  Deutero-Isaiah.  It  may  be  referred  most  plausibly  to  the 
early  post-exilic  period.^  All  admit  that  the  ideal  element  is 
larger  here  than  in  most  prophecies  of  the  OT.  "The  seemingly 
historical  allusions  are  in  reality  symbolical :  when  we  attempt 
to  fix  them  they  elude  our  grasp"  (Delitzsch).  Even  Dean 
Plumptre  (though  he  attributes  the  prophecy  to  Isaiah)  writes  :  ^ 
"  The  language,  with  the  exception  of  the  reference  to  Moab 
(25,  10),  seems  deliberately  generalized,  as  if  to  paint  the  general 
discomfiture  in  every  age  (and,  above  all,  in  the  great  age  of  the 
future  Deliverer)  of  the  enemies  of  Jehovah  and  His  people/' 
But  this  generalization  of  prophecy  is  itself  the  mark  of  a  later 
age.  Pre-exilic  prophecies  are  uniformly  accommodated  to  the 
occasion  out  of  which  they  arise:  even  where  the  language  is 
figurative,  it  still  takes  its  colouring  from  the  definite  circum- 
stances to  which  the  prophet  addresses  himself.  But  this  pro- 
phecy partakes,  in  fact,  of  an  apocalyptic  character.  "  It  has 
too  universal  an  application — the  language  is  too  imaginative, 
enigmatic,  and  even  paradoxical — to  be  applied  to  an  actual 
historical  situation,  or  to  its  development  in  the  immediate 
future.  .  .  .  It  is  a  summary  or  ideal  account  of  the  attitude  of 
the  alien  world  to  Israel,  and  of  the  judgment  God  has  ready 
for  the  world."  And  even  though  itself  of  later  origin,  "its  place 
in  the  Book  of  Isaiah  is  intelligible.  C.  24 — 27  fitly  crown  the 
long  list  of  Isaiah's  oracles  upon  foreign  nations.  They  finally 
formulate  the  purposes  of  God  towards  the  nations  and  towards 
Israel,  whom  the  nations  have  oppressed."  ^ 

Under  what  circumstances  the  prophecy  may  have  been  written  we  can  but 
conjecture.  From  Neh.  I,  3  it  may  be  inferred  that  some  calamity,  on 
which  the  historical  books  are  otherwise  silent,  had  befallen  the  restored 
community  ;  and  perhaps  this  prophecy  was  designed  for  the  encouragement 

^  So  Ewald,  Delitzsch  {Messianische  IVeissagungen,  1890,  p.  144  f.),  Dill 
mann.     Smend  {ZATIK   1884,  pp.    161-224)  and  Kuenen  (§  46.  20)  place 
it  later,  in  the  4ih  century  H.c,  but  upon  grounds  of  doubtful  cogency. 

-  In  the  Commentary  on  the  OT.^  edited  by  Bp.  EUicott. 

^  G.  A.  Smith  [above,  p.  194],  i.  416  f.  4^0  f. 


ISAIAH.  211 

of  the  people  at  the  time  when  that  disaster  was  imminent,  the  author  (in 
some  cases)  basing  his  representations  upon  those  of  Isaiah,  and  developing 
lines  of  thought  suggested  by  him.  Possibly,  indeed,  it  may  owe  its  place 
in  the  Book  of  Isaiah  to  the  fact  that  it  was  from  the  first  intended  as  a 
supplement  to  Isaiah's  prophecies  against  foreign  nations,  applying  some  of 
the  truths  and  principles  on  which  Isaiah  insisted  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
age  in  which  the  author  wrote  (comp.  Dillm.  p.  222). 

Of  course  the  ascription  of  the  prophecy  to  this  age  in  no 
degree  impairs  its  reUgious  value.  On  the  contrary,  "c.  24-27 
stand  in  the  front  rank  of  evangelical  prophecy.  In  their  expe- 
rience of  religion,  their  characterizations  of  God's  people,  their 
expressions  of  faith,  their  missionary  hopes,  and  hopes  of  immor- 
tality, they  are  very  rich  and  edifying."  ^ 

The  prophecy  in  some  respects  stands  alone  in  the  OT.  It  is 
remarkable  on  account  of  the  width  of  area  which  the  prophet's 
imagination  traverses,  the  novelty  and  variety  of  the  imagery 
which  he  employs,  the  music  of  language  and  rhythm  which 
impressed  Delitzsch's  ear  so  forcibly,  and  the  beautiful  lyric 
hymns  in  which  the  redeemed  community  declares  its  gratitude. 

IV.  C.  28 — 33.  A  group  of  discourses,  dealing  (all  but  entirely) 
with  the  relation  of  Judah  to  Assyria,  —  the  earlier  insisting 
on  the  shortsightedness  of  revolting  from  Assyria,  and  trusting 
to  Egypt  for  effectual  help ;  the  later  foretelling  the  trouble  in 
which,  through  the  neglect  of  Isaiah's  warnings,  Judah  and 
Jerusalem  would  be  involved,  and  their  subsequent  deliverance. 

C.  28.  Vv.  1-6  the  prophet  begins  by  declaring  the  approach- 
ing fall  of  the  proud  capital  of  Samaria.  He  then  turns  aside, 
V.  7,  to  address  Jerusalem.  Here  also  there  is  the  same  self- 
indulgence  and  reluctance  to  listen  to  better  counsels :  the 
political  leaders  of  the  nation  scorn  the  prophet's  message,  and 
trust  to  Egyptian  help  to  free  themselves  from  the  yoke  of 
Assyria ;  but  the  day  will  come  when  they  will  find  how  terribly 
their  calculations  are  at  fault,  vv.  7-22.  Vv.  23-29  are  words  of 
consolation  addressed  to  Isaiah's  own  disciples  and  followers, 
teaching  by  a  parable  God's  purposes  in  His  discipline  of  His 
people. 

From  vv.  1-4  it  is  evident  that  the  prophecy  was  written  some  time  prior 
to  722,  the  year  of  the  fall  of  Samaria.  The  tone  adopted  by  Isaiah  shows 
what  power  the  friends  of  Egypt  were  already  beginning  to  exercise  in  Judah. 

C.    29 — 32.    A  series   of  prophecies  belonging  (if  29,   i   be 

^  G.  A.  Smith,  idid.  p.  431  f. 


212  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

rightly  interpreted)  to  the  year  before  Sennacherib's  invasion  of 
Judah,  i.e.  to  702  B.C. 

C.  29.  Within  a  year  Jerusalem  will  be  besieged,  and  reduced 
to  extremities  by  her  foes  ;  but  in  a  moment  the  hostile  throng 
pressing  around  her  will  be  dispersed,  and  vanish  like  a  dream, 
z'z/.i-S.  To  the  people,  however,  all  seems  secure  :  the  prospect 
opened  by  Isaiah  appears  to  them  incredible :  they  view  his 
words  with  astonishment,  v.  g\  He  reproaches  them  with  their 
want  of  discernment,  declaring  that  ere  long  the  event  will  prove 
the  truth  of  what  he  has  said,  and  the  wisdom  of  their  counsellors 
will  stand  abashed,  vv.  g^'-i6.  He  closes  with  a  picture  of  the  *- 
ideal  future  that  will  follow  the  downfall  of  the  Assyrian  (v.  20^^), 
and  of  the  altered  character  and  temper  which  will  then  manifest 
itself  in  the  nation,  vv.  17-24. 

C.  30.  The  negotiations  with  Egypt  have  here  reached  a 
further  stage.  An  embassy,  despatched  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
cluding a  treaty,  is  already  on  its  way  thither.  Isaiah  predicts 
the  disappointment  in  which  the  project  will  assuredly  end,  and 
in  a  brief  but  pithy  motto  sums  up  the  character  of  Egypt, — 
boastful  in  the  offer  of  promis,es,  procrastinating  and  inefficient  " 
in  '.he  performance  of  them,  m>.  1-7.  He  paints  the  terrible 
results  in  which  the  political  shortsightedness  of  the  people's 
leaders  will  ultimately  land  them,  vv.  8-17;  though  afterwards 
his  tone  changes  into  one  of  reassurance,  and  he  draws  a  picture 
(similar  to  that  in  29,  17  ff.)  of  the  ideal  future  that  is  to  follow, 
of  the  glorification  of  external  nature,  corresponding  to  the 
nation's  transformed  character,  which  is  to  accompany  it,  vv. 
18-26,  and  of  the  triumphant  overthrow  of  the  Assyrian  invader, 
by  which  it  will  be  inaugurated,  vzj.  27-33. 

C.  31 — 32,  8  reiterates,  under  fresh  figures,  substantially  the 
same  thoughts :  the  disappointment  to  be  expected  from  Egypt, 
31,  1-3;  Jehovah's  deliverance  of  His  city,  z>.  4  f . ;  the  people's 
altered  character  afterwards,  zj.  6  i  ;  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian, 
V.  8  f.  :  32,  1-8  the  prophet  delineates  once  more  the  ideal 
future,  dwelling  in  particular  on  the  regeneration  of  society, 
and  the  recovery  of  a  clear  and  firm  moral  judgment,  which  are 
to  signalize  its  advent. 

32,  9-20  is  addressed  specially  to  the  women,  whose  indiffer- 
ence and  unconcern  had  attracted  the  notice  of  the  prophet. 
Their  careless  assurance,  Isaiah  tells  them,  is  misplaced  :  trouble 


ISAIAH. 


213 


is  impending  over  the  land  ;  it  is  about  to  be  ravaged  by  the  foe  j 
and  next  year's  harvest  will  be  looked  for  in  vain,  vv.  10-12. 
And  the  state  of  desolation  will  continue,  until  a  vivifying  spirit 
is  poured  upon  it  from  on  high,  altering  the  face  of  external 
nature,  and  transforming,  morally  and  religiously,  the  character 
of  the  inhabitants,  vv.  13-20. 

C.  s:^.  The  end  of  the  Assyrian  is  at  length  approaching :  the 
country  is  indeed  a  picture  of  desolation  and  misery  (77;.  7-9); 
but  the  moment  has  arrived  for  Jehovah  to  arise  and  defend  His 
city :  and  already  the  prophet  sees  the  hosts  of  the  Assyrians 
dispersed,  and  the  Jews  seizing  the  spoil  (v.  3  f.),  vv.  1-12.  Ere 
long  the  present  distress  will  be  "  mused  on "  only  as  a  thing 
that  is  past :  Zion,  safe  in  the  protection  of  her  Divine  Lord, 
will  be  at  peace;  and  no  sickness,  or  sin,  will  disturb  the  felicity 
which  thenceforth  her  citizens  wdll  enjoy,  vv.  13-24. 

The  date  of  this  prophecy  is  a  year  later  than  c,  29—32,  z'.e.  B.C.  701, 
apparently  shortly  after  the  incidents  related  in  2  Ki.  18,  i3''-i6.  Sennacherib 
had  taken  many  fenced  cities  of  Judah,  and  laid  a  fine  upon  Hezekiah ; 
but  had  afterwards,  upon  whatever  pretext,  made  a  fresh  demand  for  the 
surrender  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  mes-engers  who  had  been  sent  to  Lachish  to 
purchase  peace  of  him  had  returned  without  accomplishing  their  purpose 
{v.  7  f.).  Isaiah,  abandoning  the  tone  of  alarm  which  he  had  adopted  a  year 
previously,  when  the  foe  was  still  in  the  distance  {e.^^.  29,  1-4),  sets  himself 
here  to  calm  and  reassure  his  people  (comp.  37,  22-32). 

V.  C.  34 — 35.  The  contrasted  future  of  Edom  and  of  Israel. 
The  prophet  declares  a  judgment  to  be  approaching,  which  will 
embrace  all  nations:  specially  in  Edom  is  "a  great  sacrifice" 
prepared,  which  will  strip  the  country  of  its  inhabitants,  and 
leave  it  a  desolation,  the  haunt  of  desert  animals,  for  ever 
(c.  34).  Far  different  will  be  the  future  of  the  ransomed 
Israelites.  For  them  the  desert  soil  will  bring  forth  abundantly ; 
human  infirmities  will  cease  to  vex,  human  needs  will  be  relieved  ; 
secure  from  molestation  the  exiles  will  return  to  Zion,  and  obtain 
there  never-ending  joys  (c.  35). 

The  most  prominent  characteristic  of  this  prophecy  is  the  glow  of  passion 
which  pervades  c.  34,  recalling  that  which  animates  the  prophecies  against 
Babylon  in  13,  2  ff .  and  Jer.  50 — 51.  The  author,  or  the  people  whom  he 
represents,  must  have  been  smarting  from  some  recent  provocation,  as,  indeed, 
is  intimated  unambiguously  in  34,  8  "For  unto  Jehovah  belongeth  a  day  of 
vengeance,  and  a  year  of  recompence  /or  the  quarrel  of  Zion."  The  hostile 
feeling  which  prevailed  generally  between  Israel  and  Edom  broke  out  most 
strongly  at  the  time  when  Jerusalem  was  captured  by  the  ChakU-eans  in  586  ; 


2  14  LITERATURE   OE   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

then  the  Edomites  manifested  an  open  and  malicious  exultation  at  the  fall  of 
their  rival,  which,  as  allusions  in  contemporary  (Obadiah  10-16  ;  Ez.  35  ; 
Lam.  4,  21  f.),  and  even  in  later  (Ps.  137,  7)  writers  show,  was  bitterly 
resented  by  the  Jews.  The  strong  vein  of  feeling  which  pervades  c.  34  makes 
it  extremely  jirobable  that  this  was  the  occasion  of  the  prophecy  :  the  ground 
of  Zion's  "quarrel  "  may  be  illustrated  from  Ez.  35,  10-13.  The  literary  style 
of  the  propliecy  is  also  not  Isaiah's  ;  and  both  in  tone  and  in  representation, 
it  presents  affinitits  with  prophecies  which,  upon  independent  grounds,  must  ^ 
be  referred  to  the  peri'id  uf  the  exile. 

VL  C.  36 — 39.  An  historical  section,  differing  (except  by  the 
addition  of  the  Song  of  Hezekiah,  38,  9-20)  only  verbally  from 
2  Ki.  18,  13.  18,  17 — 20,  19,  and  narrating  certain  important^ 
events  in  which  Isaiah  was  concerned,  viz.  :  (i)  the  double 
demand  (36,  2  ff.  ;  '37,  7  ff.)  made  by  Sennacherib  for  the  sur- 
render of  Jerusalem  ;  Isaiah's  final  predictions  of  its  deliverance, 
and  their  fulfilment,  c.  36 — 37  ;  (2)  Hezekiah's  sickness  ;  his  cure, 
and  the  promij^e  made  to  him  by  Isaiah,  followed  by  his  Song 
of  thanksgiving,  c.  38 ;  (3)  the  embassy  sent  by  Merodach- 
Baladan,  king  of  Babylon,  to  Hezekiah ;  Isaiah's  reproof  of 
Hezekiah  for  having  displayed  to  them  his  treasures,  and  his 
prediction  of  future  spohation  by  the  Babylonians,  c.  39. 

The  original  place  of  these  narratives  was  not  the  Book  of 
Isaiah,  but  the  Book  of  Kings,  whence  they  were  excerpted  (with 
slight  abridgments)  by  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah  (as 
Jer.  52  was  excerpted  from  2  Ki.  24,  i8ff.  by  the  compiler  of 
the  Book  of  Jeremiah),  on  account,  no  doubt,  of  the  particulars 
contained  in  them  respecting  Isaiah's  prophetical  work,  and  the 
fulfilment  of  some  of  his  most  remarkable  prophecies,^  the  Song 
of  Hezekiah  being  added  by  him  from  an  independent  source. 

This  is  apparent — (i)  from  a  comparison  of  the  two  texts.  Thus  (minor 
verbal  differences  being  disregarded) — 

2  Ki.  18,  13  =  Is.  36,  I. 

18,  14-16  =*  *  * 

18,  17—19,  37  =  36,  2-37,  z^. 
20,  1-6  --  38,  1-6  {^vv.  4-6  abridged), 

7-8  =  21-22  (out  of  place). 

9-U  =  7-8  (abridged). 

*  *  *  =  9-20  (Hezekiah's  Song). 

12-19  =  c.  39  (Merodaeh-Baladan's  embassy). 

If  the  places  in  which  the  two  texts  differ  be  compared,  it  will  be  seen  that 

1  With  37,  36  f.  comp.  not  only  37,  7.  22.  29,  but  also  10,  33  f.  14,  25.  17, 
13  f.  18,  5  f.  29,  6f.  30,  27  ff.  31,  8f.  33,  3.  10-12  {Isaiah,  p.  82  f.). 


ISAIAH.  215 

that  of  Kings  has  the  fuller  details,  that  of  Isaiah  being  evidently  abridged 
from  it  :  notice  especially  Is.  38,  4.  7-8  by  the  side  of  2  Ki.  20,  4.  9-1 1  (Is. 
36,2-3".  17-18^  are  related  similarly  to  2  Ki.  18,  17-18*.  32):  Is.  38,  21-22 
(where  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  only  legitimate  version  of  the  Hebrew 
V\''W''  1D^^"'^  is  "And  Isaiah  said"  [not  '-'had  said"])  is  also  clearly  in  its 
proper  position  in  the  text  of  Kings.  Further  (2)  the  narrative,  as  it  stands 
in  Isaiah,  shows  manifest  traces  of  having  passed  through  the  hand  of  the 
compiler  of  Kings,  especially  in  the  form  in  which  Hezekiah's  prayer  is  cast 
(Is.  37,  15-20  =  2  Ki.  19,  15-19),  Jn  37,  34°,  where  the  reference  to  David  is 
a  motive  without  parallel  in  Isaiah,  but  of  great  frequency  in  Kings  (p.  191, 
No.  22),  and  in  c.  38 — 39  {e.g.  38,  i  In  (hose  days,  p.  192,  No.  44  ;  3,  tf. 
I  K.  2,  4,  and  p.  190,  No.  7  ;  39,  i  At  that  time,  p.  192,  No.  45.  From  what 
source  the  prophetical  narrative,  c.  36 — 37,  was  derived  by  the  compiler  of 
Kings,  we  have  no  means  of  determining.  The  prophecy,  37,  22-32,  bears, 
indeed,  unmistakable  marks  of  Isaiah's  hand  ;  but  the  surrounding  narrative 
(which  shows  no  literary  traits  pointing  to  him  as  its  author)  seems  to  be 
the  work  of  a  writer  belonging  to  the  subsequent  generation  :  for  a  con- 
temporary of  the  events  related  would  hardly  have  attributed  ihe  successes 
against  Hamath,  Arpad,  and  Samaria  (36,  19),  which  were,  in  fact,  achieved 
by  Tiglath-Pileser  or  Sargon,  to  Sennacherib,  or  have  expressed  himself,  37, 
38,  without  any  indication — and  apparently  without  any  consciousness — that 
Sennacherib's  assassination  (B.C.  681)  was  separated  from  his  invasion  of 
Judah  (B.C.  701)  by  an  interval  of  20  years.  The  absence  in  37,  36  of  all 
particulars  as  to  time  and  place  points  to  the  same  conclusion. 

Isaiah's^  poetical  genius  is  superb.  His  characteristics  are 
grandeur  and  beauty  of  conception,  wealth  of  imagination,  vivid- 
ness of  illustration,  compressed  energy  and  splendour  of  diction. 
These  characteristics,  as  is  natural,  frequently  accompany  each 
other;  and  passages  which  exemplify  one  will  be  found  to 
exemplify  another.  Examples  of  picturesque  and  impressive 
imagery  are  indeed  so  abundant  that  selection  is  difficult.  These 
may  be  instanced,  however :  the  banner  raised  aloft  upon  the 
mountains  (5,  26.  ir,  10.  18,  3.  30,  17, — indifferent  connexions); 
the  restless  roar  of  the  sea  (5,  30) ;  the  waters  rising  with  irresist- 
ible might  (8,  7  f.);  the  forest  consumed  rapidly  in  the  circling 
flames,  or  stripped  of  its  foliage  by  an  unseen  hand  (10,  16  f. 
33  f.);  the  high  way  (11,  16.  19,  23) ;  the  rusiiing  of  many  waters 
(17,  12  f.) ;  the  storm  driving  or  beating  down  all  before  it  (28, 
2.  29,  6.  30,   27  f.  30  f.);  the   monster  funeral  pyre  (30,  2>z)\ 

1  For  an  estimate  of  Isaiah's  position  as  a  prophet,  and  an  exposition  of  the 
leading  principles  of  his  teaching,  the  writer  must  refer  either  to  what  he  has 
himself  said  on  these  subjects  elsewhere  {Isaiah,  p.  107  ff.),  or  to  what  has 
been  said  on  them,  ably  and  fully,  by  other  writers— most  recently  by  Dillm. 
pp.  ix-xix  (esp.  xv-xix). 


2l6  LITERATURE   OF    THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Jehovah's  hand  "  stretched  out,"  or  "  swung,"  over  the  earth, 
and  bearing  consternation  with  it  (5,  25.  14,  26  f.  23,  11.  31,  3; 
II,  15.  19,  16.  30,  32).  Especially  grand  are  the  figures  under 
which  he  conceives  Jehovah  as  "rising  up,"  being  "exalted,"  or 
otherwise  asserting  His  majesty  against  those  who  would  treat  it 
with  disregard  or  disdain  (2,  12-21.  3,  13.  5,  16.  10,  16  f.  26. 
19,  1.  28,  21.  31,  2.  T^;^,  3.  10).  The  blissful  future  which  h^ 
foresees,  when  the  troubles  of  the  present  are  past,  he  delineates 
in  colours  of  surpassing  purity  and  beauty  :  with  mingled  wonder 
and  delight  we  read,  and  read  again,  those  marvellous  pictures 
of  serenity  and  peace,  which  are  the  creations  of  his  inspire^i 
imagination  (2,  2-4.  4,  2-6.  9,  1-7.  11,  i-io.  16,  4^-5.  29,  18  ff. 
30,  21-26.  32,  1-8.  15-18.  ;^T„  5  f.  20  ff.).  The  brilliancy  and 
power  of  Isaiah's  genius  appear  further  in  the  sudden  contrasts, 
and  pointed  antitheses  and  retorts,  in  which  he  delights ;  as  8, 
22 — 9,  I.  17,  14.  29,  5.  31,  4  f.;  I,  3.  10  (Jerusalem  apostrophized 
as  Sodom  and  Goinor7'ha).  19  f.  2,  20  f.  (the  idols  and  Jehovah). 
3,  24.  5,  8  f.  14  (the  pomp  of  the  busy  city  sinking  into  Sheol). 
24.  10,  14  f.  (the  wonderful  image  of  the  helplessness  of  the  entire 
earth  before  Sennacherib,  followed  by  the  taunting  comparison  of 
the  tyrant  to  an  inanimate  implement).  17,  13.  23,  9.  28,  14  ff. 
29.  16.  31,  3.  -7,1,  10-12.  37,  29. 

Isaiah's  literary  style  shows  similar  characteristics.  It  is  chaste 
and  dignified:  the  language  is  choice,  but  devoid  of  all  arti- 
ficiality or  stiffness ;  every  sentence  is  compact  and  forcible  ;  the 
rhythm  is  stately;  the  periods  are  finely  rounded  {e.g.  2,  12  ff.; 
5,  26  ff. ;  1 1,  1-9).  Isaiah  indulges  occasionally — in  the  manner 
of  his  people — in  tone-painting  (17,  12  f.  28,  7  f.  10.  29,  6),  and 
sometimes  enforces  his  meaning  by  an, effective  assonance  (5,  7. 
10,  16.  17,  I.  2.  22,  5.  29,  2.  9.  30,  16.  32,  7.  19),  but  never  to 
excess,  or  as  a  meretricious  ornament.  His  style  is  never  diffuse  : 
even  his  longest  discourses  are  not  monotonous  or  prolix ;  he 
knows  how  to  treat  his  subject  fruitfully,  and,  as  he  moves  along, 
to  bring  before  his  reader  new  and  varied  aspects  of  it :  thus  he 
seizes  a  number  of  salient  points,  and  presents  each  singly  in  a 
vivid  picture  (5,  8  ff. ;  7,  18  ff.;  9,  8  ff.  ;  19,  16  ff.).  Isaiah  has  the 
true  classical  sense  of  Trepas;  his  prophecies  always  form  artistic 
wholes,  adequate  to  the  effect  intended,  and  having  no  feature 
overdrawn.  He,  moreover,  possesses  a  rare  power  of  adapting 
his  language  to  the  occasion,  and  of  bringmg  home  to  his  hearers 


ISAIAH. 


217 


what  he  would  have  them  understand  :  thus,  with  a  few  sentences 
he  can  shatter  the  fairest  idols,  or  dissipate  the  fondest  illusions 
(i,  2.  3.  4;   2,  6ff.  ;3,  14  f.;   5,  8  ff.  ;    22,  i  ff.;  i5ff.  ;  28,  14  ff.  ; 

29,  12  ff.  ;  31,  3,  <S:c.),  or  win  his  hearer's  attention  by  the  deli- 
cate irony  of  a  parable  (5,  i  ff.),  or  by  the  stimulus  of  a  significant 
name  (8,  i.  19,  18.  30,  7),  or  enable  them  to  gaze  with  him  upon 
the  majesty  of  the  Divine  Glory  (6,  1  ff.),  or  to  wander  in 
imagination  (11  1  ff.,  and  elsewhere)  over  the  transformed  earth 
of  the  Messianic  future.  And  he  can  always  point  the  truth 
which  he  desires  to  impress  by  some  apt  figure  or  illustration : 
for  instance,  the  scene  of  desperation  in  3,  6  f.,  or  8,  21  f.,  the 
proverb  in  9,  10,  the  child  in  10,  19  (cf.  11,  6),  the  suggestive 
similes  in  17,  5.  6,  the  uneasy  couch  28,  20,  the  disappointing 
dream  29,  8,  the  subtle  flaw,  spreading  insidiously  through  a  wall, 

30,  13  f.  No  prophet  has  Isaiah's  power  either  of  conception  or 
of  expression  ;  none  has  the  same  command  of  noble  thoughts,  or 
can  present  them  in  the  same  noble  and  attractive  language. 

VII.  C.  40 — 66.  These  chapters  form  a  continuous  prophecy, 
dealing  throughout  with  a  common  theme,  viz.  Israel's  restoratio7i 
from  exile  in  Bahylo7i.  There  is  no  thought  in  this  prophecy  of 
the  troubles  or  dangers  to  which  Judah  was  exposed  at  the  hands 
of  Sargon  or  Sennacherib ;  the  empire  of  Assyria  has  been  suc- 
ceeded (b.c.  607)  by  that  oi  Babylon  :  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple 
have  been  for  long  in  ruins  (58,  12;  61,  4  "the  old  waste 
places;"  64,  10);  Israel  is  in  exile  (47,  6.  48,  20,  &c.).  And 
the  power  of  the  Chaldseans  is  to  all  appearance  as  secure  as 
ever :  the  Jewish  exiles  are  in  despair  or  indifferent ;  they  think 
that  God  has  forgotten  them,  and  have  ceased  to  expect,  or 
desire,  their  release  (40,  27.  49,  14.  24).  This  is  the  situation  to 
which  the  present  prophecy  is  addressed :  its  aim  is  to  arouse  the 
indifferent,  to  reassure  the  wavering,  to  expostulate  with  the 
doubting,  to  announce  with  triumphant  confidence  the  certainty 
of  the  approaching  restoration. 

The  Jews  went  into  exile  in  two  detachments :  the  flower  of 
the  nation  with  Jehoiachin  in  b.c.  597  ;  the  rest,  after  the  revolt 
of  Zedekiah,  in  586,  when  the  city  was  taken  and  the  Temple 
burnt.  Cyrus,  who  was  to  prove  the  instrument  cf  their  restora- 
tion, first  appears  shortly  before  550  ;  uniting  and  organizing  the 
different  tribes  of  Persian  origin,  he  overthrows  the  Median 
empire  of  Astyages  in  549  ;  and,  at  the  head  of  the  combined 


21 8  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLIJ   TESTAMENT. 

armies  of  both  nations,  advances  to  further  conquests.  Haviug 
captured  Sardis,  the  capital  of  Crcesus,  king  of  Lydia,  and  left 
his  general  Harpagus  to  complete  the  subjugation  of  Asia  Minor, 
he  next  (Herod,  i.  177)  reduces  one  after  another  the  tribes  of. 
Uj)per  (or  Inner)  Asia,  and  ultimately  prepares  to  attack  Babylon. 
His  own  inscription^  narrates  his  success  (b.c.  538):  in  the 
following  year  the  exiled  Jews  receive  permission  from  him  to 
return  to  Palestine  (Ezr.  i,  1-3). 

The  prophecy  opens  at  some  date  between  549  and  538  :  for 
the  conquest  of  Babylon  is  still  future ;  but  the  union  of  the 
Medes  with  the  Persians  appears  to  have  already  taken  place. ^^ 
It  introduces  us  therefore  to  the  time  while  Cyrus  is  pursuing  his 
career  of  conquest  ift  N.W.  and  Central  Asia.  The  prophet's  eye 
marks  him  in  the  distance  as  the  coming  deliverer  of  his  nation.: 
he  stimulates  the  flagging  courage  of  the  people  by  pointing  to 
his  successes  (41,  2-4),  and  declares  that  he  is  God's  appointed 
agent,  both  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Babylonian  empire  and  for 
the  restoration  of  the  chosen  people  to  Palestine  (41,  25.  44,  28. 
45,  1-6.  13.  46,  11). 

The  following  is  an  outline  of  the  argument  of  this  great 
prophecy.  It  may  be  diviiled  into  three  parts  :  (i)  c.  40—48  ; 
(2)  c.  49—59  ;  (3)  ^-  60—66. 

(i.)  Here  the  prophet's  aim  is  to  demonstrate  to  the  people 
the  certainty  of  the  coming  release^  -AVid.  to  convince  them  that  no 
obstacles,  real  or  imagined,  will  avail  to  hinder  their  deliverance. 
For  this  purpose  he  uses  different  arguments,  designed  to  estab- 
lish the/^riwof  Jehovah,  and  His  ability  to  fulfil  His  promises. 
C.  40,  after  the  exordium  v.  i  f,  stating  the  general  theme 
of  the  entire  prophecy,  the  prophet  bids  a  way  be  prepared 
through  the  wilderness  for  the  triumphal  progress  of  Israel's  king, 
who  is  figured  as  a  Conqueror  about  to  return  to  Zion,  leading 
before  Him  His  prize  of  war,  the  recovered  nation  itself.  Vv. 
12-26  the  prophet  demonstrates  at  length,  chiefly  from  the  works 
of  nature,  the  omnipotence  of  Israel's  Divine  Deliverer :  no 
finite  spirit  can  compare  with  Him  {vv.  12-17);  "C)  human  con- 
ception can  express  Him  {^v.  18-26).  41,  1-7  he  dramatically 
imagines  a  judgment  scene.  The  nations  are  invited  to  come 
forward  and   plead  their  case  with  Jehovah.     The  question  is, 

^  Isaia/i,  p.   136  f . ;  Sayce,  Frrsh  Li'oJit  fj-otn  the  Afoniinicftts,  p.  172  ff. 
^  41,  25  "from  ihe  easi."  i.e.  Pcr>ia  ;   "from  tl.c  tiorth,''  i.e.  Media.' 


ISAIAH.  219 

Who  has  stirred  vp  the  great  conqueror,  Cyrus  ?  who  has  led  hi?7i 
upo7t  his  career  of  victory  ?  {v.  2  f.).  Only  one  answer  is  possible  : 
not  the  heathen  gods,  but  Jehovah,  the  Creator  of  history.  A 
digression  follows,  vv.  8-20,  designed  for  the  encouragement  of 
Israel,  which  has  been  chosen  by  Jehovah  as  His  "  servant,"  and 
cannot  therefore  be  discarded  by  Him.  The  judgment  scene, 
interrupted  after  v.  4,  is  now  resumed.;  and  the  second  proof  of 
Jehovah's  Godhead  is  adduced  :  Be  alone  knows  the  future  {vv. 
21-29).  42,  1-6  Jehovah's  "servant"  appears  under  a  new 
aspect,  and  with  new  functions, — no  longer  the  historic  nation 
of  Israel  (as  41,  8  f),  but  an  ideal  ^gwxQ,  reproducing  in  their 
perfection  the  best  and  truest  characteristics  of  the  actual  nation, 
and  invested  by  the  prophet  with  a  far-reaching  prophetic  mission. 
Here  his  mission  is  described  as  twofold  :  (i)  /6'  teach  the  world 
true  religion;  {2)  to  be  the  medium  of  Israel's  restoration  (to  be 
a  "covenant  of  the  people")  {v.  6).  The  prospect  of  the  speedy 
realization  of  his  present  announcement  {v.  9)  evokes  from  the 
prophet  a  short  lyric  ode  of  thanksgiving,  vv.  10-12  ;  after  which 
he  depicts,  in  splendid  anthropomorphic  imagery,  Jehovah's  ap- 
proaching manifestation  for  the  deliverance  of  His  people,  and 
the  discomfiture. of  the  Babylonian  idolaters,  vv.  13-17.  But 
some  of  those  who  listen  to  him  are  blind  and  deaf:  Jehovah's 
"servant"  (Israel,  as  41,  8)  has  fallen  short  of  the  ideal  which 
the  titles  bestowed  upon  it  implied :  it  has  not  responded  to 
Jehovah's  gracious  purpose  ;  hence  the  troubles  which  have  fallen 
upon  it,  and  the  bondage  in  which  it  is  at  present  held  fast,  vv. 
18-25.  But  now,  Israel  need  fear  no  longer;  Egypt,  Ethiopia, 
and  Seba  shall  take  its  place  as  Cyrus'  vassals ;  from  all  quarters 
the  exiles  shall  return,  43,  1-7. 

Another  judgment  scene,  between  Israel  and  the  heathen,  is 
here  imagined.  The  question  is  the  same  as  before  :  which  of 
the  two  can  point  to  predictions  in  proof  of  the  divinity  of  their 
God?  But  Israel  is  Jehovah's  witness,  43,  8-13  ;  and  Israel 
shall  now  speedily  be  redeemed,  though  of  God's  free  pardon, 
and  not  for  any  merit  on  its  part :  a  glorious  and  blessed 
future  awaits  it,  a  future  in  which  the  nations  will  press  forward 
to  dedicate  themselves  to  Jehovah,  and  to  claim  the  honour  of 
membership  in  His  people,  43,  14 — 44,  5.  44,  6 — 45,  25  the 
prophet  again  brings  forward  the  evidences  of  Jehovah's  God- 
head ;  and  the  promises  of  deliverance  given  already  are  made 


220  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

more  definite.  In  particular,  as  the  prophet  shows  by  a  satirical 
description  of  the  manner  in  which  they  were  manufactured  in 
his  day,  44,  9-20,  Jehovah  is  immeasurably  superior  to  all  idols, 
who  are  impotent  to  thwart  His  purpose,  or  impede  His  people's 
freedom  :  by  His  free  grace  He  has  blotted  out  Israel's  sin,  and 
nominated  Cyrus  as  the  conqueror  of  Babylon  and  the  agent  of 
His  people's  restoration,  44,  21 — 45,  17:  His  promises  have 
been  given  openly,  and  will  assuredly  be  fulfilled,  45,  18  ff. 
C.  46 — 47  the  prophet  dwells  upon  the  near  prospect  of  the  fall 
of  the  oppressing  city, — in  c.  46  drawing  an  ironical  picture  of 
its  humiliated  idols;  in  c.  47  contemplating  the  city  itself,  which 
he  personifies  as  a  lady  of  queenly  rank,  obliged  to  relinquish  the 
])Osition  which  she  has  long  proudly  held,  and  powerless  to  avert 
the  fate  which  threatens  her.  C.  48  consists  mainly  of  a  repeti- 
tion and  reinforcement  of  the  arguments  insisted  on  in  the 
previous  parts  of  the  prophecy  :  it  ends  with  a  jubilant  cry 
addressed  to  the  exiles,  bidding  them  depart  from  Babylon,  and 
proclaim  to  the  utmost  quarters  of  the  earth  the  wondrous  story 
of  their  return. 

(2.)  In  this  division  of  the  prophecy  a  further  stage  is  reached 
in  the  development  of  the  author's  theme.  The  controversial 
tone,  the  repeated  comparisons  between  Jehovah  and  the  idols, 
with  the  arguments  founded  upon  them,  disappear :  the  prophet 
feels  that,  as  regards  these  points,  he  has  made  his  position 
sufficiently  secure.  For  the  same  reason,  allusions  to  Cyrus 
and  his  conquest  of  Babylon  cease  also :  that,  likewise,  is 
now  taken  for  granted.  He  exhorts  the  people  to  fit  them- 
selves morally  to  take  part  in  the  return,  and  to  share  the 
blessings  which  will  accompany  it,  or  which  it  will  inaugurate ; 
he  contemplates  more  exclusively  the  future  in  store  for 
Israel,  if  it  will  respond  to  Jehovah's  call ;  and  he  adds  fresh 
features  to  the  portrait  of  Jehovah's  ideal  Servant.  C.  49  intro- 
duces Jehovah's  ideal  Servant,  describing  dramatically  his  person 
and  experiences,  and  announcing  more  distinctly  than  before 
(42,  6)  the  twofold  nature  of  his  mission,  vv.  1-13  :  ziv.  14-26 
the  prophet  meets  objections  arising  out  of  Israel's  want  of 
faith.  50,  4-9  the  ideal  Servant  is  again  introduced,  recounting 
in  a  soliloquy  the  manner  in  which  he  discharges  his  prophetic 
mission,  and  the  trials  which  attend  it;  7K  10  f  is  the  prophet's 
own  exhortation  to  his  fellow-countrymen.     51,   i  —  52,    12    the 


ISAIAH.  221 

prospect  of  the  approaching  return  is  that  which  chiefly  occupies 
the  prophet's  thoughts  ;  and  his  confidence  finds  exultant  ex- 
pression in  the  thrice-repeated  jubilant  apostrophe,  51,  9.  17. 
52,  I  :  52,  7  f .  he  sees  in  imagination  the  messengers  bearing 
tidings  of  Israel's  deliverance  arrive  upon  the  mountains  of 
Judah,  and  hears  the  watchmen,  whom  he  pictures  as  looking 
out  eagerly  from  the  city  walls,  announcing  with  gladness  the 
joyous  news :  52,  11  f.  he  repeats  (cf.  48,  20)  the  cry,  "Depart." 
52,  13 — 53,  12  deals  again  with  the  figure  of  Jehovah's  ideal 
Servant,  and  develops  under  a  new  aspect  his  character  and 
work.  It  represents,  namely,  his  great  and  surprising  exaltation, 
after  an  antecedent  period  of  humiliation,  suffering,  and  death, 
in  which,  it  is  repeatedly  stated,  he  suffered,  not  (as  those  who 
saw  him  mistakenly  imagined)  for  his  own  sins,  but  for  the  sins 
of  others.  54,  i — 56,  8  fresh  promises  cf  restoration  are 
addressed  to  the  exiles  :  c.  54  Zion,  now  distressed  and  afflicted, 
will  ere  long  be  at  peace,  with  her  children,  the  "disciples 
of  Jehovah,"  about  her ;  c  55  let  all  prepare  themselves  to  receive 
the  prophet's  invitation  and  share  the  approaching  redemp- 
tion; 56,  if.  the  moral  conditions  which  they  must  satisfy 
are  once  again  emphasized;  56,  3-8  all  merely  technical  dis- 
qualifications will  henceforth  be  abolished.  56,  9 — c.  57  the 
strain  alters :  the  prophet  turns  aside  from  the  glorious  future, 
which  is  elsewhere  uppermost  in  his  thoughts,  to  attack  the 
faults  and  shortcomings  which  Israel  had  shown  itself  only  too 
reluctant  to  abandon,  ;  id  which  would  necessitate  iii  the  end 
a  divine  interposition  for  their  removal.  56,  9 — 57,  2  he 
denounces  the  unwortb  rulers  of  the  nation,  who,  like  careless 
shepherds  (cf.  Jer.  2,  J.  23,  i  f.  Ez.  34),  had  neglected  their 
people,  and  left  them  to  perish.  57,  3-11^  he  reproaches  Israel 
with  its  idolatry,  drawing  a  picture  of  strange  heathen  rites,  such 
as  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  show  to  have  prevailed  in  Judah  till 
the  very  eve  of  the  exile,  and  the  tendency  to  which  no  doubt 
was  still  far  from  extirpated  among  the  people  at  large  (cf.  65, 
3-5.  11):  57,  11^-21  Israel's  sole  hope  is  penitence  and  trust 
in  God — "  he  that  taketh  refuge  in  me  shall  inherit  the  land,  and 
take  my  holy  mountain  into  possession."  C.  58  the  prophet 
repeats  that  the  moral  impediments  which  disqualify  Israel  for  the 
enjoyment  of  the  promised  blessings  must  be  removed  :  especi- 
ally he  finds  fault  with  the  hollow   unreality  with  which  fasts 


222  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT. 

were  observed,  and  draws  a  contrasted  picture  of  the  true  fast 
in  which  Jehovah  delights,  viz.  deeds  of  philanthropy,  unselfish- 
ness, liberality,  and  mercy  :  if  Israel  will  devote  itself  to  these 
works,  and  at  the  same  time  show  a  cheerful  reverence  towards 
its  God  {v.  13),  then  Jehovah  will  shower  down  His  blessings 
upon  it,  and  it  will  triumphantly  resume  possession  of  its  ancient 
home.  C.  59  the  prophet  represents  the  people  as  confessing 
the  chief  sins  of  which  they  have  been  guilty:  unable  to  rescue 
themselves,  Jehovah  will  now  interpose  on  their  behalf,  and 
manifest  Himself  as  a  redeemer  in  Zion,  not  indeed  to  all  without 
distinction,  but. to  those  who  satisfy  the  needful  moral  conditions, 
and  have  "turned  from  rebellion  in  Jacob." 

(3.)  Here  the  prophet  depicts,  in  still  brighter  hues,  the  felicity 
of  the  ideal  Zion  of  the  future.  As  before,  a  progress  may  be 
observed  in  the  development  of  his  thought.  In  c.  40 — 48, 
when  Israel's  release  was  foremost  in  his  thoughts,  the  judgment 
was  conceived  as  falling  solely  upon  Israel's  foes :  in  c.  57 — 59, 
however,  he  evinces  a  more  vivid  consciousness  of  Israel's  sin- 
fulness, and  of  the  obstacle  which  that  presents  to  the  restoration 
of  the  entire  nation  ;  and  in  the  chapters  which  now  follow,  he 
announces  a  judgment  to  be  enacted  ///  Israel  itself,  distinguish- 
ing Jehovah's  faithful  "  servants"  (65,  8.  9.  13.  14.  15)  from  those 
disloyal  to  him,  and  excluding  the  latter  from  the  promised 
blessings.  C.  60  the  longed  for  "light"  (59,  9)  bursts  upon  the 
prophet's  eye :  the  dark  cloud  of  night  that  shrouds  the  rest  of 
the  world  has  been  lifted  over  the  Holy  City;  and  he  gathers  the 
features  belonging  to  Zion  restored  into  a  single  dazzling  vision. 
6t,  1-3  Jehovah's  ideal  Servant  is  once  more  introduced, 
describing  the  gracious  mission  entrusted  to  him,  to  "  bring  good 
tidings  to  the  afflicted,"  and  to  "  proclaim  liberty  to  the  captives" 
(cf  42,  3.  7.  49,  9),  which  is  followed,  as  before  (49,  9-12),  by 
the  promise  of  Jerusalem's  restoration  (6r,  4):  in  the  rest  of 
c.  61 — 62  the  prophet  dwells  upon  the  new  and  signal  marks  of 
Jehovah's  favour,  resting  visibly  upon  the  restored  nation,  and 
its  own  grateful  appreciation  (61,  10  f.)  of  the  blessedness  thus 
bestowed  upon  it.  63,  1-6  is  a  dramatic  dialogue  between 
Jehovah,  depicted  as  a  victor  returning  from  Edom,  and  the 
]jrophet,  in  which,  under  the  form  of  an  ideal  humiliation  of 
nations,  marshalled  upon  the  territory  of  Israel's  inveterate  foe, 
is  expressed  the  thought  of  Israel's  triumph  over  its  enemies. 


ISAIAH.  223 

The  dialogue  ended,  the  prophet's  tone  changes ;  and  63,  7—64, 
12,  in  the  assurance  that  the  redemption  guaranteed  by  Jehovah's 
triumph  will  be  wrought  out,  he  supphes  faithful  Israel  with  a 
hymn  of  thanksgiving,  suppHcation,  and  confession,  expressive  of 
the  frame  of  mind  worthy  to  receive  it,  and  couched  in  a  strain 
of  surpassing  pathos  and  beauty.     C.  65  appears  to  be  intended 
as  an  answer  to  the  suppUcation  of  c.  64,— an  answer,  however, 
in  which  the  distinction,  alluded  to  above,  is  drawn  between  the 
worthy  and  unworthy  Israelites.     God  has  ever.  He  says,  been 
accessible  to  His  people,  and  ready  to  renew  intercourse  with 
them  ;  it  was  they  vvho  would  not  respond,  but  provoked  Him 
with  "their  idolatries.     Israel,  however,  is  not  to  be  rejected  on 
account  of  the  presence  within  it  of  unworthy  members  :  a  seed 
of  "chosen  ones  "  will  be  brought  out  of  Jacob,  who  shall  again 
inherit   the   mountains  of   Palestine.     A   new   order   of  things 
(7'.  17;    cf.  51,  16)  is  about  to  be  created,  in  which  Jerusalem 
and  her  people  will  be  to  Jehovah  a  source  of  unalloyed  delight, 
and  in  which  care  and  disappointment  will  cease  to  vex.     66,  1-5 
the    prophet,    in    view    probably  of  the    anticipated   restoration 
of  the  Temple,  reminds  the  Jews  that  no  earthly  habitation  is 
really  adequate  to   [ehovah's  majesty,  and  that  His  regard  is  to 
be  won,  neither  by  the  magnificence  of  a  material  temple,  nor  by 
unspiritual    service,   but    by  humility   and  the  devotion  of  the 
heart.     He  concludes,  vv.  6-24,  by  two  contrasted  pictures  of  the 
glorious   blessedness    in    store   for   Jerusalem,   and  the  terrible 
judgment  impending  over  her  foes. 

AuthorshiJ>  ofc.  40-66.  Three  independent  hnes  of  argument 
converge  to  show  that  this  prophecy  is  not  the  work  of  Isaiah, 
but,   Uke   13,   2-14,   23,  has  for  its   author  a  prophet  writing 
towards  the  close  of  the  Babylonian  captivity,     (i)  The  internal 
evidence  supplied  by  the  prophecy  itself  points  to  this  period  as 
that  at  which  it  was  written.     It  alludes  repeatedly  to  Jerusalem  as 
ruined  and  deserted  {e.o;.  44,  26^  58,  12.  61,  4-  63,  18.  64,  10  f.) ; 
to    the    sufferings   which    the    Jews    have    experienced,    or   are 
experiencing,  at  the  hands  of  the  Chaldeans  (42,  22.  25   43,  28 
[RV.  marg:\.  47,  6.  52,  5)  5  to  the  prospect  of  return,  which,  as  the 
prophet  speaks,  is  imminent  (40,  2.  4''^,  i3-  48,  20  i:c.).^    inosc 
whom  the  prophet  addresses,  and,  moreover,  addresses  tn  person 
-arguing   with  them,  appealmg  to  them,  striving  to  win  their 
assent  by  his  warm  and  impassioned  rhetoric  (40,  21.  26.  2b.  43, 


224  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

lo.  48,  8.  50,  10  f.  51,  6.  12  f.  58,  3  ff.,  Sec.) — are  not  the  men 
of  Jerusalem,  contemporaries  of  Ahaz  and  Hezekiah,  or  even 
of  Manasseh  ;  they  are  the  exiles  in  Babylonia.  Judged  by  the 
analogy  of  prophecy,  this  constitutes  the  strongest  possible  pre- 
sumption that  the  author  actually  lived  in  the  period  which  he 
thus  describes,  and  is  not  merely  (as  has  been  supposed)  Isaiah 
immersed  in  spirit  in  the  future,  and  holding  converse,  as  it  were, 
with  the  generations  yet  unborn.  Such  an  immersion  in  the 
future  would  be  not  only  without  parallel  in  the  OT.,  it  would  be 
contrary  to  the  nature  of  prophecy.  The  prophet  speaks  always, 
in  the  first  instance,  to  his  own  contemporaries  :  the  message 
which  he  brings  is  intimately  related  with  the  circumstances  of 
his  time :  his  promises  and  predictions,  however  far  they  reach 
into  the  future,  nevertheless  rest  upon  the  basis  of  the  history  of 
his  own  age,  and  correspond  to  the  needs  which  are  then  felt. 
The  prophet  never  abandons  his  own  historical  position,  but 
speaks  from  it.  So  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  for  instance,  predict 
first  the  exile,  then  the  restoration  ;  both  are  contemplated  by 
them  as  still  future ;  both  are  viewed  from  the  period  in  which 
they  themselves  live.  In  the  present  prophecy  there  is  no 
prediition  of  exile;  the  exile  is  not  announced  as  something  still 
future  :  it  \^  presupposed,  and  only  the  release  froni  it  \^  predicted. 
By  analogy,  therefore,  the  author  will  have  lived  in  the  situation 
which  he  thus  presupposes,  and  to  which  he  continually  alludes. 

It  is'true,  passages  occur  in  which  the  prophets  throw  themselves  forward 
to  an  ideal  standpoint,  and  describe  from  it  events  future  to  themselves,  as 
though  they  were  past  {e.g.  5,  13-15.  9,  1-6.  23,  i.  14)  ;  but  these  are  not 
really  parallel  :  the  transference  to  the  future,  which  they  imply,  is  but 
transient ;  in  the  immediate  context,  the  prophet  uses  future  tenses,  and 
speaks  from  his  own  standpoint  (alluding,  for  instance,  plainly  to  the  events 
or  circumstances  of  his  own  age) ;  the  expressions,  moreover,  are  general, 
and  the  language  is  figurative.  The  writings  of  the  prophets  supply  no  analogy 
for  such  a  i'//5/'a/;/t(/ transference  to  the  future  as  would  be  implied  if  the>c 
chai)ters  were  by  Isaiah,  or  for  the  detailed  and  definite  description  of  the 
circumstances  of  a  distant  age. 

(2.)  The  argument  derived  from  the  historic  function  of  pro- 
phecy is  confirmed  by  the  literary  style  of  c.  40 — 66,  which  is 
very  different  from  that  of  Isaiah.  Isaiah  shows  strongly  marked 
individualities  of  style  :  he  is  fond  of  particular  images  and 
phrases,  many  of  which  are  used  by  no  other  writer  of  the  OT. 
Now,   in   ihe  chapters  which  contain  evident   allusions   to   the 


ISAIAH.  225 

age  of  Isaiah  himself,  these  expressions  occur  repeatedly ;  in 
the  chapters  which  are  without  such  allusions,  and  which 
thus  authorize  prima  facie  the  inference  that  they  belong  to  a 
different  age,  ihey  are  absent,  and  new  images  and  phrases  appear 
instead.  This  coincidence  cannot  be  accidental.  The  subject 
of  c.  40 — 66  is  not  so  different  from  that  of  Isaiah's  prophecies 
{e.g.)  against  the  Assyrians,  as  to  necessitate  a  new  phraseology 
and  rhetorical  form  :  the  differences  can  only  be  reasonably 
explained  by  the  supposition  of  a  change  of  author.  Isaiah  in 
his  earliest,  as  in  his  latest  prophecies  (c.  29 — 33  ;  37,  22-32, 
written  when  he  must  have  been  at  least  sixty  years  of  age),  uses 
the  same  style,  and  shows  a  preference  for  the  same  figures ;  and 
the  change  of  subject  in  c.  40 — 66  is  not  sufficiently  great  to 
account  for  the  marked  differences  which  here  show  themselves, 
and  which  indeed  often  relate  to  points,  such  as  the  form  and 
construction  of  sentences,  which  stand  in  no  appreciable  relation 
to  the  subject  treated. 

The  following  are  examples  of  words,  or  forms  of  expression,  used  repeatedly 
in  c.  40 — 66  (sometimes  also  in  c.  13  f  and  c.  34  f),  but  never  in  the  pro- 
phecies which  contain  independent  evidence  of  belonging  to  Isaiah's  own  age : — 

1.  71?  choose,  of  God's  choice  of  Israel :  41,  8,  9.  43,  10.  44,  I,  2  (cf.  42, 

I.  49,  7,  of  the  ideal,  individualized  nation);  7)iy  choicn,  43,  20.  45, 
4.  65,  9.  15.  22.     So  14,  I. 

2.  Praise  yswhsi.  and  verb  :  n^nn,  ^^n)  :  42,  8.    10.    12.  43,  21.  48,  9. 

60,  6.  18.  61,  3.  II.  62,  7.  9.  63,  7.  64,  10. 

3.  To  shoot  or  spring  forth  (flDV) :  44^  4-  55'   J^o.  61,   ii";  esp.  meta- 

phorically— {a)  of  a  moral  state,  45,  8.  58,  8.  61,  ii**;  {b)  of  an 
event  manifesting  itself  in  history  ^not  so  elsewhere),  42,  9.  43,  19. 

4.  To  break  out  {X\^t^)  into  singing :  44,  23.  49,  13.  52,  9.  54,  i.  55,  12. 

Also  14,  7.     Only  Ps.  98,  4  besides. 

5.  Pleasure  (|*2n) :  {a)  of  Jehovah's  purpose,  44,  28.  46,    10.  48,  14.  53 

10 ;  {b)  of  human  purpose  or  business,  58,  3.  13.  More  generally, 
54,  12.  62,  4. 

6.  C^^r/t^;/// (God's)  pvi :  49,  8.  56,  7.  58,  5.  60,  7.  10.  61,  2. 

7.  Thy  sons — the  pronoun  being  feminine  and  referring  to  Zion  :  49,  17. 

22.  25.  51,  20.  54,  13.  60,  4.  9.  62,  5  ;  cf.  66,  8.  Isaiah,  when  he 
uses  the  same  word,  always  says  sons  absolutely,  the  implicit  refer- 
ence being  to  God  (Dt.  14,  i)  :  so  i,  2.  4.  30,  i.  9. 

8.  To  rejoice  {^\^)\  61,  10.62,5.64,4.   65,    18.    19.  66,    10.    14.     Also 

35,  I- 

9.  The  phrases,  /  am  fehovah,  and  there  is  none  else  (or  besides)  :  45,  5. 

6.  18.  21.  22;  J  a/n  the  first,  and  I  am  the  last :  44,  6.  48,  12;  cf. 
41,  4  ;  /  am  thy  God,  thy  Saviour,  &c.  :  41,  10.  13.  43,  3.  48,  I7^ 

P 


226  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

6i,8  ;  Inm  He,  i.e.  the  same  (from  Dt.  32,  39)  :  41,  4^  43,  lo''.  13. 
46,  4.  48,  12.  No  such  phrases  are  ever  used  l>y  Lsaiah. 
10.  Tlie  combination  of  the  Divine  name  with  a  participial  epithet  (in  the 
EngHsh  version  often  represented  by  a  relative  clause) :  e.g.  Ci'eator 
{ox  stretcher  out)  of  the  heavens  ox  the  earth:  40,  28.  42,  5.  44,  24''. 
45,  7.  18.  51,  13;  creator  ox  former  of  Israel :  43,  i.  15.  44,  2.  24. 

45,  II.  49,  5;  thy  Saviour:  49,  26.  60,  16;  thy  {yoztr,  Israel's) 
redeemer:  43,  14.  44,  24\  48,  17".  49,  7.  54,  8  ;  comp.  40,  22  f.  43, 
16  f.  44,  25-28.  46,  10  f.  51,  15.  56,  8.  63,  12  f.  Isaiah  never  casts 
his  thought  into  this  form. 

The  following  words,  though  found  once  or  twice  each  in  Isaiah  (cf.  p. 
124,  «,),  are  destitute  there  of  any  special  force  or  significance,  whereas  in 
c.  40—66  they  occur  frequently,  sometimes  with  a  particular  nuance,  or 
shade  of  meaning,  which  is  foreign  to  the  usage  of  Isaiah  : — 

1.  Isles  or  coasts  (D''''X)',   "sed  represent  a  tive.'y  of  distant  regions  of  the 

earth:  40,  15.  41,  I.  5.  42,  4.  10.  12.  15.  49,  i.  51,  5.  59,  18.  60, 
9.  66,  19.  In  Isaiah,  ii,  ii  (also  24,  15),  where  it  is  used  in  its 
primary  sense  (Gen.  10,  5)  of  the  isles  and  coasts  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean vSea.  The  application  in  c.  40—66  is  a  marked  extension  of 
the  usage  of  Isaiah. 

2.  Nought  (dDX:  riot  the  ordinary  word)  :  40,    17.  41,   12.  29.  45,  6.  14. 

46,  9.  47,  8.  10.  52,  4.  54,  15.  Also  34,  12.  In  Isaiah,  5,  8 
only. 

3.  To  create:  40,  26.  28.  41,  20.  42,  5.  43,  i.  7.  15.  45,  7.  8,  12.  18.  54, 

16.  57,  19.  65,  17.  18.  In  Isaiah,  only  4,  5,  in  a  limited  applica- 
tion. The  prominence  given  to  the  idea  of  creation  in  c.  40 — 66  is 
very  noticeable  (cf.  p.  229). 

4.  Offspring  (d\SVNV)  :  42,  5-  44»  3-  48,  I9-  61,  9-  65,  23.     In  Isaiah,  22, 

24.  Also  34,  I.  Rather  a  peculiar  word.  The  u^age  in  c.  40 — 66 
is  wider  and  more  general  than  that  in  22,  24,  and  agrees  with  the 
usage  of  the  Book  of  Job,  5,  25.  21,  8.  27,  14.  31,  8. 

5.  Justice   emphasized    as   a   principle   guiding   and    determining    God's 

action:  41,  2.  io\  42,  21.  45,  13.  19.  51,  5;  cf.  58,  2\  The 
peculiar  stress  laid  upon  this  principle  is  almost  confined  to  these 
chapters;  comj),,  however,  Hos.  2,  19  [Heb.  21]. 

6.  The  arm  of  Jehovah:  51,  5^  9.  52,  10.  53,  i.  59,  16"  (cf.  40,  10).  62,  8. 

63,  5.  12.  Hence  Ps.  98,  I  (see  59,  16.  52,  10).  In  Isaiah,  30,  30. 
But  observe  the  greater  indepettdence  of  the  figure  as  ap[)lied  in 
c.  40 — 66. 

7.  7^0  deck  (iJO),  or  (in  the  reflexive  conjugation)  to  de^k  oneself  i.e.   to 

glory,  especially  of  Jehovah,  either  glorifying  Israel,  or  glorying 
Himself  in  Israel  :  44,  23.  49,  3.  55,  5.  60,  7.  9.  13.  21.  61,  3.  In 
Isaiah,  only  10,  15  of  the  saw  vaunting  itself  agaixist.  its  user. 

8.  The  future  gracious  relation    of  Jehovah  to   Israel  represented   as  a 

co7-enant:  42,  6  (=  49,  8).  54,  10.  55,  3.  59,  21.  61,  8.  In  28,  15. 
18.  33,  8  the  word  is  used  merely  in  the  sense  of  a  treaty  or  com- 
pact.    Laiah,  often  as  he  speaks  of  a  future  state  of  grace,  to  he 


ISAIAH.  227 

enjoyed  by  his  people,  never  represents  it  under  the  form  of  a 
covenant. 
There  are  in  addition  several  words  and  idioms  occurring  in  c.  40—66 
which  point  to  a  later  period  of  the  language  than  Isaiah's  age,  for  which  it 
must  suffice  to  refer  to  Cheyne,  ii.  257  f.,  or  DiUm.  p.  353-  A  remarkable 
instance  is  afforded  by  65,  25,  which  is  a  condensed  quotation  from  1 1,  6-9, 
and  where  nnS  the  common  Hebrew  word  for  together,  is  replaced  by  nnS3 
an  expression  modelled  upon  the  Aram.  ^^IRD,  and  occurring  besides  only 
in  the  latest  books  of  the  OT.  (2  Ch.  5,  13-  E^r.  2,  64  (=  Neh.  7,  66).  3,  9- 
6,  20.  Eccl.  II,  6 1). 

As  features  of  style  may  be  noticed— 

I.  The  duplication  of  %vords,  significant  of  the  impassioned  ardour  of  the 

preacher:  40,  I.  43,  H-  ^S-  4^,  H-  15-  5^,  9-  12.  17.  52,  i-  ii-  57, 

6    14.  19.  62,  10  bis.  65,  I.     Very  characteristic  of  this  prophecy  ; 

in  Isaiah  the  only  examples-and  those  but  partly  parallel-are  8, 

9I'.  21,  9.  29,  I. 
2  A  habit  of  repeating  the  same  word  or  words  in  adjacent  clauses  or 
verses;  thus  40,  12  f.  (regulated);  13.;;^  and  14  .m/ (taught  him); 
14  (instructed  him);  40,  31  and  41,  i  (--enew  strength) ;  6  t. 
(courage,  encourage);  8  f .  (have  chosen  thee)  ;  13  f-  d  I'ave  holpen 
thee)  -45  4  f •  (hast  not  known  me)  ;  5  f.  (and  none  else) ;  50,  7  and 
9  (will  help  me)  ;  53,  3  (despised)  ;  3  ^-  (esteemed  him)  ;  7  (opened 
not  his  mouth)  ;  58,  13  (thine  own  pleasure);  59,  8  ;  61,  7  (double). 
The  attentive  reader  of  the  Hebrew  will  notice  further  instances. 
Very  rare  indeed  in  Isaiah;  cf.   i,  7  (desolate);  17,  5  (ears);  32, 

17  f.  (peace).  ,    .  .  , 

3.  Differences  in   the  structure  of  sentences,  e.g.  the  relative  particle 

omitted  with  much  greater  frequency  than  by  Isaiah. 
There  are  also  literary  features  of  a  more  general  character, 
which  differentiate  the  author  of  c.  40-66  from  Isaiali.     Isaiah's 
style  is  terse  and  compact :  the  movement  of  his  periods  is  stately 
and  measured :  his  rhetoric  is  grave  and  restrained      I.1  these 
chapters  a  subject  is   often  developed  at  considerable  length  : 
the  style  is  much  more  flowing :  the  rhetoric  is  warm  and  impas- 
sioned;  and  the  prophet  often  bursts  out  into  a  lyric  strain 
(4.,  TO  f.  44,  2i.  45,  8.  49-  '3),  in  a  manner  to  which  evenlsa   .  2 
affords  no  parallel.     Force  is  the  predominant  feature  of  Isaiah  s 
oratory :  persuasion  sits  upon  the  lips  of  the  prophet  who  here 
>For  examples  of  expressions  used,  on    .he  other  hand     -peatecl.y  hy 
Isaiah    but  never   found   in  c.   40-66,   see   Is.ual,,   pp.    194-6.     Especially 
nrcelhi     s  the  all  but  entire  absence  from  c.  40-66  of  the  two  expressions, 
r.t:'L/«»«  >opass,  and  /.  tHat  .<ay   by  vvhich  Isaiah   ojes  to  ■ntroduc 
.cenes  or  traits  in  his  descriptions  of  t  e  future  .,^4.  ^^'^^'^^.^^^ 

10    20    27.  II,  10.  II  &c.      3,  lo.  4,   I-   ^-    /'  ^'^'  ^^-      ,      -^        1-     1   \ 
10,  ^u.  ^/.  1   ,  (somewhat  peculiarly), 

but  which  occur  here  only  65,  24.  bb,  2j  ,  52,  "  V^oi  v 


228  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

speaks ;  the  music  of  his  eloquence,  as  it  rolls  magnificently  along, 
thrills  and  captivates  the  soul  of  its  hearer.  So,  again,  if  the  most 
conspicuous  characteristic  of  Isaiah's  imagination  be  gratideia-^ 
that  of  the  prophet  to  whom  we  are  here  listening  \s  pathos.  The 
storms,  the  inundations,  the  sudden  catastrophes,  which  Isaiah 
loves  to  depict,  are  scarcely  to  be  found  in  this  prophecy. 
The  author's  imagery  is  drawn  by  preference  from  a  different 
region  of  nature  altogether,  viz.  from  the  animate  world,  in  parti- 
cular from  the  sphere  of  human  e?notion.  It  is  largely  the  figures 
drawn  from  the  latter  which  impart  to  his  prophecy  its  peculiar 
pathos  and  warmth  (see  49,  15.  18.  61,  lo^  62,  5.  (i(d^  13).^ 
His  fondness  for  such  figures  is,  however,  most  evident  in  the 
numerous  examples  of  personification  which  his  prophecy  con- 
tains. Since  Amos  (5,  2)  it  became  habitual  with  the  prophets 
to  personify  a  city  or  community  as  a  maiden.,  especially  where  it 
was  desired  to  represent  it  as  vividly  conscious  of  some  keen 
emotion.^  This  figure  is  applied  in  these  chapters  with  remark- 
able independence  and  originality.  Zion  is  represented  as  a 
widow,  a  mother,  a  bride,  i.e.  under  just  those  relations  of  life  in 
which  the  deepest  feelings  of  humanity  come  into  play  ;  and  the 
personification  is  continued  sometimes  through  a  long  series  of 
verses.-^  Nor  is  this  alh  The  prophet  personifies  fiatiire :  he 
bids  heaven  and  earth  shout  at  the  restoration  of  God's  people 
(44,  23.  49,  13;  cf.  52,  9.  55,  12);  he  hears  in  imagination  the 
voices  of  invisible  beings  sounding  across  the  desert  (40,  3.  6. 
57,  14);  he  peoples  Jerusalem  with  ideal  watchmen  (52,  8)  and 
guardians  (62,  6).'*  Akin  to  these  personifications  is  the  dra?fiatit. 
character  of  the  representation,  which  also  prevails  to  a  remark- 
able extent  in  the  prophecy :  see  40,  3  ff.  49,  i  ff.  50,  4-9. 
53'  i  ff-  5S,  3'''-  61,  10  f.  63,  1-6. 

(3.)  The  theological  ideas  of  c.  40 — 66  (in  so  far  as  they  are 

^  The  prophecy  abounds  also  with  other  passages  of  exquisite  softness  and 
benuty,  as  c.  51.  c.  54—55-  ^i)  'O-  63,  7— 64>  12  &c. 

^  Is.  I,  8.  23,  4  (Sidon  lamenting  her  bereavement).  29,  1-6  {/cm.  pro- 
nouns in  the  Hebrew).  37,  22  (Zion  disdainfully  mocking  the  retreating 
invader).  Zeph.  3,  14  and  Zech.  9,  9  (Zion  exultant).  Jer.  4,  31.  6,  26.  46, 
II.  19.  24  50,  42.  51,  ZZ'  Mic.  4,  8.  10.  13  al. 

^  See  49,  iS-23.  51,  17-23  (Zion  prostrate  and  dazed  by  trouble,  but  now 
bidden  to  lift  herself  up).  52,  I  f.  54,  1-6.  60,  1-5.  62,  5  ;  47,  1-15  (Babylon). 

^  Add  the  pcrsonifiiation  of  Jehovah's  arm,  51,  9  f.  Isaiah,  unlike  the 
author  of  c.  40 — 66,  evinces  no  exceptional  preference  for  personification. 


ISAIAH.  229 

not  of  that  fundamental  kind  common  to  the  prophets  generally) 
differ  remarkably  from  those  which  appear,  from  c.  i — 39,  to  be 
distinctive  of  Isaiah.      Thus,  on  the  nature  of  God  generally, 
the  ideas  expressed  are  much    larger  and   fuller.      Isaiah,   for 
instance,   depicts  the    majesty  of  Jehovah  :    in  c.    40 — 66   the 
])rophet    emphasizes    His    infinitude;    He    is    the    Creator,    the 
Sustainer  of  the  universe,  the  Life-Giver,  the  Author  of  history 
(41,  4),  the  First  and  the  Last,  the  Incomparable  One.     This  is 
a  real  difference.    And  yet  it  cannot  be  argued  that  opportunities 
for  such  assertions  of  Jehovah's  power  and  (Godhead  would  not 
have  presented   themselves    naturally   to   Isaiah   whilst  he   was 
engaged   in    defying    the    armies    of  Assyria.      But,    in    truth, 
c.  40 — 66  show  an  advance  upon  Isaiah,  not  only  in  the  sub- 
stance of  their  theology,  but  also  in   the  form   in  which  it  is 
presented ;    truths   which   are   merely  affirined  in    Isaiah    being 
here  made  the  subject  of  reflexion  and  argument.     Again,  the 
doctrine  of  the  preservation  from  judgment  of  a  faithful  remnant  is 
characteristic  of  Isaiah.     It  appears  both  in  his  first  prophecy 
and  in  his  last  (6,  13;   37,  31  f.):  in  c  40—66,  if  it  is  present 
once  or  twice  by  implication  (59,  20.  65,  8  f.),  it  is  no  distinctive 
element  in  the  author's  teaching;  it  is  not  expressed  in  Isaiah's 
terminology,^  and  it  is  not  more  prominent  than  in  the  writings 
of  many  other  prophets.     The  relation  of  Israel  to  Jehovah — its 
choice  by  Him,  its  destiny,  the  purpose  of  its  call— is  developed 
in  different  terms  and  under  different  conceptions  ^  from  those 
used  by  Isaiah  :  the  figure  of  the  Messianic  king  (Isa.  9,  6-7. 
II,  I  ff.)  is  absent ;  the  prophet  associates  his  view  of  the  future 
with   a    figure  of  very  different   character,  Jehovah's  righteous 
Servant,^  which  is  closely  connected  with  his  own  distinctive  view 
of  Israel's   destiny."^      The   Divine   purpose   in   relation    to  the 
nations,  especially   in  connexion  with  the  prophetic  mission  of 

1  "15^5^  (10,  20-22.  II,  II.  16.  16,  4.  17,  3-  21,  17-  28,  5 ;  cf.  7,  3). 

2  Israel  is  Jehovah's  "servant,"  entrusted  by  Him  with  the  discharge  of 
a  sacred  mission,  and  hence  cannot  now  be  disowned  by  its  Divine  Lord 
(4T,  S-io.  42,  19  f-  43»  lo-  44,  I  f-  21.  45,  4-  48,  20). 

•5  42,  I  ff.  49,  I  ff-  50,  4-9-  52,  13—53,  12.  61,  1-3. 

*  To  say  that  the  figure  of  the  ideal  Servant  of  c.  40—66  is  an  advance 
upon  that  of  the  Messianic  king  of  Isaiah  is  not  correct :  it  starts  from  a 
different  origin  altogether  ;  it  is  parallel  to  it.  not  a  continuation  of  it.  Both 
representations  meet,  and  are  fulfilled,  in  the  person  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
but  in  the  Old  Testament  they  are  distinct  {Isaiah,  pp.  175-180). 


230  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT, 

Israel,  is  more  comprehensively  developed.^  The  prophet,  in  a 
word,  in  whatever  elements  of  his  teaching  are  distinctive,  moves 
in  a  different  region  of  thought  from  Isaiah ;  he  apprehends  and 
emphasizes  different  aspects  of  Divine  truth. 

C.  40 — 66  thus  displays,  in  conception  not  less  than  in  literary 
style,  a  combination  of  features,  which  confirm  the  conclusion 
based  on  the  subject-matter  of  the  prophecy,  that  it  is  the  work 
of  an  author  writing  towards  the  close  of  the  exile,  and  predict- 
ing the  approaching  conquest  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Jews,  just  as  Isaiah  predicted  the  failure  of 
Rezin  and  Pekah,  or  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem  from  Sen- 
nacherib. It  need  only  be  added  (for  the  purpose  of  avoiding 
misconception)  that  this  view  of  its  date  and  authorship  in  no 
way  impairs  the  theological  value  of  the  prophecy,  or  reduces  it 
to  a  vaticitiium  ex  eve?itu :  on  the  one  hand,  the  whole  tone  of 
the  prophecy  shows  that  it  is  written  prior  to  the  events  which 
it  declares  to  be  approaching;  on  the  other,  it  nowhere  claims 
either  to  be  written  by  Isaiah,  or  to  have  originated  in  his  age. 
Nor  upon  the  same  view  of  it  is  any  claim  made  by  its  author 
to  prevision  of  the  future  disallowed  or  weakened.^ 

The  attempt  is  sometimes  made  to  meet  the  force  of  the  argument  derived 
from  differences  of  phraseolojry  and  style  by  pointing;  to  the  examples  of 
similarities  observable  between  c.  40 — 66  and  the  acknowledged  prophecies 
of  Isaiah.  No  doubt  a  certain  number  of  such  similarities  exist ;  but  they 
are  very  far  from  being  numerous  or  decisive  enough  to  establish  the  conclu- 
sion for  which  they  are  alleged.  It  is  the  diffn-ences  between  authors  which 
are  characteristic,  and  form  consequently  a  test  of  nuthorship  :  similarities, 
unless  they  are  exceedingly  numerous  and  minute,  may  be  due  to  other  causes 
than  identity  of  authorship.  They  may  be  due,  for  instance,  to  community 
of  subject-matter,  to  the  independent  adoption  by  different  writers  of  a 
current  terminology,  to  an  affinity  of  genius  or  mental  habit  prompting  an 

^  Israel  in  its  ideal  character  is  to  be  the  medium  of  religious  instruction  to 
the  world  (42.  i''.  4.  6.  49,  6''):  comp.  45,  22  f.  51,  4''.  5\  56,  ;'■. 

2  There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  the  fulfilled  predictions  frequently 
alluded  to  (41,  26.  42,  9.  43,  8-10.  48,  3-8)  are  those  constituting  the  ]uo- 
phecy  itself;  on  the  contrary,  42,  9  shows  that  they  are,  in  fact,  pj-ior 
prophecies,  on  the  strength  of  the  fulfilment  of  which  the  prophet  claims  to 
be  heard  in  the  ittw  announcements  now  made  by  him  {Isaiah,  p.  188  f.). 
And  in  44,  28.  45,  i  ff.  the  prophet  does  not  claim  foreknowledge  of  Cyrus, 
but  only  of  what  he  will  accomplish  :  he  is  already  "  stirred  up,"  and  "  come  " 
(41,  2.  25^  45,  13=*),  and  the  prophet  promises  that  he  will  prosper  in  his 
further  undertakings  (41,  25^  45,  1-3.  13''). 


ISAIAH. 


231 


author  to  borrow  the  ideas  or  phraseology  of  a  predecessor,  to  invohintary 
reminiscence.  But  the  differences  between  c.  40 — 66  and  the  acknowlcdrred 
prophecies  of  Isaiah  are  lioth  more  numerous  and  of  a  more  fundamental 
character  than  the  similarities.  A  large  number  of  the  latter  that  have  been 
alleged  will  indeed  be  found,  when  examined,  to  be  not  distinctive^  i.e.  they 
are  not  the  peculiar  possession  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah,  but  occur  in  other 
writers  as  well.  And  there  are  none  which  may  not  be  naturally  and  reason- 
ably accounted  for  upon  one  or  other  of  the  four  principles  that  have  just 
been  mentioned.  The  fallaciousness  of  arguing  from  similarities  alone  ought 
to  have  been  apparent  from  the  case  of  Jeremiah  and  Dt.,  in  which  the 
resemblances  are  much  more  abundant  and  remarkable  than  those  between 
the  two  parts  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah,  and  yet  are  admitted — on  all  hands — 
not  to  establish  identity  of  authorship  (p.  82,  n.).^ 

The  points  urged  by  J.  Forbes,  The  Ser-vant  of  the  Lord  (iSgo),  pp.  ix-xiii 
(and  elsewhere),  to  show  that  c.  40 — 66  is  the  work  of  Isaiah,  cannot  be  said 
to  be  cogent.  Thus  in  Ezr.  I,  i-;^,  Jeremiah,  not  Isaiah,  is  referred  to: 
and  even  though  it  be  true  that  we  have  here  the  actual  words  of  Cyrus, 
based  upon  Is.  44,  27  f.  45,  1-3,  these  verses  -were  a  prediction,  they  were  hs 
truly  a  prediction  of  Cyrus'  success  against  Babylon,  as  was  (e.^s^':)  Is.  8,  4 
of  Tiglath-Pileser's  success  against  Damascus  (spoken  at  most  3-4  years 
before  the  event).  The  expressions  used  on  p.  41  are  extravagant  :  it  would 
be  as  reasonable  to  call  Isaiah's  prediction,  just  quoted,  "the  common  talk 
and  expectation  of  his  countrymen,"  as  these  predictions  of  Cyrus'  success, 
spoken  {ex  hypothesi)  some  7-8  years  before  the  event  :  in  fact,  so  little  did 
Cyrus'  early  conquests  authorise  the  inference  that  he  would  capture  the 
powerful  city  of  Babylon,  that,  as  the  prophet's  words  clearly  imply,  his 
countrymen  did  not  expect  this,  and  would  hardly  credit  his  announcements 
that  it  should  be  so.  In  45,  4  the  reference  is  not  to  the  name  "Cyrus,"  hut 
to  i\\e  personal  notice  taken  of  him  (cf.  43,  i^  of  Israel)  by  Jehovah,  and  to 
the  honourable  titles  (44,  28.  45,  i)  conferred  upon  him.  The  other  argu- 
ments  could  be  readily  shown  to  be  not  more  conclusive. 

It  will  be  found  that  the  chief  objections  to  the  critical  date  of  c.  40—66 
have  their  root  in  an  imperfect  apprehension  of  the  historical  situation  to 
which  criticism  assigns  it,  and  which  is  required  (in  parts)  by  the  argument 
of  the  prophecy. 


^  See  more  fully,  both  on  the  characteristic  teaching  of  c.  40—66  and  on 
the  authorship,  the  papers  of  Prof.  Davidson,  cited  above,  p.  194  ;  Isaiah 
("Men  of  the  Bible"  series),  pp.  168-212;  Dillm.  pp.  347-362,  469-474. 
Delitzsch,  in  the  4th  ed.  of  his  Commentary  {\^%o,),  adopts  throughout  the 
critical  view  of  the  authorship  of  the  difterent  parts  of  the  book. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
JEREMIAH. 

Literature.— H.  Ewald  in  his  Prophets  of  the  OT.  1840-I,  ed.  2,  1867-8 
(in  the  translation,  vols.  3  and  [c.  50 — 51I  5,  p.  i  it);  F.  Ilitzig  (in  the  A^c/". 
Exeg.  Haudb.),  ed.  2,  1866;  K.  H.  Graf,  Der  P) oph.  Jer.  erklart,  1862;  C. 
W.  E.  Nagelsbach  in  Lange's  Bibelwerk,  1868  ;  C.  F.  Keil  in  the  Bibl. 
Comtnejttar,  1872  ;  Payne  Smith  in  the  Speaker's  Commentary^  1875  5  T.  K. 
Cheyne  in  the  Pulpit  Cofumentarj/  (exposlUon  of  the  text),  iSS^-^;  Jeremiah, 
his  life  and  times  (in  the  "Men  of  the  Bible  "  series),  1888;  C.  von  Orelli 
in  Strack  and  Zockler's  Kgf,  Kommentar^  1887;  E.  H.  Plumptre  in  the 
Commentary  on  the  OT.  edited  by  Bishop  Ellicott.  On  c.  50 — 51,  C.  Budde, 
in  \.\\Q/ahrb.   f.  deutsche  Theol.  xxiii.  pp.  42S-470,  529-562. 

B.C.  Chronological  Table. 

639.  JOSIAH. 
626.   Call  of  Jeremiah. 

621.  Discovery  of  Deuteronomy  ;  Josiah's  reformation. 
609.  Jehoahaz. 
608.  Jehoiakim. 

604.   Victory  of  Nebuchadnezzar  over  Pliaraoh  Necho  at  Carchcmish. 
597.  Jehoiachin. 

597.   First  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and  deportation  of  Jewish  exiles. 
596.  Zedekiah. 

5S6.  Destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldoeans,  and  second  deporta- 
tion of  Jewish  exiles. 

The  prophet  Jeremiah  was  of  priestly  descent.  He  was  sprung 
(i,  i)  from  a  little  community  of  priests  settled  at  Anathoth  (cf. 
I  Ki.  2,  26.  Josh.  21,  18),  a  town  not  far  north  of  Jerusalem,  in  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin,  with  which  he  continued  to  maintain  a  con- 
nexion (cf.  II,  21.  37,  12),  though  the  main  scene  of  his  pro- 
phetic ministry  was  Jerusalem.  His  first  public  appearance  as 
a  i^rophet  was  in  the  T3th  year  of  king  Josiah  (1,2.  25,  3),  i.e. 
626  ij.c,  5  years  before  the  memorable  year  in  which  the  "  Book 
of  the  Law"  was  found  by  Hilkiah  in  the  Temple.  Of  his  life 
during  the  reign  of  Josiah  no  further  particulars  are  known  ;•  but 


JEREMIAH.  233 

his  book  contains  abundant  notices  of  the  part  played  by  him  in 
the   anxious   times    which    began   soon   after   the   accession  of 
Jehoiakim,  and  did  not  cease  till  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
by  the  Chaldaeans  in  586.     Politically,  the  4th  year  of  Jeho.akmi 
in  which  Nebuchadnezzar  won  his  great  victory  over  Pharaoh 
Necho  at  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates,  was  the  turnmg-po.nt 
of  the  a-e      Jeremiah  at  once  grasped  the  situation  :  he  saw 
that  Nebuchadnezzar  was  destined  to  achieve  further  successes 
he  greeted  him  w.th  the  ode  of  triumph  in  c.  46,  and  declared 
that  the  whole  of  W.   Asia  would  fall  under  his  sway    c.  25), 
llying  thereby  what  he  afterwards  taught  explicitly,  that  the 
sTfety  0°  Judah  lay  in  yielding  to  the  inevitab  e,  and  acceptmg 
he  cond  tion  of  dependence  upon  Babylon.     In  the  end,  how- 
ever   Jehoiakim  revolted;    and   under  his   son   and  successo 
Jeh^iachin  the  penalty  for  his  imprudence  fell  severely  upon   he 
nation  :  Jerusalem  was  besieged  ;  and  after  too  days'  re.gn,  the 
"•n°"went  out"  (2  Ki.  24,  12),  U  surrendered  at  discretion,  to 
the^enen  y     he  himself,  the  queen  mother  Nehushta,  the  princi- 
na  members  of  the  court,  and  the  Hite  of  Jerusalem  generally, 
wer    condemned  to  exile  in  Babylonia.     Zedekiah,  having  sworn 
E     17    11-18)  a  solemn  oath  of  allegiance  to  Nebuchadnezzar, 
£  nomtnatei   king  over  those  who  remained  in     erusa  en. 
After  a  few  years,  however,  Zedekiah  compromised  himsdf  by 

;™ble  negotiations  with  ^^^^'^^  ^t^dC^tZXt 
year  the  second  siege  of     erusaletn  f^^^^^f^^:^ 

!h"nhtbe°sLl':m  prevail    Iding,  as  a  piece  of  practical 
Sic'elo rSople  geLally  -^^^^^^^^Z^:^ 

h;;:Swf  bin  S:r  c'orolli  of  th.  adopted  b^J-  in 
^       /.   o^^      Teremiah's  exper  ences  during  the  siege     now  i 

'2  L:Sd  ,ir:i  gat^  of  the  ^ty  0^1^ f:^^ 

to  the  Chalda^ans,  and  thrown  into  «-  — f .^^"fr,  ety  to 
he  was  released  thence  "  --X^^t''\;:l  dekiah  was 
learn  from  him  the  final  issue  of  the  ^'^^^  ,     °  ,„d 

compelled  to  relinquish  him  >"t°;'^'^.,^\"'^;°  "ion  tou/h  the 
how  he  was  only  rescued  from  death  by  starvation 


234  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

intercession  of  a  friendly  foreigner,  an  Ethiopian,  Ebed-melech — 
are  related  in  vivid  detail  in  c.  37 — 38.  After  the  capture  ot 
Jerusalem,  Jeremiah  was  treated  with  consideration  by  the  Chal- 
dasans,  and  allowed  to  remain  where  he  pleased  :  he  was  carried 
against  his  will  by  some  of  the  Jews  \vho  had  been  left  in 
Palestine  into  Egypt  (c.  42 — 44). 

Respecting  the  composition  of  the  Book  of  Jeremiah,  we  have, 
at  least  as  regards  its  oldest  portions,  information  considerably 
more  specific  than  is  usual  in  the  ca?e  of  the  writings  of  the 
prophets.  His  prophecies,  we  learn  from  C;  t,6,  were  first  com- 
mitted to  writing  in  the  4th  year  of  Jehoiakim,  when  Jeremiah 
received  the  command  to  take  a  roll,  and  write  therein  "all  the 
words"  which  Jehovah  had  spoken  to  him  "against  Israel,  and 
against  J  udah,  and  against  all  the  nations  "  from  the  days  of  Josiah 
onwards.  Accordingly,  we  read,  Jeremiah  dictated  them  to  his 
scribe  Baruch,  who  wrote  them  "from  his  mouth"  (vv.  4.  6.  17. 
18.  27)  in  a  roll.  In  the  following  year,  in  the  9th  month  (36, 
9  f.),  Baruch  read  the  contents  of  the  roll  publicly  before  the 
people  at  the  gate  leading  into  the  upper  court  of  the  Temple. 
Jehoiakim,  being  informed  by  his  princes  of  what  Baruch  was 
doing,  ordered  the  roll  to  be  brought  to  him,  and  read  before 
him.  After  three  or  four  leaves  had  been  read,  the  king,  in  a 
passion,  seized  the  roll,  rent  it  with  his  jienknife,  and  cast  it 
into  the  fire.  After  the  roll  had  been  thus  destroyed,  Jeremiah 
was  directed  to  rewrite  its  contents  in  a  second  roll  (v.  28),  which 
was  done  in  the  same  manner  as  before,  Baruch  writing  at  the 
prophet's  dictation  ;  and,  it  is  stated,  not  merely  were  the  con- 
tents of  the  first  roll  repeated,  but  '''there  were  added  besides  imto 
them  many  like  words''  {v.  32).  Whether,  even  in  the  first  roll, 
Jeremi.-ih's  discourses  were  reproduced  verbatitji  as  they  were 
delivered,  or  merely  in  general  substance,  coloured,  perhaps,  in 
parts  by  the  course  of  subsequent  events,  it  is  impossible  to  say ; 
bur  in  the  second  roll,  which  evidently  must  form  the  basis  of 
the  prophecies  as  we  have  them,  they  were  reproduced  with 
additions.  Thus,  as  regards  the  prophecies  belonging  to  the  first 
twenty-three  years  of  Jeremiah's  ministry,  there  must  always  be 
some  uncertainty  as  to  what  portions  strictly  reproduce  the 
original  discourses,  and  what  portions  belong  to  the  additions 
made  by  the  prophet  in  the  fifth  year  of  Jehoiakim.  It.  is, 
however,  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  among  these  addi- 


JEREMIAH.  235 

tions    are   included    some   of   the   more   definite    and   distinct 
denunciations  of  the  nation's  sin  and  of  the  coming  judgment. 

The  earlier  prophecies  of  Jeremiah's  book,  unHke  the  later  ones,  are 
usually  without  specific  dates  (comp.  3,  6  the  indeterminate  expression,  "In 
the  days  of  Josiah"),  and  often,  also,  somewhat  general  in  their  contents,  so 
that  probably  they  are  not  so  much  the  actual  text  of  particular  discourses,  as 
a  reproduction  of  their  substance,  made  by  the  prophet  on  the  basis  of  notes 
and  recollections  of  his  teaching  at  the  time. 

C.  I.  The  vision  of  the  prophet's  call,  in  the  13th  year  of 
Josiah,  B.C.  626.  Jeremiah,  while  still  a  youth  {v.  6),  is  con- 
secrated to  be  a  prophet :  it  is  to  be  his  mission  to  announce 
the  weal  or  woe  {v.  10),  not  of  Judah  only,  but  of  other  nations 
as  well ;  in  particular,  however,  he  is  to  bear  the  tidings  of  woe 
to  his  own  people  {vv.  11-16);  he  must  expect,  in  the  discharge 
of  his  mission,  to  encounter  great  opposition,  but  is  divinely 
strengthened  for  the  purpose  of  overcoming  it  {vv.  17-19). 

C.  2 — 6  form  presumably  Jeremiah's  first  prophetical  discourse, 
as  it  was  reproduced  in  a  written  form  in  the  5th  year  of 
Jehoiakim.  The  discourse  consists  of  four  parts,  in  each  of 
which  the  general  theme,  viz.  the  nation's  sin,  is  treated  under 
a  distinct  aspect,  viz.  (i)  c.  2;  (2)  3,  1-5  (continued  by  3,  19 — 
4.  2)  ;  (3)  3,  6-18;  (4)  4,  3 — 6,  30.  C.  2  the  dominant  subject 
is  Judah's  idolatry.  The  prophecy  opens  with  a  touching  picture 
of  the  nation's  innocency  in  the  ideal  period  of  its  youth  2,  2-3  ; 
vv.  4-13  describe  its  ingratitude  and  defection  from  Jehovah,  and 
vv.  14-17  the  punishment  which  ensued:  next  the  people  are 
reproached  with  leaning  for  help  alternately  upon  Egypt  and 
Assyria,  and  with  their  devotion  to  gods  which,  in  the  time  of 
need,  will  be  powerless  to  aid  them,  vv.  18-28;  and  finally,  vv. 
29-37,  with  their  self-complacency  [v.  35),  and  persistent  T^efusal 
to  listen  to  wiser  counsels.  (2)  3,  1-5.  19 — 4,  2  the  subject  is 
still  Judah's  idolatry,  but  there  is  held  out  the  prospect  q^  a 
better  future  ;  Judah  has  been  like  a  faithless  wife,  3,  1-3,  whose 
promises  of  amendment,  v.  4  f.,  are  but  as  empty  words.  Yet 
Jehovah  had  thought  to  honour  her,  expecting  love  and  faithful- 
ness in  return,  but  His  purpose  had  been  frustrated,  3,  19  f.  I'his, 
however,  vvill  not  continue  for  ever :  the  offer  of  pardon  is  freely 
made  :  and  the  prophecy  closes  with  a  picture  of  the  i)enitent 
nation  confessing  its  sin  (3,  23-25),  and  of  the  benefits  accruing 
from  the  spectacle  of  its  loyalty  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  (4, 


236  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

1-2  RV.  marg.),  (3)  3,  6-18.  Judah  contrasted  unfavourably 
with  Israel.  Judah  has  witnessed  the  fate  which  overtook  her 
sister,  the  N.  kingdom,  in  her  sin,  but  has  derived  no  warning 
from  it :  hence,  relatively,  Israel  is  more  righteous  than  Judah ; 
and  the  otfer  of  pardon  and  promise  of  restoration  are  addressed 
in  the  first  instance  to  it,  vv.  12-14;  o^ly  when  the  ideal  Zion  of 
the  future  has  been  established  by  the  restoration  of  Israel^  so 
that  even  heathen  nations  flock  towards  Vi{vv.  14-17),  \\\\\  Judah 
abandon  its  sin  and  return  from  banishment  (which  the  prophet 
here  presupposes)  to  dwell  with  Israel  upon  its  own  land,  v.  18. 

It  is  almost  certain  that  this  section  is  misplaced,  (i)  It  interrupts  the 
connexion,  for  the  words  in  3,  19,  '■''But  /sail,"  are  not  antithetical  to  any- 
thing in  V.  18,  while  they  are  obviously  so  to  the  thought  of  3,  5  :  3, 
1-5  depicts  Judah's  faithlessness  and  empty  promises  of  amendment,  to  which 
the  declaration,  v.  19,  of  Jehovah's  purpose,  which  had  been  frustrated,  forms 
a  natural  contrast.  (2)  The  contrasted  vieiu  of  the  behaviour  of  the  two  king- 
doms is  peculiar  to  this  section,  and  is  foreign  to  both  3,  1-5  and  3,  19 — 4,  2  : 
notice,  also,  that  whereas  in  2,  I — 3,  5  and  3,  19— 4,  2  "  Israel  "  designates 
ludah,  in  3,  6-18  it  denotes  the  N.  kingdom  as  opposed  to  Judah.  (3)  The 
section  is  complete  in  itself  :  for  v.  6  evidently  marks  a  genuine  beginning  ; 
and  the  pnmiises,  vv.  15  -18,  form  a  natural  close,  and  one  thoroughly  in 
harmony  with  the  analogy  of  prophecy.  Thus,  though  the  prophecy  belongs 
no  doubt  to  the  same  period  as  the  rest  of  c.  2 — 6  (for  it  has  many  figures  and 
thoughts  in  common,  e.g.  vv.  6.  13  and  2,  20'';  the  figure  in  v.  8  and  2,  2. 
3,  I  ff. ;  3,  9  and  2,  20.  27.  3,  i^.  2-,  v.  14  and  v.  22),  it  has  probably, 
through  some  accident  of  transmis.sion,  been  displaced  from  its  original 
position.     Comp.  Stade,  ZATIV.  1884,  pp.  151-4. 

(4)  4,  3—6,  20.  Here  the  coming  judgment  is  depicted  more 
distinctly  :  it  is  to  be  inflicted  by  a  foe  from  the  north.  The 
prophet  begins  by  exhorting  earnestly  to  penitence,  if  perchance 
the  future  which  he  foresees  can  be  averted,  z*.  3  f. ;  afterwards, 
he  bid^  the  people  betake  themselves  for  safety  into  the  fenced 
cities, 'for  the  destroyer  is  approaching  from  the  north  ;  soon  he 
see^'him  close  at  hand,  and  the  capital  itself  invested  by  the  foe, 
vv.f^-\^.  Speaking  in  the  name  of  his  people,  he  gives  expres- 
sion to  the  sense  of  terror  which  thrills  through  him  as  the  alarm 
of  war  draws  nearer  :  the  vision  of  desolation  embraces  the  whole 
land  :  in  vain  does  Zion  seek  the  favour  of  her  "  lovers,"  they 
are  turned  against  her,  vv.  19-31.  Does  this  severe  judgment 
seem  unmerited  ?  Gladly  would  Jehovah  have  pardoned,  had 
the  nation  shown  itself  worthy  of  forgiveness ;  but  all,  high  and 
low  alike  (5,   4   f.),   are   corrupt,   5,    1-9.      Let   the   ap])ointed 


JEREMIAH.  237 

ministers  ot  judgment,  then,  complete  their  task  :  the  only  re- 
striction is  this,  that  Israel  must  not  be  exterminated  (?7'.  10.  18  : 
cf.  4,  27)  ;  and  a  picture  follows  of  the  terrible  and  cruel  invader, 
who  will  desolate  the  land,  slay  the  inhabitants,  and  carry  the 
survivors  into  exile,  vv.  10-19.  Vv.  20-29  revert  to  the  thought 
of  vv.  1-9,  dwelling  afresh  upon  the  moral  cause  of  the  coming 
disaster:  prophets  and  priests  unite  in  the  furtherance  of  evil. 
In  c.  6  the  danger  is  depicted  as  still  nearer :  the  capital  itself 
must  now  be  abandoned  (contrast  4,  6) :  for  the  enemy  is  pre- 
paring to  storm  it  {v.  5).  Jehovah's  offer,  even  now,  to  spare 
Zion  is  made  in  vain  :  worldliness  and  the  illusion  of  security 
engross  the  people's  thoughts;  and  the  judgment  must  therefore 
take  its  course,  vv.  6-21.  Still  another  description  follows  of  the 
approach  of  the  invader;  and  the  section  closes  with  a  significant 
figure  of  the  reprobate  condition  of  the  nation,  vv.  22-30. 

The  foe  from  the  north  constitutes  a  feature  in  which  4,  3 — 6,  30  advances 
beyond  2,  I — 4,  2  :  so  that  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  4,  3 — 6,  30  beIon<Ts 
to  a  somewhat  later  date.  The  invader  is  mentioned,  or  alluded  to,  4,  6-7. 
13.  15-17.  21.  29.  5,  6.  15-17.  6,  1-6.  12.  22-25  :  as  no  name  is  specified,  it 
is  disputed  who  is  meant.  Herodotus  (i.  103  ff.)  speaks  of  a  great  irruption 
into  Asia  at  this  time  oi  Scythians,  a  wild  and  fierce  people,  whose  home  was 
north  of  the  Crimea,  but  who,  like  the  Huns  and  Bulgarians  of  a  later  day, 
were  apt  to  make  predatory  incursions  into  the  more  favoured  regions  of  the 
south.  On  the  present  occasion  their  inva^^ion  is  thus  described  (Rawlinson, 
Anc.  Monarchies,  Bk.  U.  ch.  ix. ;  ed.  1879,  vol.  ii;  p.  225  f.): — "Pouring 
through  the  passes  of  the  Caucasus,  horde  after  horde  of  Scythians  blackened 
the  rich  plains  of  the  south.  On  they  came  like  a  flight  of  locusts,  countless, 
irresistible,  .  .  .  finding  the  land  before  them  a  garden,  and  leaving  it 
behind  them  a  howling  wilderness.  Neither  age  nor  sex  would  be  spared. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  open  country  and  of  the  villages,  if  they  did  not  make 
their  escape  to  high  mountain  tops  or  other  strongholds,  would  be  ruthlessly 
massacred  by  the  invaders,  or,  at  best,  forced  to  become  their  slaves.  The 
crops  would  be  consumed,  the  herds  swept  off  or  destroyed,  the  villages  and 
homesteads  burnt,  the  whole  country  made  a  scene  of  desolation.  .  .  .  The 
tide  then  swept  on.  Wandering  from  district  to  district,  plundering  every- 
where, settling  nowhere,  the  clouds  of  horse  passed  over  Mesopotamia,  the 
force  of  the  invasion  becoming  weaker  as  it  spread  itself,  until  in  Syria  it 
reached  its  term  by  the  policy  of  the  Egyptian  king  Psammetichus,"  who, 
hearing  that  the  Scythian  hordes  had  advanced  as  far  as  Ashkelon,  and  were 
threatening  to  invade  Egypt,  prevailed  upon  them  by  rich  gifts  to  abstain 
from  their  enterprise.  Herodotus,  who  states  that  they  were  masters  of 
Western  Asia  from  the  Caucasus  to  the  border  of  Egypt  for  28  years  ( B.C. 
635-607),  may  have  exaggerated  the  extent  and  nature  of  their  k^x,^,  but  the 
fact  of  such  an  irruption  having  taken  place  cannot  be  doubted.  It  is 
probable  that  the  present  prophecy,  in  its  original  intention,  alluded  to  these 


23S  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Scythian  hordes,  whom  some  of  the  descriptions  remarkably  suit  (5,  17. 
6,  22  f.),  and  who  may  well  have  enfled  by  including  Judah  in  their  ravages  ; 
though  afterwards,  when  it  was  committed  to  writing,  and,  as  it  were, 
re-edited  in  the  5lh  year  of  Jehoiakim,  it  was  accommodated  by  the  prophet  to 
the  Chaldceans,  who  in  the  interval  had  iK-come  JiKh.h's  most  formidable 
foe,  the  phraseology  being  possibly  modified  in  parts  so  as  to  describe  them 
more  appropriately  {e.g.  4,  7  the  "lion"  and  "de-troyer  of  nations "  are 
terms  better  suited  to  an  individual   as  Nebuchadnezzar  than   to  a  horde  ; 

1 

comp.  the  "lion,"  49,  19  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  50,  44  of  Cyrus  :  6,  22  "  from 
the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth,"  nnd  "from  the  north  "would  be  appropiiate 
either  to  the  Scythians  or  to  the  Chaldaeans,  cf.  25,  32  :  10,  22.  13,  20. 
25,  9.  47,  2).  Comp.  Ew.  Hist,  iv,  226-31;  Prophets,  iii.  70;  Hitzig, 
Jerevi.  p.  31  f.  ;  Graf,  pp.  16-19;  Wellhausen  in  Bleck's  Einleitung,  1S7S, 
p.  335;  Kuenen,  §  52.  12. 

C.  7 — 10  (excluding  10,  1-16)  form  a  second  group  of  pro- 
phecies. The  scene  described  in  c.  7  is  a  striking  one.  The 
prophet  is  commanded  to  station  himself  at  the  gate  leading  to 
the  upper  court  immediately  surrounding  the  Temple,  and  there 
to  address  the  people  entering  in  to  worship.  V.  3  states  the 
theme  of  his  discourse  :  Amend  your  7vays  and  your  doings.,  and  I 
will  cause  you  to  dwell  in  this  place.  The  people  of  Jeremiah's 
day,  c^ipropriat'ng.  in  a  one-sided  sense,  Isaiah's  teaching  of  the 
inviolability  of  Zion,  pointed  to  the  Temple,  standing  in  their 
midst,  as  the  palladium  of  their  security.  The  prophet  indig- 
nantly retorts  that  they  mistake  the  conditions  of  security  {vv. 
9-1 1).  So  long  as  the  people  follow  dishonesty,  immorality, 
and  idolatry,  Jehovah  will  as  little  spare  Zion  as  he  spared 
Shiloh  of  old  :  the  fate  of  Ephraim  will  be  also  the  fate  of 
Judah,  7,  1-20.  7,  21 — 8,  22  the  subjects  are  substantially  the 
same :  the  people's  refusal  to  listen  to  the  warnings  of  their 
prophets,  their  persistency  in  idolatry,  the  ruin  imminent,  the  foe 
already  in  the  midst  of  the  land,  the  vain  cry  for  help  raised  by 
the  people  in  their  distress,  and  the  prophet's  wail  of  sympathy. 
In  c.  9  the  plaintive  strain  of  8,  18-22  is  continued  :  the 
prophet  bewails  the  corruption  of  the  people,  which  is  rendering 
this  judgment  necessary,  9,  1-9  (the  refrain  9,  9  as  5,  9.  29) :  he 
dwells  anew,  and  with  livelier  sympathy,  upon  the  troubles  about 
to  fall  upon  the  people,  9,  10-26;  he  bids  (10,  17-25)  the 
inhabitants  of  the  capital,  which  he  already  in  spirit  sees 
invested  by  the  foe,  prepare  to  depart  into  exile,  only  at  the  end 
(10,  24  f)  supplicating  in  the  name  of  his  people  for  a  mitigation 
of  the  coaling  disaster. 


JEREMIAH.  239 

The  date  of  this  prophecy  is  disputed.  Some,  nrguing  from  its  position 
and  the  general  similarity  of  tone  with  4,  3— c.  6,  assign  it  to  the  same 
period,  before  Josiah's  i8lh  year  (Hiiz.,  Bleek,  Einl.  ed.  4,  p.  360,  Keil) ; 
others,  on  account  of  the  great  resemblance  with  26,  1-6,  regard  the  occasion 
as  the  same,  and  assign  it  to  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  (Ew. 
Graf,  Nag.  Kuen.  §  53.  6,  7,  Payne  Smith,  Cheyne,  p.  115,  Wellh.  ap. 
Bleek,  I.e.,  Delitzsch,  ap.  Workman  [see  p.  253,  noie\  p.  xvii. 

10,1-16.  Against  idolatry.  The  "  house  of  Israel"  are  warned 
against  standing  in  awe  of  the  idols  of  the  heathen,  which, 
however  splendid  and  imposing  in  appearance,  are  powerless  to 
defend  their  worshippers  {v.  14  f.)  :  on  the  other  hand,  Jehovah, 
who  is  Jacob's  portion,  is  the  true  and  living  God. 

This  section  is  misplaced,  even  if  Jeremiah  be  the  author,     (i)  It  is  foreign 
to  the  context  :  the  context  on  both  sides  deals  with  the  judgment  impending 
upon  Jerusalem,  and  the  people  are  represented  as  already  abandoned  to 
idolatry,  in  particular,  to  the  worship  of  the  Queen  of  Heaven  and  Baal  (7, 
18   31)  :  10,  1-16  deals  entirely  with  the  contrast  between  Jehovah  and  idols, 
and    warns   the   nation   against    learhing  idolatry    {v.    2).      (2)    Jeremiah's 
argument  is  "Expect  no  help  from  vain  gods  ;  they  cannot  save  you"  (2,  28. 
II    12)  ;  here  the  argument  is  "  Do  not  fear  them,  they  cannot  harm  you." 
And  yet    according  to  Jeremiah's  teaching,  at  the  very  time  to  which  from  its 
position    this   section    would    be    referred,   Jeremiah    was   prophesymg  that 
Tudah  would  shortly  be  ruined  by  a  nation  of  idolaters.     The  descriptions  m 
\jv  3-5    9  imply  that  the  "house  of  Israel"  addressed  is  in  the  presence  of  an 
elaborate  idol-worship  carried  on-not  by  themselves,  but-by  the  heathen, 
which   they  are  emphatically  taught,  deserves  no  consideration  at  their  hands. 
The  situation  is  that  of  the  exiles  in  Babylonia.     Either  (Bleek)  the  prophecy 
belongs  to  the  latter  part  of  Jeremiah's  career,  and  was  addressed  by  him 
(of  the  letter  in  c.  29)  to  those  of  his  fellow-countrymen  who  went  into  exile 
with  Jehoiachin  ;  or  (Movers,  Hitz.,  Graf,  Kuen.  §53-  8,  9)  it  is  the  work  of 
a  later  prophet,  writing  towards  the  close  of  the  exile,  when  (as  we  know  from 
II  Isaiah)  the  magnificence  of  the  Babylonian  idols  severely  tried  the  faith 
of  the  exiles  :  both  the  descriptions  of  idolatry  and  the  argument  (    Do  not 
stand  in  awe  of  the  idols  around  you  ;    they  are  a  thing  of  nought;    it  is 
lehovah  who  made  heaven  and  earth  ")  are  in  II  Isaiah  (Is.  40,  19-22.  41,  7- 
29   44,  9-20.  46,   5-7  '^c.)  strikingly  similar.     In  the  phraseology  the  only 
noticeable  point  of  contact  with  Jeremiah's  style  is  in  v.   15.  ^^''^^Jj^^^jJ 
f  D   2";8  No   14)       F.  1 1  is  in  Aramaic,  with  certain  peculiarities  showing  that 
t's'  author  must  have  spoken  a  particular  Aramaic  dialect :  ^  from  the  fact  that 
it  interrupts  the  connexion  betweer^^^z;^_io^n^^^^ 
^r^i^^^^r^^^^^^^^-   the  Aramaic  inscriptions   on  weights   from 
Nineveh  of  the  8th  cent.  B.C.  {Corp.  Inscr.  Sem.  Pars  11   tom.  i,  Nos      ,  2 
3  &c.)  and  in  Mandaic  (Noldeke,  Mand.  Gr.  p.  73);   the  ,«.....    inN-n 
fheTama-Inscr.  {C.I.S.  it.  No.  113^,  1-  14)  and  Dan.  5.  10;  H^^    for  rbs) 
la  the  Nabatcean  Inscriptions  (Euting,  Nab.  Inschnften,  1S87,  p.  77). 


240  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

begins  with  a  participle,  connecting  immediately  with  v.  lo),  it  is  probable 
that  it  was  originally  a  note  written  upon  the  margin  of  v.  9,  as  a  comment — 
perhaps  taken  from  some  independent  writing — on  the  argument  of  the  text. 
Those  who  attribute  it  to  Jeremiah,  generally  view  it  as  a  reply  with  which 
he  provides  the  exiles,  to  be  used  by  them  when  invited  to  lake  part  in  idol- 
worship  :  Aramaic  was  understood,  and  used  both  commercially  and  officially, 
by  Assyrians,  Babylonians,  and  Persians  (the  inscriptions  referred  to  in  the 
note,  however,  have  regularly  "•!,  not  as  here  t"!)  for  the  relative  particle). 

C.  II — 12.  {a)  II,  1-8.  This,  with  evident  allusion  to  the  law- 
book discovered  in  Josiah's  i8th  year  {v.  2  "Hear  ye  the  words 
oi  this  covenant:"  v.  3^  ahnost  7erbaih?i  =  'D\..  27,  26^:  with 
5^'cf.  il).  26^*),  relates,  no  doubt,  what  took  place  shortly  after  that 
event.  Jeremiah  was  instructed  to  go  and  "proclaim"  (or 
**  recite")  "///  the  cities  of Judah  and  in  the  streets  of  Jerusalem" 
(?'.  6)  the  words  of  the  covenant,  i.e.  probably  to  undertake  an 
itinerating  mission  in  Judah  for  the  purpose  of  setting  forth 
the  principles  of  Dt.,  and  exhorting  men  to  live  accordingly. 
{b)  II,  9-17  appears  to  describe  what  happened  some  time 
subsequently — possibly  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim — when 
the  amendment  of  the  people  had  been  shown  to  be  superficial 
{iK  10  "they  have  returned  to  the  former  iniquities  of  their 
fathers"),  and  when  the  prophet  accordingly  reaffirms  the 
sentence  of  judgment,  which  neither  his  own  intercession  (v.  14) 
nor  the  people's  hypocritical  repentance  {^.  15  R.V.  marg.)  will 
be  able  to  avert,  (c)  11,  18 — 12,  6.  In  11,  18-23  Jer.  relates 
how  he  had  been  apprised  of  a  plot  formed  against  his  life  by 
the  men  of  his  native  place,  Anathoth,  and  the  judgment  which 
he  had  pronounced  upon  them  in  consequence:  12,  1-6  he 
expostulates  with  Jehovah  on  account  of  the  impunity  which  the 
conspirators  nevertheless  for  the  time  enjoyed,  and  demands 
upon  them  summary  vengeance :  in  reply  he  is  rebuked  for  his 
impatience,  and  reminded  that  his  faith  may  have  in  the  future 
yet  greater  trials  to  endure,  {d)  12,  7-17  deals  with  a  different 
subject,  and  dates  probably  from  a  later  time,  when  Judah  viz.,  after 
Jehoiakim's  revolt  from  Nebuchadnezzar,  was  overrun  by  bands 
of  Syrians,  Moabites,  and  Ammonites  (2  Ki.  24,  i  f.),  alluded  to 
here  in  the  expression  "my  evil  neighbours,"  v.  14.  They,  as 
well  as  Judah,  are  threatened  with  exile ;  but  a  gracious  prospect 
of  restoration  afterwards  is  held  out  to  them  {v.  15  f.),  if  they 
adopt  from  the  heart  the  religion  of  Israel. 

C.  13  contains — {a)  the  description  of  a  symbolical  act  per- 


JEREMIAH.  241 

formed  by  the  prophet  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  corrupt 
condition  of  the  people  and  its  consequences,  vv.  i-ii;  {b)  a 
parable,  declaring  significantly  the  disaster  about  to  come  upon 
them,  vv.  12-14;  (0  a  renewed  exhortation  to  amendment, 
w.  15-17,  followed,  vv.  18-27,  by  the  prophet's  lamentation,  as 
the  dark  reality  forces  itself  upon  him,  that  the  exhortation  will 
only  be  disregarded. 

From  V.  18  "Say  ye  to  the  king,  and  to  the  queen-mother.  Sit  ye  down 
lowly,"  it  is  generally  inferred  by  commentators  (Graf  and  Kcil  being  nearly 
the  only  dissentients)  that  this  prophecy  belongs  to  the  reign  of  Jehoiachin, 
whose  mother,  Nehushta  (2  Ki.  24,  8),  is  also  specially  meniioned  in  another 
prophecy  of  Jeremiah's,  22,  26,  as  well  as  in  the  narrative  of  the  exile  of 
Jehoiachin  (29,  2;  2  Ki.  24,  12.  15),  so  that  she  probably  exercised  some 
unusual  influence  at  the  time. 

14,  I — 17,  18.  {a)  c.  14 — 15.  The  immediate  occasion  of  c.  14 
was  a  drought  {vv.  2-6),  which  was  viewed  by  the  prophet  as  a 
token  of  Jehovah's  anger,  and  elicited  from  him  accordingly  the 
supplication  following,  vv.  7-9 :  Jehovah's  answer  follows ;  and 
the  dialogue  is  continued  to  the  end  of  c.  15.  Jer.'s  intercession 
is  refused,  14,  ro-12  (with  v,  11  comp.  7,  16.  11,  14;  with  v.  12*, 
6,  2o^  II,  11^);  he  seeks  to  excuse  the  people  on  the  ground 
that  they  have  been  deluded  by  their  prophets,  v.  13  (cf.  5,  12. 
6,  14) ;  but  the  excuse  is  not  accepted  ;  proi)hets  and  people 
must  perish  alike,  vv.  14-18.  In  more  beseeching  tones, 
Jeremiah  renews  his  intercession,  vv.  19-22;  but  is  answered 
even  more  decisively  than  before :  Even  Moses  and  Samuel 
would  not  avail  to  avert  the  coming  doom,  or  undo  the  evil 
which  Manasseh  wrought  for  Judah,  15,  1-9  (with  v.  4  cf  2  Ki. 
21,  11-15.  24,  3  f.).  Hereupon  the  prophet  vents  his  grief  and 
despair  at  the  fate  which  (through  the  message  which  be  bears) 
obliges  him  to  encounter  the  hatred  and  ill-will  of  all  men,  v.  10  : 
V.  II  f.  Jehovah  reassures  him  :  the  time  will  come  when  his 
opponents  will  be  glad  to  implore  his  help,  crushed  by  the 
irresistible  might  of  the  "iron  from  the  north"  (the  "northern 
colossus,"  the  Chaldceans) :  ^  once  again,  vv.  15-18,  he  bewails 
the  hard  fate  imposed  upon  him  of  having  to  predict  the  ruin  of 

1  Such  is  the  most  probable  sense  of  the  difficult  v.  12  (Ewald,  Keil). 
Vv.  13.  14  [to  be  read  as  RV.  second  marg.\  as  they  stand,  must  carry  on  the 
same  line  of  thought :  Jeremiah's  enemies  will  be  taken  into  exile,  so  as  no 
longer  to  be  able  to  trouble  him.  But  the  thought  would  be  very  obscurely 
and  indirectly  exprobS-Hl  :  for  just  before  {v.  ii)  the  proii.  of  the  2  ps.  denoies 


242  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

his  country  :  vv.  19-21  he  is  finally  taught  that  his  success  and 
happiness  depend  upon  his  abandoning  the  false  path  of  misliust 
and  despair,  {b)  16,  i— 17,  18.  In  16,  i — 17,  4  the  coming 
disaster,  with  its  cause,  the  i)eople's  sin,  is  set  forth  in  still 
plainer  terms  than  in  c.  14  f.  :  in  17,  5-13  the  prophet  points  to 
Jehovah  as  the  sole  source  of  strength  in  the  hour  of  trouble ; 
and  concludes,  vv.  14-18,  with  a  prayer  that  he  himself  may 
experience  Jehovah's  salvation,  and  be  delivered  from  the 
enemies  who  taunt  and  persecute  him. 

The  intensity  of  feeiin;^  which  Jeremiah  displays  throughout  14,  I — 17,  18, 
the  persistency  and  earnestness  with  which  he  steps  forward  again  and  again- 
to  intercede  on  behalf  of  his  nation,  the  emphasis  with  which  the  doom  is 
declared  to  be  irrevocable,  authorise  the  inference  that  the  prophecy  belongs 
to  the  time  when  the  crisis  was  approaching,  i.e.  to  the  latter  part  of  the 
reign  of  Jehoiakim,  when  the  prophet  felt  moved  to  make  every  effort  to 
avert,  if  it  were  possible,  the  inevitable.  17,  11  has  even  been  thought  to 
contain  an  allusion  to  Jehoiakim's  unjust  and  avaricious  treatment  of  his  sub- 
jects, described  more  directly  in  22,  13  f.  17  :  but  this  is  uncertain. 

C.  17,  19-27.  An  exhortation  on  the  Sabbath,  to  the  strict 
observance  of  which  a  promise  of  prosperity  and  the  continued 
existence  of  the  monarchy  {v.  25  :  cf.  22,  4)  is  attached. 

Tnis  prophecy  is  unconnected  with  what  precedes :  and  from  the  difference 
in  tone — for  the  doom  which  in  14,  i — 17,  18  is  declared  to  be  irrevocable,  is 
here  conceived  as  capable  of  being  averted,  upon  one  condition  beino- 
observed — it  may  be  inferred  that  it  belongs  to  a  different  and  earlier  period, 
perhaps  (Orelli)  to  the  tiuie  of  Josiah's  reformation  (cf.  1 1,  I  ff.). 

C.  18 — 20.  Lesso7is  from  the  potter.  In  c.  18  Jeremiah  is 
made  to  teach,  by  observation  of  the  method  followed  by  the 
potter,  the  great  principle  of  the  conditional  nature  of  pro 
phecy.  The  doom  pronounced  against  a  nation  may,  if  the 
nation  alters  its  course,  be  modified  or  reversed  :  God's  pur- 
pose, as  declared,  is  not  of  necessity  absolute  and  uncondi- 
tional, vv.  I -ID.  The  practical  application  follows  :  the  Jews 
are  invited  to  amend  their  ways,  in  order  that  the  threatened 
evil  may  be  averted ;  they  are  represented  as  declining ;  and 
the  judgment  originally  pronounced  is  reaffirmed,  vv.  11-17. 
The  people,    proud    in    the  possession   of  inviolable  privileges 

Jeremiah,  here  it  would  denote  the  nation,  to  the  exclusion  of  Jeremiah  ! 
There  is  high  probability  in  Ewald's  view,  that  w.  12-14  'ire  accidentally 
misplaced,  and  ought  properly  to  follow  v.  9,  where  they  are  in  harmony 
with  the  context,  and  where  the  change  of  person  w:puld  be  far  less  .abrupt 
(comp.  the  second  person  of  the  nation  in  v.  6). 


JEREMIAH.  243 

(v.  18),  resent  this  unwelcome  conclusion  of  the  prophet's, 
and  proceed  to  form  plots  against  his  lite  (cf.  26,  10  f.),  wiih 
a  vehement  prayer  for  the  frustration  of  which  the  chapter 
closes,  vv.  19-23.  This  prophecy,  in  which  the  fate  of  Jiidah  is 
re])iesented  as  still  undecided,  and  as  depending  on  the  people's 
choice,  would  seem  to  be  earlier  than  14,  i  — 17,  18,  where  it  is 
treated  as  irrevocably  fixed.  C.  19,  by  a  symbolical  act,  the 
breaking  of  the  ^oHqx's  finished  work,  the  earthen  bottle,  in  the 
valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,  the  conclusion  expressed  in  c.  18  is 
repeated  and  reinforced :  the  nation  has  reached  a  point  at 
which  amendment  is  no  longer  possible  :  and  the  disaster,  when 
it  comes,  will  be  final  and  irretrievable,  vv.  1-13.  Vv.  14-15 
Jeremiah  repeats  in  the  Temple  Court  the  substance  of  what  he 
had  said,  the  consequence  of  which  was  that  Pashhur,  son  of 
Immer,  the  superintendent  of  the  Temple,  had  the  prophet 
thrown  into  the  stocks  till  the  following  day :  after  his  release, 
he  j)ronounces  upon  the  entire  nation  formal  sentence  of  exile  to 
Babylon,  20,  1-6.  The  incident  is  followed,  vv.  7-18,  by  an 
outburst  of  deep  emotion  on  the  part  of  Jeremiah  (comp.  15,  10. 
15-18.  17,  15-18):  the  impulse  to  be  a  prophet  had  been  an 
irresistible  one  (cf.  Am.  3,  8);  but  he  had  been  rewarded  by 
notln'ng  but  hostility  and  detraction;  and  though  he  is  sensible 
that  Jehovah  is  with  him  (cf.  i,  19),  and  will  in  the  end  grant 
him  justice  against  his  persecutors,  he  still  cannot  repress  the 
passionate  wish  that  he  had  never  seen  the  light. 

C.  21,  I— 10  places  us  in  Zedekiah's  reign,  during  the  period 
{v.  2)  when  Nebuchadnezzar's  troops  were  investing  the  city,  at 
the  end  of  Zedekiah's  ninth  year.  The  passage  contains  the 
answer  given  by  Jeremiah  to  the  message  of  inquiry  addressed 
to  him  by  Zedekiah  respecting  the  issue  of  the  siege. 

21,  II — 23,  8.  An  important  group  of  prophecies,  containing 
Jeremiah's  judgments  on  the  successive  rulers  who  occupied  in 
his  day  the  throne  of  David.  21,  11-14  is  introductory;  22, 
1-9  is  an  admonition  impressing  upon  the  king  the  paramount 
importance  of  justice.  There  follow  the  special  judgments  on 
the  kings  —  on  Shallum  (Jehoahaz),  vv.  10-12,  whose  exile  is 
pathetically  foretold ;  on  Jehoiakim,  whose  exactions  are  point- 
edly contrasted  with  the  fair  and  honourable  dealings  of  his 
father  Josiah,  and  for  whom  an  ignominious  end  is  predicted, 
vv.   13-19;  and  on  Jehoiachin,  whose  banishment  to  a  foreign 


244  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

land  is  emphatically  announced,  vv.  20-30.  The  climax  of  the 
entire  prophecy  is  23,  1-8.  Vv.  1-2  are  a  denunciation  of  the 
unworthy  shepherds — i.e.  rulers,  comp.  2,  8.  10,  21 — generally, 
who  have  neglected  and  ruined  the  flock  entrusted  to  them  : 
vv.  3-8  the  prophecy  closes  with  a  promise  of  ultimate  restora- 
tion, and  a  picture  of  the  rule  of  the  ideal  Prince  of  Jesse's  line, 
which  in  every  respect  forms  a  contrast  with  that  exercised  by 
the  imperfect  rulers  of  Jeremiah's  own  day  (5^  the  opposite  of 
22^  13.  17  ;  6''  the  opposite  of  23,  1-2  :  with  v.  4  comp.  3,  15). 

21,  12.  22,  3  f.  (implying  that  the  fate  of  Judah  is  not  yet  irrevocably  fixed) 
appear  to  belong;  to  the  earlier  part  of  Jeremiah's  career  (cf.  17,  25);  the 
judgments  which  follow  (as  the  terms  of  ?w.  1 1  f.  19.  25  f.  show)  must  have  been 
originally  pronounced  during  the  reigns  of  the  kings  to  whom  they  severally 
relate ;  the  whole  being  arranged  together  subsequently,  on  account  of  the 
community  of  subject, 

23,  9-40  is  directed  against  the  prophets.,  \y\\o  were  influential 
in  Jerusalem  1  in  Zedekiah's  reign  (see  27,  14  f.  28,  i  ff.),  and 
who  represented  a  policy  the  reverse  of  that  counselled  by 
Jeremiah,  and  misled  the  people  by  false  promises  of  security. 
Jeremiah  denounces  them  with  much  vehemence,  charging  them 
even  with  immorality  and  profaneness  (comp.  29,  23),  and 
declaring  that  their  unauthorized  prophesyings  will  avail  neither 
the  people  nor  themselves. 

C.  24  was  written  shortly  after  the  exile  of  Jehoiachin.  As 
has  been  said  (p.  233),  the  companions  of  Jehoiachin  included 
the  flower  of  the  nation:  among  those  who  were  left  in  Jeru- 
salem must  have  been  many  who  hitherto  had  occupied  a 
humble  station  in  life,  but  who  now  found  themselves  suddenly 
called  to  fill  state  oflices  :  these  in  many  cases  were  elated  by 
their  new  dignities ;  and  proud  of  the  confidence  placed  in  them 
by  Nebuchadnezzar,  they  treated  their  brethren  in  exile  with  no 
small  contempt,  declaring  loudly  that  "the  land  was  given  to 
tJwn''  (see  Ez.  11,  15.  33,  24).  In  this  chapter  Jeremiah  passes 
a  comparative  estimate  upon  the  two  divisions  of  the  nation  : 
under  the  significant  figure  of  the  good  and  bad  figs,  he  ex- 
presses emphatically  the  different  character  of  each,  and  the 
different  future  in  store  for  them. 

C.  25  belongs  to  the  critical  year  of  the  battle  of  Carchemish, 
the  fourth  year   of  Jchoiakim  (b.c.   604).     In  it  Jeremiah  first 

*  And  also  among  those  carried  into  exile  with  Jehoiachin,  29,  8  f.  20  ff. 


JEREMIAH.  245 

declares,  vv,  1-14,  that  Judah  and  the  neighbouring  nations 
must  fall  under  the  sway  of  the  king  of  Babylon  for  seventy 
years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  his  empire  will  come  to  an  end ; 
afterwards,  m.  15-38,  extending  the  range  of  his  survey,  he 
views  his  empire  as  destined  to  embrace  practically  the  then 
known  world. 

C.  26  is  assigned  to  "the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  :" 
no  doubt,  therefore,  it  dates  from  an  earlier  period  than  c.  25. 
It  recounts  Jeremiah's  attempt  to  lead  his  people  to  better 
counsels,  by  warning  them  that,  unless  they  amend  their  ways, 
Jerusalem  will  share  the  fate  which  overtook  Shiloh  of  old 
(cf.  c.  7) ;  and  describes  the  prophet's  narrow  escape  from  death 
in  consequence  of  the  indignation  aroused  by  his  words. 

C.  27 — 29  belong  to  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Zedekiah. 
C.  27  relates  how  Jeremiah  frustrated  the  attempt  made  by  the 
five  neighbouring  nations — Edom,  Moab,  Amnion,  Tyre,  and 
Zidon — to  induce  Zedekiah  to  join  them  in  a  league  for  the  pur- 
pose of  revolting  from  the  Chaldaeans,  and  did  his  utmost  to 
convince  the  king  of  the  uselessness  of  embarking  upon  any  such 
enterprise.  C.  28  narrates  how  he  opposed  Hananiah,  who  was 
one  of  the  prophets  who  encouraged  the  people  with  false  hopes, 
and  who  promised  the  return,  within  two  years,  of  the  sacred 
vessels  (the  loss  of  which  was  evidently  keenly  felt  in  Jerusalem), 
which  had  been  taken  to  Babylon,  as  well  as  the  restoration  of 
Jehoiachin  and  the  other  exiles.  C.  29  contains  the  letter  sent 
by  Jeremiah  to  the  exiles  (who  had  been  disquieted  by  prophets 
announcing  confidently  their  speedy  return  to  Judah)  exhorting 
them  to  settle  down  contentedly  where  they  were,  to  "  build  houses, 
and  plant  gardens,"  for  no  restoration  would  take  place  until  the 
seventy  years  of  Babylonian  dominion  had  been  accomplished, 
vv,  1-23.  This  letter  so  enraged  the  false  prophets  in  Baby- 
lonia, that  one  of  them — Shemaiah — sent  to  Jerusalem  with  the 
view  of  procuring  Jeremiah's  arrest :  the  failure  of  his  plot,  and 
Jeremiah's  reply,  form  the  subject  oivv.  24-32. 

C.  30 — 33  embrace  Jeremiah's  principal  prophecies  dealing 
with  Israel's  restoration.  The  thought  has  been  expressed  before 
incidentally  {e.g.  3,  14-18;  23,  3-8);  but  it  is  here  developed 
connectedly.  The  general  import  of  c.  30,  after  the  introductory 
words  vv.  1—4,  is  to  assure  Israel,  that,  though  the  present  dis- 
tress is  severe,  the  nation  will  not  wholly  perish :  in  due  time  it 


24^  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

will  be  restored,  Jerusalem  will  be  rebuilt  {v.  i8),  and  ruled 
again  by  an  independent  prince  of  David's  line,  who  will  enjoy 
in  particular  the  privilege  of  close  access  to  Jehovah  {^v.  9.  21). 
In  this  chapter  the  two  verses  10- 11  (=  46,  27-28)  are  espe- 
cially noticeable  :  the  title  of  honour,  "  My  servant,"  here  given 
to  Israel  for  the  first  time  (and  applied  to  the  actual  nation), 
appears  to  have  formed  the  basis  upon  which  II  Isaiah  con-  ' 
structs  his  great  conception  of  Jehovah's  ideal  Servant  (p.  229). 
C.  31  holds  out  the  hope  of  the  restoration  o{  Ephraim^  vv.  1-9, 
as  well  as  of  Judah,  vv.  10-14:  at  present  Rachel  (the  mother 
oi  Joseph,  i.e.  Ephraim)  — so  the  prophet's  imagination  pictures, 
her — is  watching  from  her  tomb  at  Ramah,  and  tenderly  bewail- 
ing the  desolation  of  her  children  ;  but  the  mother  may  stay  her 
grief;  Ephraim  will  yet  show  penitence,  vv.  15-20,  and  both 
Ephraim  and  Judah  will  return  together,  vv.  21-30.  There 
follows  the  great  prophecy  of  the  "New  Covenant,"  by  which 
the  restored  community  will  then  be  ruled,  a  covenant  which  is  to 
consist  not  in  an  external  system  of  laws,  but  in  a  law  ivriiten 
in  the  heart,  a  principle  operative  from  within,  filling  all  men 
with  the  knowledge  of  Jehovah,  and  prompting  them  to  imme- 
dine  and  spontaneous  obedience,  vv.  31-34.  C.  32  describes 
how  Jeremiah,  as  a  sign  that,  though  the  exile  of  the  entire 
naiion  was  imminent,  the  Jews  should  still  once  again  possess 
the  soil  of  Canaan,  both  purchased  fields  belonging  to  his  cousin 
at  Anathoth,  and  took  special  means  to  ensure  the  preservation 
of  the  title-deeds,  vv.  1-15  :  vv.  16-25  ^''^  records  how  his  heart 
afterwards  misgave  him,  and  vv.  26-44  how  he  was  reassured 
by  Jehovah.  In  c.  33  the  prophet,  looking  out  beyond  the 
troubles  of  the  present  {v.  4  f.),  depicts  afresh  the  subsequent 
l)urification  and  restoration  of  the  nation  (note  v.  1 1,  the  reversal 
of  7,  34.  16,  9.  25,  10),  vv.  1-13;  closing  with  a  repetition  (in  a 
slightly  varied  form  ^)  of  the  Messianic  prophecy  of  23,  5  f.,  and 
a  solemn  assurance  of  the  perpetual  validity  of  Jehovah's  cove- 
nant with  the  house  of  David  and  the  Levitical  priests,  vv.  14-26. 
'  The  symbolical  name  *' Jehovah  is  our  righteousness,"  which  in  23,  6  is 
given  to  the  Messianic  King,  is  here,  33,  16,  assigned  to  the  restored,  ideal 
city.  The  name  is  intended,  of  course,  to  symbolize  the  fact  that  Jehovah  is 
the  source  of  righteousness  to  the  restored  community.  In  the  one  case,  this 
is  indicated  by  the  name  being  given  to  the  king  who  rules  over  it  (and  who 
therefore  is  doubtless  viewed  as  7)iediating  the  righteousness) ;  in  the  other, 
by  its  being  given  to  the  city  in  which  the  community  dwells  (cf.  Isa.  i,  26). 


JEREMIAH.  247 

C.  32—33  ai-e  assigned  expressly  (32,  2.  33,  i)  to  the  period  of  Jeremiah's 
honourable  confinement  in  the  "court  of  the  guard,"  i.e.  to  the  second  part 
of  the  siege,  in  Zedekiah's  tenth  year,  after  it  had  been  interiupted  by  the 
temporary  withdrawal  of  the  Chaldaeans  :  the  composition  of  c.  30  —  31 
belongs  probably  to  the  same  time,  though  from  the  tenor  of  30,  2  ("Write 
thee  all  the  xvords  that  1  have  spoken  unto  thee  in  a  book  ")  it  is  more  than 
possible  that  the  contents  had  in  part  been  originally  uttered  previously, 
but,  as  32,  2  "then"  shows,  that  they  were  not  committed  to  writing  till 
subsequently,  probably  after  the  fall  of  the  city. 

The  chapters  which  follow  are  largely  historical,  though  natur- 
ally confined  to  incidents  in  which  Jeremiah  was  more  or  less 
directly  concerned. 

C.  34j  1-7  relates  the  message  which  Jeremiah  was  instructed  to 
bear  to  Zedekiah  respecting  the  future  fate  as  well  of  the  city  as 
of  the  king  himself. 

The  occasion  was  probably  during  the  first  investment  of  Jerusalem  by  the 
Chaldteans  (Hitz.  Keil,  Kuen.  PS.),  a  little  subsequent  to  21,  i-io;  though 
others,  from  the  fact  that  the  prophecy  is  the  one  quoted  in  32,  3-5  during 
the  second  part  of  the  siege,  have  referred  it  by  preference  to  this  period 
(Ew.  Graf). 

34,  8-2  2,  The  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  under  pressure  of  the 
siege,  had  solemnly  engaged  to  emancipate  their  Hebrew  slaves ; 
but  afterwards,  when  the  seige  was  temporarily  raised,  had 
treacherously  disregarded  the  engagement.  Jeremiah  denounces 
them  for  their  breach  of  faith,  with  bitter  irony  proclaiming 
"liberty"  to  the  sword,  the  pestilence,  and  the  famine,  and 
declaring  that  the  Chaldaeans  will  ere  long  return,  and  not 
depart  until  they  have  reduced  the  city. 

C.  35 — 36  bring  us  back  into  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim.  The 
date  of  c.  35  is  towards  the  close  of  Jehoiakim's  reign,  when,  the 
territory  of  Judah  being  overrun  by  marauding  bands  (2  Ki. 
24,  2),  the  nomad  tribe  of  Rechabites  took  refuge  in  Jerusalem  : 
Jeremiah,  from  the  example  of  their  staunch  adherence  to  the 
precepts  of  their  ancestor,  points  a  lesson  for  his  own  fellow- 
countrymen.  C.  36  narrates  the  memorable  incident  of  the  fifth 
year  of  Jehoiakim,  when  the  roll  of  Jeremiah's  prophecies  was 
burnt  by  the  king  in  a  fit  of  passion  (p.  234). 

C.  37 — 38  describe  Jeremiah's  personal  history  during  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldaeans  (comp.  p.  233  f). 

C.  39 — 43  state  particulars  respecting  the  events  of  Jeremiah's 
life  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  the  favour  shown  to  him  by 


248  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Nebuchadnezzar,  the  murder  of  Gedaliah,  and  the  circumstances 
under  which  the  prophet,  against  his  will,  was  brought  into 
Egypt:  43,  8-13  is  a  prophecy  uttered  by  him  upon  the  arrival 
of  the  refugees  at  Tahpanhes  (Daphnae),  declaring  the  future 
conquest  of  Egypt  by  Nebuchadnezzar. 

39,  I -1 4  connects  imperfectly  with  c.  38,  v.  I  going  back  to  the  hegmning 
of  ihc  siege.  It  seems  (in  spite  of  their  being  in  the  LXX)  that  the  words  in 
in).  1-2  from  ///  the  ninth  year  to  in  the  city  (which  cannot  be  legitimately 
treated  as  a  parenthesis,  as  in  RV. )  are  an  interpolation  on  the  basis  of  52,  4. 
6f.  39,  4-13  is  omitted  in  LXX,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  it  forms  part  of  the 
original  narrative  :  the  connexion  of  v.  4  with  v.  3  is  imperfect,  and  in  any 
case  vv.  4-10  are  merely  abridged  ixora.  .2  Ki.  25,  4-12  (comp.  esp.  v.  8  with 

2  Ki.  25,  8-10),  according  to  the  purer  and  more  original  text  still  preserved 
in  Jer.   52,   7-16.     Most  probably  the  original  text  had  only  39,  i  (to  taken). 

3  [with  and  for  that,  as  in  the  Heb.].  14  [Heb.  and  they  seut'\ :  these  words 
form  a  continuous  narrative,  the  particulars  in  which  are  not  borrowed  from 
c.  52  (so  Ew,  Hitz.  Graf,  Kuen.  Orelli, — Hitz.  and  Or.,  however,  including 
V.  II  f.  as  well).  39,  15-18  is  a  supplement  to  c,  38,  promising  a  reward 
to  Ebed-melech  on  account  of  the  services  rendered  by  him  to  Jeremiah. 

C.  44.  Jeremiah  here  rebukes  the  fugitives  in  Egypt  for 
relapsing  into  their  old  idolatries  :  they  excuse  themselves ;  the 
prophet,  in  reply,  repeats  his  previous  denunciations,  declaring 
that  of  their  entire  body,  a  handful  only  should  return  into  the 
land  of  Judah. 

C.  45  is  a  short  prophecy,  containing  words  ot  mingled 
reassurance  and  reproof,  addressed  to  Baruch  in  the  depression 
and  disappointment  which  overcame  him,  after  writing  the  roll  of 
the  4th  year  of  Jehoiakim,  at  the  near  and  certain  prospect  of 
his  country's  ruin.  He  is  reminded  that  the  age  is  one  in  which 
he  must  not  expect  great  things  for  himself,  but  must  be  content 
if  he  escapes  with  his  bare  life. 

C.  46 — 51  form  the  book  of  Jeremiah's  prophecies  concerning 
foreign  nations,  grouped  together,  as  in  the  case  of  the  similar 
prophecies  in  the  Books  of  Isaiah  (c.  13 — 23)  and  Ezekiel 
(c.  25 — 32).  The  prophecies  are  closely  connected  with  c.  25 
(most  of  the  nations  to  which  they  refer  being  named  in  25, 
19-26),  and  indeed  in  the  text  of  the  LXX  are  inserted  in  it^ 

C.  46.  On  JIgyJ>t     This  falls  into  two  parts:  (i)  vv.  3-12  an 

'They  follow  25,  13,  the  words  in  25,  13*'  "which,"  &c.,  in  the  form, 
"The  things  which  Jeremiah  prophesied  against  the  nations,"  forming  a 
superscription;  v.  14  being  omitted;  and  w.  15  (in  the  form,  "  Thus  said 
Jehovah,"  &c.).  16-38  following  at  the  end. 


JEREMIAH. 


249 


ode  of  triumph  on  the  defeat  of  Pharaoh  Necho  at  Carchemish 
(v.  2),  B.C.  604;  (2)  vv.  14-26  a  prophecy  written  in  the  same 
strain  as  vv.  3-12,  foretelling  the  successful  invasion  of  Egypt 
by  Nebuchadnezzar. 

V.  27  f.  (words  of  reassurance  addressed  to  Israel)  are  all  but  identical 
with  30,  10  f.  They  appear  to  imply  that  the  captivity  has  begun,  and  is  at 
least  doubtful  (in  spite  of  3,  18.  16,  15)  whether  Jer.  would  have  so  expressed 
himself  in  B.C.  604.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are  in  their  place  in  c.  30, 
which  appears  (p.  247)  to  have  received  its  present  form  after  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem.  Perhaps  they  were  attached  here  subsequently,  either  by  Jer. 
himself,  or  by  a  reader,  or  editor,  of  his  prophecies. 

C.  47  is  directed  against  the  F/iiiisitnes,  indirectly  also  {v.  4) 
against  Tyre  and  Sidon  :  their  country  is  to  be  wasted  by  a  foe 
whose  attack  is  compared  to  waters  rising  up  out  of  the  north  and 
inundating  the  land. 

The  foe  meant  is  unquestionably  the  Chaldaeans  (cf.  13,  20.  25,  9.  46,  20), 
and  the  occasion  is  no  doubt  the  same  as  that  of  c.  46.  The  note  of  time  in 
V.  I**  is  obscure  ;  but  probably  the  allusion  is  to  a  capture  of  Gaza  by  the 
Egyptians  not  otherwise  known  to  us,  either  on  their  retreat  from  Carchemish, 
or  po>sibly  in  connexion  with  the  movements  mentioned  in  37,  5.  The  note 
may,  however,  be  due  to  one  who  supposed  the  Egyptians  to  be  meant  in  v.  2. 

C.  48  is  a  long  prophecy  directed  against  Moab,  for  the 
inhabitants  of  which  desolation  and  exile  are  foretold.  The 
prophet  develops  his  theme  in  considerable  detail,  in  connexion 
with  the  topography  of  Moab  :  he  closes,  v,  47,  with  a  prospect  of 
restoration  in  the  future. 

The  prophecy,  esp.  in  vv.  29-38,  has  numerous  reminiscences  from  Isaiah's 
prophecy  (c.  15 — 16)  on  the  same  nation  (see  RV.  f/iarg.),  but  the  style  and 
manner  of  the  whole  are  very  different  :  the  treatment  is  more  diffuse ;  and  it 
is  marked  by  greater  vehemence  {e.g.  vv.  10.  20  ff.  26.  39). 

49,  1-6  is  on  the  Ainrnonites,  a  prophecy  of  similar  import  to 
that  on  Moab,  but  briefer;  vv.  7-22  are  on  Edof?i,  whose 
mountain  fortresses  will  form  no  protection  against  the  attack  of 
the  ChaldcTan  king  (figured  by  the  "lion"  of  v.  19,  and  the 
"eagle"  oi v.  22);  vv.  23-27  are  on  Da7nascus,  whose  warriors, 
when  the  critical  moment  arrives,  will  be  seized  with  panic,  and 
perish  helplessly  in  the  streets ;  vv.  28-33  are  on  the  great 
pastoral  (Is.  42,  11.  60,  7)  tribe  of  Kedar,  who  are  to  be  rudely 
disturbed  in  their  security,  and  scattered  "to  every  wind"  by 
Nebuchadnezzar;  vv.  34-39  are  on  Elaf7i  (assigned  by  the  title 
to  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Zedekiah),  against  which  a  fiite 
similar  to  that  of  Kedar  is  predicted. 


250  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

It  is  probable  that  all  these  prophecies,  except  the  last,  belong  to  the  4th 
year  of  Jehoiakim,  and  reflect  the  profound  impression  which  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's victory  at  Carchemish  produced  upon  the  prophet.  On  the  remark- 
able similarities  between  the  prophecy  upon  Edom  and  that  of  Obadiah,  see 
below,  under  Oi)adiah.  In  the  case  of  Ammon  and  Elam  (49,  6.  39)  the 
prophecy  closes  with  a  promise  of  restoration  similar  to  that  given  to  Moab 
(48,  47):  comp.  12,  I5f. 

C.  50 — 51.   A  long  and  impassioned  prophecy  against  Babylon^ 

50,  I — 51,  58,  followed  by  a  short  historical  notice,  51,  59-64% 
describing  how,  when  Seraiah — probably  the  brother  of  Jeremiah's 
friend  and  assistant  Baruch — in  the  4th  year  of  Zedekiah  (b.c. 
593)  accompanied  the  king  on  a  journey  to  Babylon,  Jeremiah 
sent  by  his  hand  a  scroll,  containing  a  prophecy  against  the  city, 
with  instructions  to  read  it  upon  his  arrival  there,  and  afterwards 
to  sink  it  in  the  Euphrates,  as  a  sign  that  Babylon  would  sink  in 
like  manner,  and  not  rise  again.  The  prophecy  itself  (50,  2ff.) 
declares  the  approaching  capture  of  Babylon,  and  the  speedy 
end  of  the  power  of  the  Chaldseans ;  the  time  has  come  for  the 
violence  done  by  them  to  Israel  to  be  requited  (50,  11  f.  17-20. 
33  f.  51,  5.  24.  34  f  44.  56) ;  a  people  from  the  north,  even  the 
Medes,  are  about  to  be  "stirred  up"  (cf.  Is.  13,  17)  against  them 
(50,  3.  9.  25.  41  ff.  51,  2.  II.  20-23  [Cyrus]);  again  and  again 
the  prophet  with  eager  vehemence  invites  the  foe  to  begin  the 
fray  (50,  14-16.  31.  26  f.  51,  11  f  27  f.),  while  he  bids  the  exiles 
escape  betimes  from  the  doomed  city  (50,  8.  51,  6.  45  f.  50),  the 
future  fate  of  which  he  contemplates  with  manifest  delight 
(50,  2^  13.  23  f.  35-38.  46.  51,  13  f.  25  ff.  30  ff.  33  ff.  47  ff.). 

It  docs  not  seem  that  this  prophecy  (50,  I — 51,  58)  is  Jeremiah's.  The 
grounds  for  this  conclusion  do  not  consist  in  the  announcement  per  se  which 
the  prophecy  contains  of  the  end  of  the  Babylonian  power — for  this  was 
certainly  foreseen  by  Jer.  (25,  12.  27,  7.  22.  29,  10) — or  in  the  phraseology, 
which  has  muc'.i  in  common  with  Jer.'s  ;  but  in  the  tnanner  in  which  the 
announcement  is  made,  and  especially  in  the  contradiction  which  it  evinces 
with  the  position  which  Jer.  is  known  to  have  taken  in  the  year  to  which  it 
is  assigned  by  51,  59.  (i)  The  standpoint  of  the  prophecy  is  later  than 
Zedekiah's  4th  year.     The  destruction  of  the  Temple  is  presupposed  (50,  28. 

51,  II.  51) ;  the  Jews  are  in  exile,  suffering  for  their  sins  (50,  4  f.  7.  17.  2>Z' 
51,  34  f.  "hath  made  me  an  empty  vessel") ',  but  Jehovah  is  now  ready  to 
pardon  and  deliver  them  (50,  20.  34.  51,  33^  36)  ;  the  hour  of  retribution  is 
at  hand  for  their  foes,  and  they  themselves  are  bidden  prepare  to  leave 
Babylon  (see  the  passages  cited  above).  But  in  B.C.  593  it  was  the  measure 
o{ IsiaeVs  wickedness  which,  in  Jer.'s  estimation,  was  not  yet  filled  up  ;.the 
Chaldeans  had  yet  to  complete  against  Jerusalem  the  work  allotted  to  them 


JEREMIAH.  251 

by  Providence  (c.  24,  &c.) ;  only  when  this  has  been  accomplished  does  the 
prophet  expect  the  end  of  the  Babylonian  monarchy,  and  the  restoration  of 
Israel  (25,  12.  27,  7.  29,  lo).     Thus  the  situation  postulated  by  the  prophecy 
— Israel's  sin  forgiven,   and  the    Chaldaeans'  work   accomplished — had  not 
arrived  while  Zedekiah  was  still  reigning  :  on   the  other  hand,  the  coming 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  which  is  foremost  in  Jer. 's  thoughts  throughout  the 
prophecies  belonging  to  Zedekiah's  reign,  and  which  he  views  as  necessarily 
preceding  the  restoration,  is  here  alluded  to  2Ji  past.     (2)  The  point  of  view  is 
not  that  of  Jer.  either  in  or  about  the  year  593.     At  that  time,  as  we  know 
from  c.  27 — 29,  Jer.  was  opposing  earnestly  the  prophets  who  were  promising 
that  shortly  Babylon  would  fall,  and  the  exiles  be  restored  ;  he  was  even  (c. 
29)  exhorting  the  exiles  to  settle  down  contentedly  in  their  new  home.     But 
the  prophet  who  speaks  in  c.  50 — 51,  so  far  from  counselling  patience,  uses 
all  the  arts  of  language  for  the  purpose  of  inspiring  the  exiles  with  the  hopes 
of  a  speedy  release,  for  doing  which  the  "false  prophets"  were  so  severely 
denounced  by  Jer.     The  line  of  thought  adopted  in  the  prophecy  is  thus  in- 
consistent with  the  attitude  of  Jer.  in  B.C.   593.     (3)  The  prophecy  is  not  a 
mere  declaration  of  the  end  of  the  Chaldasan  rule,  such  as  Jer.  undoubtedly 
made  :  it  is  animated  by  a  temper,  which,  if  it  be  Jer.'s,  is  not  adequately 
accounted  for.     The  vein  of  strong  feeling  which  pervades  it,  the  manifest 
satisfaction  with  which  the  propht-t  who  utters  it  contemplates,  under  every 
imaginable  aspect,  the   late  which  he  sees  imminent  upon  Babylon,  show 
it  to  be  the  work  of  one  who  felt  far  more  keenly  against   the  Chaldoeans 
than  Jer.    did,    who    indeed,   after   the   capture   of  Jerusalem,    was   treated 
by  Nebuchadnezzar  with  marked  consideration  (c.  3^  &c.),  and  who,  even 
when    in   Egypt,    still    regarded    the    Babylonian   king  as  carrying  out  the 
purposes  of  Providence  (43,    10  fif.  44»   3o)-^      There  breathes  in  this  pro- 
phecy   the   spirit    of  an    Israelite,    whose   experiences   had   been   far   other 
than  Jer.'s,  who  had  smarted  under  the  vexatious  yoke  of  the  Chaldaeans 
(cf.    Is.    47,    6   f.    52,   5),   and  whose  thoughts  were  full  of  vengeance  for 
the    sufferings   which   his   fellow-countrymen   had  endured  at  their  hands. 
Other  indications,  not  sufficient,  if  they  stood  alone,  to  authorise  the  con- 
clusion  thus   reached,    nevertheless   support   it.     Jer.    is   not,    indeed,   like 
Isaiah,  a  master  of  literary  style  :  but  the  repetitions  and  the  unmethodical 
development  of  the  subject  which  characterise  c.  50—51  are  both  in  excess 
of  his  usual  manner.     Jer.  also,  it  is  true,  sometimes  repeats  his  own  words 
(p.  259),  but  not  to  the  extent  which  would   be  the  case  here   if  he  were 
the  author  of  c.  50  f.  ^30,  30-32.  40-46.  51,  15-19)- 

On  the  whole,  the  most  probable  view  of  c.  50  f.  is  the  follow- 
ing. The  notice  in  51,  59-64%  that  Jer.  took  the  occasion  of 
Seraiah's  visit  to  Babylon  to  record  by  a  symbolical  act  his  con- 
viction that  the  Chaldsean  dominion  would  in  time  be  brought 
to  its  end,  is  thoroughly  credible  :  it  is  in  accordance  with  Jer.'s 

1  To  suppose  the  prophet  inspired  to  express  emotions  which  (to  judge  from 
the  general  tenor  of  his  book)  he  did  not  feel,  would  imply  a  very  mechan- 
ical theory  of  inspiration. 


252  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

manner  on  other  occasions  (13,  i  ff.  19,  i  ff.  27,  2  ff.) ;  and  a 
general  declaration  similar  to  that  contained  in  7'.  62  is  perfectly 
consistent  with  Jer.'s  attitude  at  the  time  (25,  12.  29,  10).  The 
prophecy,  50,  2 — 51,  58,  is  the  work  of  a  follower  of  Jeremiah, 
familiar  with  his  writings,  and  accustomed  to  the  use  of  similar 
phraseology,  who  wrote  no  very  long  time  before  the  fall  of 
Babylon,  from  the  same  general  standpoint  as  Is.  13,  2 — 14,  23. 
c.  40 — 66.  (It  is  not,  therefore,  in  the  judgment  of  the  present 
writer,  a  vaiiciniuin  ex  evejihi.)  In  a  later  age  the  prophecy  came 
to  be  attributed  to  Jeremiah,  and  was  identified  with  the 
"scroll"  sent  by  him  to  Babylon.  In  its  original  form,  the 
notice,  51,  59  ff.,  contained  no  reference  to  50,  i — 51,  58,  v.  60 
ending  at  "  Babylon  "  (in  the  Heb.  at  nnt<  nSD  bx  :  notice  how 
awkwardly,  in  the  Hebrew,  clause  b  is  attached  to  clause  «),  but 
only  to  the  words  written  on  the  scroll  sunk  in  the  Euphrates  : 
when  50,  I — 51,  58  was  incorporated  in  the  volume  of  Jer.'s 
prophecies,  v.  60''  was  added  for  the  purpose  of  identifying  it 
with  the  contents  of  the  scroll. 

The  superscriptions  to  the  longer  independent  prophecies  in  Jer.'s  book  fall 
into  one  or  two  well-defined  types, /rcw  ivhich  that  in  50,  I  differs,  which 
would  agree  with  the  conclusion  that  the  prophecy  following  was  not  part  of 
the  original  collection,  but  came  into  Jer.'s  book  by  a  different  channel.  The 
usual  types  are  (i)  "  The  word  which  came  to  Jer.fiom  Jehovah  (--aying) :  "  7, 
I.  II,  I.  18,  I.  21,  I.  25,  I  al.  ;  (2)  "That  which  came  (of)  the  word  of 
Jehovah  to  Jer."  (p.  258,  No.  27) :   14,  i.  46,  I.  47,  i.  49,  34.     The  subject 

of  a  prophecy  is  also  sometimes  indicated  briefly  by  the  prep,  p:  23,  9  (see 
RV.).  46,  2.  48,  I.  49,  I.  7.  23.  28  ;  perhaps  also  21,  11. 

Tn  51,  64  the  clause  "and  they  shall  be  weary,"  which  is  evidently  out  of 
place  where  it  stands,  is  repeated  from  v.  58 — either  through  some  error,  or 
(Budde)  by  (he  compiler,  who  prefixed  it  to  the  note,  "  Thus  far  are  the  words 
of  Jeremiah,"  as  an  indication  that  he  understood' these  "  words  "  to  extend, 
not  to  the  notice  in  vv.  59-64",  but  only  to  "isy^l,  the  last  word  of  the  preced- 
ing prophecy. 

C.  52.  Historical  account  of  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  the 
Chaldceans,  and  exile  of  the  inhabitants. 

This  narrative  is  excerpted  by  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Jeremiah  from 
2  Ki.  24,  18 — 25,  30— wiih  the  omission  of  2  Ki.  25,  22-26  (which,  being 
simply  condensed  fiom  Jer.  40,  7-9.  41,  1-2.  17  f.  42,  I.  43,  3  ff.,  there  was 
no  occasion  to  repeat),  and  the  addition  of  Jer.  52,  2S-30  (though  these 
verses,  which  are  not  in  the  LXX,  nnd  the  chronology  of  which  differs  from 
that  of?:'.  12,  were  perhaps  not  introduced  till  a  later  stage  in  the  redaction  of 
the  book)  from  some  other  source — on  account,  no  doubt,  of  its  containing 
detailed  particulars  of  the  manner  in  which  Jer.'s  principal  and  most  constant 


JEREMIAH.  253 

prediction  was  fulfilled.     The  text  of  this  section   has,  in    several   places, 
been  preserved  here  more  purely  than  in  Kings. 

The  two  texts  of  Jeremiah}  In  the  Book  of  Jeremiah  the  text 
of  the  LXX  ditfers  more  widely  from  the  Hebrew  than  is  tlie  case 
in  any  other  part  of  the  OT.,  even  in  Sara.,  Kings,  or  Ezekiel. 
In  the  text  of  the  LXX,  as  compared  with  the  Hebrew,  there  are 
very  numerous  omissions,  sometimes  of  single  words,  sometimes 
of  particular  clauses  or  passages,  there  are  occasionally  additions, 
there  are  variations  of  expression,  there  are  also  transpositions. 
The  number  of  words  in  the  Hebrew  text  not  represented  in  the 
l.XX  has  been  calculated  at  2700,  or  one-eighth  of  the  entire 
book.  Very  many  of  these  omissions  are,  however,  unimportant, 
consisting  only  of  such  words  as  the  title  the  prophet  attached  to 
the  name  Jeremiah,  or  the  parenthetic  SaitJi  the  Lord,  &:c. ;  but 
others  are  more  substantial,  as  10,  6-8.  10.  11,  7-S  (except 
8'°  "but  they  did  them  not").  29,  14  (except  "and  I  will  be 
found  of  you").  16-20.  33,  14-26.  39,  4-T3.  52,  28-30:  some- 
times, also,  a  chapter,  though  the  substance  is  not  materially 
altered,  appears  in  a  briefer  form  in  the  LXX  (as  c.  27.  28).  The 
most  considerable  transposition  is  in  the  different  place  assigned  to 
the  prophecies  on  foreign  nations  (p.  248,  note)  :  the  order  of  these 
projjhecies  among  themselves  is  also  changed.  •  Different  causes 
have  been  assigned  in  explanation  of  these  variations.  By  some 
they  have  been  attributed  to  the  incompetence  and  arbitrariness 
of  the  LXX  translators ;  by  others  they  have  been  supposed  to 
arise  from  the  fact  that  the  existing  Hebrew  text,  and  the  text 
from  which  the  LXX  translation  was  made,  exhibit  tivo  different 
recensions  of  Jeremiah's  writings.  A  careful  comparison  of  the 
two  texts  in  the  light  of  {a)  Hebrew  idiom,  {b)  intrinsic  probability, 
shows  that  both  these  views  contain  elements  of  truth,  though 
neither  is  true  exclusively;  the  variations  of  the  LXX  are  in  part 
"recensional,"  i.e.  they  are  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Hebrew  text 
used  by  the  translators  deviated  in  some  particulars  from  that 
which  we  at  present  possess ;  but  in  part,  also,  they  are  due  to 

1  See  F.  C.  Movers,  De  utriiisque  recens.  vatic.  JeremicB  GrcEC.  Alex,  et 
Masor,  indole  et  origine,  1837  :  Hitzig,  p.  xv.  ff. ;  Graf,  p.  xl.  ff.;  A.  Scholz, 
Der  Mass.  Text  u.  die  LXX-Ucbers.  des  Bitches  Jcr.  1875;  E.  C.  Work 
man,  The  Text  of  Jeremiah,  Edinburgh,  1S89,  with  the  reviews  by  the  present 
writer  in  the  Expositor,  May  1889,  and  by  H.  P.  Smith  in  \\\q  Journ.  op 
Bibl.  Lit.  1890,  p.  107  ff.;  Kuenen,  Onderz.  §  58  (a  very  fair  and  impartial 
statement  of  the  question). 


254  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  faulty  manner  in  which  the  translators  executed  their  work 
The  claims  of  each  text  to  represent  the  prophet's  autograph  have 
been  greatly  exaggerated  by  their  respective  advocates ;  ^  on  the. 
whole,  the  Massoretic  text  deserves  the  preference  ;  but  it  is 
impossible  to  uphold  the  unconditional  superiority  of  either.  To 
determine  which  readings  of  the  *LXX  are  more  original  than 
those  of  the  Hebrew  is  often  a  task  of  no  small  difficulty  and 
delicacy;  and  commentators  and  critics  differ  accordingly. 

It  is  obviously  impossible  for  the  writer  to  enter  here  into  details :  he  must 
content  himself  with  the  two  general  observations  (i)  that  there  seem  cer- 
tainly to  be  many  individual  cases  in  which  the  purer  reading  has  been  pre- 
served by  the  LXX  ;  (2)  that  it  is  at  least  probable  that  there  are  passages  in 
which  the  text  has  been  glossed,  or  expanded,  in  the  Hebrew,  and  is  expressed 
by  the  LXX  in  its  more  original  form  (see  examples  in  QPB.^).  Thus  in  c. 
25  words  are  omitted  in  LXX  in  vv.  I.  2.  6.  7.  9.  11-13.  14  (wholly).  18.  20. 
24-26.  29.  2)3-  With  respect  to  some  of  these,  opinions  may  differ  ;  but  v.  18 
"as  it  is  this  day  "  clearly  cannot  have  bec:n  part  of  the  original  text  of  B.C. 
604  (25,  i),  but  must  have  been  added  after  the  fulfilment.  In  c.  27 — 29  the 
omissions  in  LXX  (or  additions  in  the  Heb.,  as  the  case  may  be)  are,  from 
some  cause,  peculiarly  numerous  :  Kuenen,  §  54,  6,  here  prefers  the  LXX 
almost  throughout  (except  34,  10-12  =  27,  12-15  Heb.,  and  36(29),  24-32, 
where  the  translators  have  entirely  missed  the  sense) ;  on  c.  27  see  also  W. 
R.  Smith,  OTJC.  p.  113  ff. 

It  is  remarked  by  Kuenen  that  the  two  texts  of  Jer.  are  not  so  much  two 
recensions,  as  the  same  recension  in  different  stages  of  its  history.  The  dif- 
ferent position  of  the  foreign  prophecies  in  the  two  texts  may  be  accounted 
for  by  various  hypotheses,  which  cannot  here  be  discussed. 

The  process  by  which  the  Book  of  Jeremiah  assumed  its 
present  form  can  only  be  represented  by  conjecture.  The 
chronological  disorder,  and  the  dislocations  {e.g.  3,  6-18  ;  to, 
1-16),  may  be  regarded  as  decisive  against  the  opinion  that  the 
prophecies  were  arranged  as  we  now  have  them  by  Jer.  himself, 
or  even  by  his  .scribe  Baruch.  Probably  the  collection  was  not 
formed  before  the  close  of  the  exile  :  the  large  amount  of  varia- 
tion between  the  LXX  and  the  Massoretic  text  may  be  most 
readily  explained  by  the  supposition  that  in  some  cases  Jer.'s 
writings  were  in  circulation    for  a  while  as   single  prophecies, 

^  Especially  by  Graf  and  Keil  on  the  one  side,  and  by  Workman  on  the 
other.  The  last-named  scholar  has  formed  a  false  view  of  the  method 
followed  by  the  translators,  and  has  made,  in  consequence,  the  great  mistake 
of  not  distinguishing  between  deviations  due  only  to  the  translators,  and 
those  having  their  source  in  the  MSS.  use  J  by  them  ;  thus  in  his  elaborate 
*'  Synopsis  of  Variations,"  the  majority  were  never  in  any  Hebrew  MS. 


JEREMIAH.  255 

or   small    groups    of    prophecies,^   in   which    variations    might 
more    easily    arise    than    after    they    were    collected    into    a 
volume.      The   foundation  of  the    collection,    it   is   natural   to 
suppose,    was    the    roll    of    Jehoiakim's    5th    year,    consisting 
of  I   f.2  4-19;  c.   2—6;  7,  1—9,   26;   10,  17-25;  ii»  1-8;  II, 
g_i2,   6;    c.   25  ;S  46,    1—49,   33  ^  ^    other   prophecies   were, 
perhaps,  only  added  as  they  came  to  hand,   those  relating  to 
^Judah   being  placed,  it  seems,  (as  a  rule)  before  those  deahng 
with  foreign  nations  (c.  25.  46,   1—49,  33),  while  the  narratives 
which  were  rather   of  a  biographical    character  were   made  to 
follow  c.  25,  the  foreign  prophecies  themselves  being  kept  at  the 
end.      C.    30—33   (prophecies  of  restoration)  may  have   been 
placed  where  they  now  stand,  on  account  of  their  being  con- 
nected (like  c.  27—29.   34)  with  the  reign  of  Zedekiah  :  c.  45 
(supplement  to  c.  36,  to  the  roll  mentioned  in  which  the  expres- 
sion "these  words"  in  v.  i  directly  refers)  may  have  been  placed 
after  c.   37—44  (which   form  a  tolerably  continuous  narrative), 
and  so  separated  from  c.  36,  on  account  of  its  subordinate  char- 
acter.     49,  34-39  (on   Elam),  though  belonging  to  Zedekiah's 
rei^n,  would  naturally  be  attached  to   the   other   foreign  pro- 
phecies:  the  same  would  be  the  case  with  c.  50-51  (Babylon). 
Even  so,  however,   there  are   several   prophecies  of  which  the 
position  remains  unexplained  :  it  is  clear  that  in  many  particulars 
the  arrangement  of  the  book  is  due  to  causes  respecting  the 
nature  of  which  we  must  confess  our  ignorance. 

That  the  text  of  Jer.  was  liable  to  modification  in  the  process  of  redaction 
may  be  inferred,  partly  from  some  of  the  variations  m  the  LXX  (of.  p.  254), 
partly  from  other  indications.  Thus  25,  13'^  cannot  have  been  written  by 
Jer.,  as  it  stands,  in  604  (25,  D,  but  must  have  been  added  by  one  who  had 
he  whole  book  before  him  :  for  -  even  all  that  is  written  m  this  book  pre- 
suppose^a^rophecy^^ 

1  Thus  c.  27-29,  to  judge  from  the  unusual  orthography  of  so";^^ /^^^J 
proper  names'cn^DT,  not  ^^>D.^  and  some  other  names  similarly.;  Neluchad- 
leLr,  not  as  commonly  (and  correctly)  in  Jer  "-«;  ^^^^^ 
have  a  history  of  their  own  (if  we  but  knew  it),  and  reached  the  compiler 
through  some  special  channel  (comp.  p.  254).  ^  ..  ^  ^  ^  ^.  1  1  it  is 
^  Probably  i,  2  was  designed  originally  as  the  title  to  i.  4-19.  ^J  3;  ^^^^ 
evident,  mult  have  been  inserted  subsequently,  for  the  purpose  of  including  a 

reference  to  prophecies  at  least  as  late  -^  }^:^' ^^X     U^  toe    I4-I7    18 
3  Assuming  the  Hebrew  order  to  be  ongmal.     Possibly  also  c.   14     ij-/^ 

_20  formed'part  of  the  same  roll ;  but  the  precise  date  of  these  prophecies 
is  uncertain. 


256  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

in  51,  59  f.)  is  expressly  dated  some  years  afterwards.  And  the  verses  39,  i  f. 
4-13,  hc'iDg  abn'c/^ed  Uom  2  Ki.  25,  can  only  have  been  inserted  where  they 
now  stand  after  the  compilation  of  the  Book  of  Kings  was  completed.  And  this 
(p.  252)  was  subsequent  to  the  composition  of  Jer.  40 — 43  ;  so  that  the  exist- 
ence of  stages  in  the  formation  of  the  present  Book  of  Jeremiah  is  palpable. 

Jeremiah's  was  a  susceptible,  deeply  einotional  nature.  The 
adverse  course  of  events  impresses  him  profoundly;  and  he  " 
utters  without  reserve  the  emotions  which  in  consequence  are 
stirred  within  him.  The  trials  which  he  experienced  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  prophetic  office,  the  persecution  and  detraction 
which  he  encountered  from  those  to  whom  his  words  were  un-  , 
welcome,  the'  disappointments  which,  in  spite  of  the  proinises 
given  him  at  his  call  (i,  10.  18),  were  nevertheless  his  lot  in  life, 
the  ruin  to  which,  as  he  saw  too  truly,  his  country  was  hastening, 
overpowered  his  sensitive,  highly-strung  organism  :  he  breaks  out 
into  bitter  lamentations  and  complaints,  he  calls  for  vengeance 
upon  his  persecutors,  he  accuses  the  Almighty  of  injustice,  he 
wishes  himself  unborn.^  Yet  he  does  not  flinch  from  the  call  of 
duty  :  he  contends  fearlessly  against  the  forces  opposed  to  him  ; 
he  struggles  even  to  avert  the  inevitable.  Love  for  his  country 
is  powerful  within  hitn  :  through  two  long  chapters  (c.  14  f)  he 
pleads  on  behalf  of  his  erring  nation  :  the  aim  of  his  life  is  to 
lead  his  people  to  better  things.  But  the  sharp  conflict  has  left 
its  scar  upon  his  soul.  Isaiah's  voice  never  falters  with  emotion  : 
Jeremiah  bewails  with  tears  of  grief  the  times  in  which  his  lot  is 
cast  ;2  the  strain  of  his  thoughts  imparts  naturally  to  his  periods 
a  melancholy  cadence ;  in  pathetic  tones  he  bids  his  country 
prepare  to  meet  its  doom.^ 

And  thus  the  tragic  pathos  of  Jeremiah's  life  is  reflected  in  his 
book.  His  writings  disclose  to  us  his  inmost  thoughts.  And  as 
the  thoughts  of  an  emotional  spirit  resent  all  artificial  restraint, 
so  Jeremiah's  style  is  essentially  artless ;  its  only  adornment  con- 
sisting in  t]ie  figures  which  a  poetical  temperanient,  in  an  Eastern 
clime,  would  spontaneously  choose  as  the  vehicle  of  feeling. 
His  prophecies  have  neither  the  artistic  finish  of  those  of  Amos 
or  Isaiah,  nor  the  laboured  completeness  of  Ezekiel's.     In  his 

1  II,  20.  12,  3.  15,  10  ff.  17,  15-18.  18,  19  {\\  20,  7  ff.  14  iL 
^4,  19.  8,  18—9,  I.  10,  19  ff.  13,  17.  23,  9. 

^  E.g.  6,  26.  7,  29.  9,   17  f.  22,  10.  20  ff.:  cf.  3,  14.  22.  4,  14.  6,  8.  31, 
15-20. 


JEREMIAH.  257 

treatment  of  a  subject  he  obeys  no  literary  canons  ;  he  pursues  it 
just  as  long  as  his  feelings  flow,  or  the  occasion  prompts  him. 
His  language  lacks  the  terseness  and  energy  which  is  generally 
characteristic  of  the  earlier  prophets  :  sentences  are  drawn  out 
at  greater  length ;  even  where  the  style  is  poetical,  the  parallelism 
of  thought  is  less  perfectly  sustained ;  and  there  is  a  decided 
tendency  to  adopt  the  rhetorical  prose  style  of  Deuteronomy 
(e.g.  c.  7.  II.  34.  44),  by  which  it  is  evident  that  Jeremiah  is 
greatly  influenced.  More  than  any  other  prophet,  also,  Jeremiah 
not  only  uses  favourite  phrases,  but  repeats  clauses  and  com- 
binations of  words,  and  sometimes  (p.  259)  whole  verses.  His 
foreign  prophecies  (c.  46—49),  though  not  so  striking  as  Isaiah's, 
display  considerable  variety  of  imagery  and  expression,  as  well  as 
greater  poetic  vigour  than  most  of  his  other  writings.  By  his 
conception  of  the  "New  Covenant"  (31,  31-34),  he  surpasses 
in  spirituality  and  profundity  of  insight  every  other  prophet  of 
the  Old  Testament. 

Expressions  characteristic  of  Jeremiah  : 

1.  D"");"!  shepherds,  fig.  of  kings  or  rulers:  2,  8.  3,  15.  lO,  21.  12,  10.  22, 

22.  23,  I.  2.  4.  25,  34-36.  50,  6.  A  favourite  term  in  Jer. ,  even 
when  the  figure  of  the  flock  is  not  explicitly  draw^n  out. 

2.  The   type    of  sentence,  expressive    of  mingled  pathos  and  surprise  : 

ynD  ...  DX  ...  n  2,  14.  31.  8,  4f.  19.  22.  14,  19.  22,  28.  49, 
if;  cf.  30,  6. 

3-  nnVi^O,  nUlti'D  backsliding[s) :  2,   19.   3,  22  (=  Hos.   14,   5).   5,  6. 

8,  5.  14,  7.  Hos.  II,  7.  Pr.  I,  32:  in  the  combination  n^iC'rO 
^XntJ'S  3.  6.  8.  II.  12. t 

4-  D^iS  ^\  fliy  njS  io  iiirn  the  neck  mia  not  the  face :  2,  27.   iS,  17. 

32,  33 -t 

5.  ~ID"1?0  np^  to  receive  correction:  2,   30.   5,  3.   7,  28.    17,   23.   32,   H. 

35,  13.  Zeph.  3,  2.  7.  Pr.  I,  3.  8,  10.  24,  32.t 

6.  nb  i'y  ^^  lit-  ^^'  '^^"^'^  "/  "/^'^  ^^'^  ^^''^''^  (often  ||  to  remember)  :  3,  16. 

7,  31-  19,  5-  32,  35-  44.  21^.     Rare  besides,  Is..  65,  17.  2  Ki.  12,  5. 

7.  nil'^K^  •^^"''^'^^''"'^^■^•^ •■  3'  ^7-  7)  24.  9,  13-  ii>  8.  13,  10.  16,  12.  18,  12. 

23,  17.  Dt.  29,  18.  Ps.  81,  13.1  (Always  followed  by  "of  heart"). 

8.  Fj'Ojh  the  land  of  the  north  (usually  as  the  place  whence  evil  or  invasion 

arises):  3,  18.  6,  22.  10,  22.  16,  15.  23,  8.  31,  8.  50,  ():from  the 
north,  I,  14.  4,  6.  6,  I.  13,  20.  15,  12.  46,  20.  47,  2.  50,  3.  41.  51, 
48;  cf.  I,  15.  25,  9. 

9.  Men  (lit.  man)  of  /'ud ah  and  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  :  4,  4.  II,  2.  9. 

17,  25.  18,  1 1. "32,  32.  35,  13.  36,  31-  Elsewhere  only  2  Ki.  23,  2 
=  2  Chr.  34,  30.  Dan.  9,  7  (a  reminiscence  from  Jer.  :  cf.  32,  ^j). 

R 


258  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

10-  ^1"IJ  12^  great  destruction :  4,  6.  6,  i.  14,  17.  48,  3.  50,  22.  51,  54. 
Zeph.  I,  lo.f 

11.  An  idea  strengthened  by  the  negation  of  its  opposite  :  4,  22.  7,  24.  21, 

\o  {for  evil  and  not  for  good :  so  39,  16.  44,  27.  Am.  9,  4).  24,6''. 
42,  10  (cf.  Ps.  28,  5).     Cf.  above,  No.  4.     Very  unusual  elsewhere. 

12.  nC'v   n'p^  to  make  a  full  end :  4,  27.  5,  10.  18.  30,  11  =  46,  28. 

ij-  ^<'3^(orO:N  n:n) '•^jn  Behold  I bring  .  .  .  !  5,  15.  6,  19.  ii,  11. 
19,  3-  15-  3L  8.  35,  17.  39,  16.  45,  5.  49,  5.  I  Ki.  14,  10.  21,  21. 
2  Ki.  21,  12.  22,  16  =  2  Ch.  34,  24  (cf.  above,  p.  189,  No.  27). 
In  other  prophets,  only  three  or  four  times  in  Ez. 

14-  [DJ'rnpa  nV  the  time  that  I  visit  them  {thee,   him):  6,  15.  49,  8.  50, 

31  :  in  the  slightly  varied  forms  CITHpS  TW  the  titne  of  their  visita- 
tion, 8,  12.  10,  15  =  51,  18.  46,  21.  50,  27  ;  DmpD  T\y^  i^i-^  year 
of  their  visitalioji,  1 1,  23.  23,  12.  48,  44.! 

15-  i^DDD  "WyO   Terror  on  every  side :  6,  25.  20,  3.  lo.  46,  5.  49,  29.  Ps. 

31,  14. t     Cf.  Lam.  2,  22  my  terrors  on  every  side. 

16.  V^y  ^Dl^  t<1p3  IL'^X  over  which  7?iy  naffie  is  called  {m  token  of  owner- 

ship) :  of  the  temple  or  city,  7,  10.  11.  14.  30.  25,  29.  32,  34.  34, 
15;  of  the  people,  14,  9;  of  Jeremiah  himself,  15,  16.  Similarly 
Dt.  28,  10.  I  Ki.  8,  43II.  2  Ch.  7,  14.   Am.  9,   12.   Is.  63,  19.  Dan. 

9,  18.  19  (the  original  meaning  of  the  phrase  may  be  learnt  from 
2  Sa.  12,  28). t 

17.  .   .  .   D3'trn  rising  tip  and .  .  .  (speaking)  7,  13.  25,  3.  35,   14  :  (send- 

ing) 7,  25.  25,  4.  26,  5.  29,  19.  35,  15.  44,  4.  2  Ch.  36,  15  ;  (testi- 
fying) II,  7;  (teaching)  32,  33!. 

18.  The  cities  of Judah  and  the  stree  s  of  Jerusalem  :  7,   17.   34.  11,  6.   33, 

10.  44,  6.  9  (wiih  "land  of  Judah").  17.  21  :  streets  of  Jerusalem, 
also  5,  I.  II,  13.  14,  16.     Not  expressions  used  by  other  projihets. 

19-  jTN  HDH  to  incline  the  ear:  7,  24.  26.  11,  8.  17,  23.  25,  4.  34,  14. 
35,  15.  44,  5  (not  in  Dt.,  or  in  any  other  prophet,  except  Is.  55,  3). 

20.  Behold,  the  days  come,  a7id  .   .   .  :  7,  32.  9,  24.  16,  14.  19,  6.  23,  5.  7. 

30,  3.  31,  27.  31.  38.  ZZ.  14-  48,  12.  49,  2,  51,  47.  52.  Only 
besides,  Am.  4,  2.  8,  11.  9,  13.  i  Sa.  2,  31.  2  Ki.  20,  17  -  Isa. 
39,  6. 

21.  The  voice  of  mirth  and  the  voice  of  gladness,  the  voice  of  the  bridegroom 

and  the  voice  of  the  bride  :  7,  34.  16,  9.  25,  10.  33,  ii. 

22.  D-'jn  PV^  habitation  of  jackals :  9,  II  (H.  10).  10,  22.  49,  33.  51,  37.! 
23-   nSD  ""^'IVp  corncr-cHpt  {z.n  epithet  of  certain  Arab  tribes)  :  9,  25.  25, 

23.  49,  32.f 

24.  A  verb  strengthened  by  the  addition  of  its  passive:    ii,    18  ("'jynin 

vnxi).  17,  14-  20,  7.  31,  4.  18. 

25.  The  s7vo)'d,  the  pestilence,  and  the  famine  (sometimes  in  changed  order) : 

14,  12.  21,  7.  9.  24,  10.  27,  8.  13.  29,  17.  18.  32,  24.  36.  34,  17. 
38,  2.  42,  17.  22.  44,  13;  the  s7i.<ord  and  the  famine:  5,  12.  II, 
22.  14,  13.  15.  16.    18.    16,  4.    iS,    21.   42,    16.   44,    12.    18.  27;  cf. 

15,  2. 


JEREMIAH.  259 

26.  ^y  npis  ^33n  Behold  I  visit  upon  .  .  .  :  11,  22.  23,  2.  29,  32.  46,  25. 

50,  iS  6t<).t      The  verb  itself  is  also  much  more  frequent  in  Jer. 

than  in  any  other  prophet. 
27-  .  .  .  i'X  ^"^  -|3T  n^n  It^^X  (a  very  peculiar  type  of  sentence  :  Ewald, 

Sy7ifa.Y,  §  334'')  :   14,  i.  46,  I.  47,  i.  49,  34.1 

28.  p^^n  ni3^?0D  ^d!?  myri'  >?'  «  shuddering  unto  all  kingdoms  of  the 

earth  :  15,  4.  24,  9.  29,  18.  34,  17.     From  Dt.  28,  25. 

29.  Sentences  of  the  type  "  fishers,  and  they  shall  fish  them  :  "  16,  16.  23,  4. 

48,  12.  51,  2. 

30.  And  1  ivill  kindle  a  fire  in  .  .  .  and  it  shall  devour  .   .  .   :  17,  2']^. 

21,  I4^  49,  27.  50,  32".  From  the  refrain  in  Am.  i,  14,  varied 
from  "And  I  will  ^^«^, "  &c. ,  Am.  i,  4.  7.  10.  12.  2,  2.  5  Hos 
8,  I4.t 

31.  To  rdurn  rach  one  fro7n  his  evil  tvay :  18,   1 1.  25,  5.  26,  3.  35,  15.  36 

3.  7.  Jon.  3,  8.  Cf.  I  Ki.  13,  33.  2  Ki.  17,  13.  2  Ch.  7,  14.  Ez! 
13,  22.  iz,  II.  Jon.  3,  10.  Zech.  i,  4. 

32.  His  {thy)  soul  shall  be  to  him  {thee)  for  a  prey:  21,  9.  38,  2.  39,    18: 

cf.  45»  5- 

33.  Thus  saith  Jehovah  (often -[-^  y^^^j/j),  the  God  of  Israel :  a  standing 

formula  with  Jeremiah,  as  6,  6.  9.  7,  3.  21.  11,  3  &c.,  but  extremely 

rare  in  other  prophets  (not  un  frequently,  without  of  hosts,  in  Kin^s). 

The  principal  cases  of  the  repetition  of  passages,  noted  on  p.  257,  are  the 

following  (sometimes  with  slight  variations  in  the  phraseology)  : — i,  iS''.  19 

and  15,  20.— 2,  I5^  4,  7"-— 2,  28^   11,   13*.— 4,  4^  21,   12^.-4,  6.  6,  i.— 

5,  9.  29.  9,  9  (H.  8).— 6,   13-15.  8,  10-12.— 6,  22-24.  50.  4I-43-— 6,  22^ 

26,  32^— 7,  16.  II,  I4^— 7,  23\  24-25.  II,  4'\  8^  7^— 7,  31-33.  19,5. 

6.  II^  7^— 8,  2".  16,  4.  25,  33''.-8,  15.   14,  19''-— 9,   15''  (H.   h'').  23,  15. 

—9,  16''  (H.  15*").  49, 37^— 10,  12-16. 51,  15-19.— II,  20. 20, 12.— II,  23". 
23  I2^  48,  44^  49,  8^— 15, 2^  43,  n".— 15,  13-14.  17, 3.  4"-— 16,  14  f. 

23,  7  f-— 17,  20.  19,  3"-— 17,  25.  22,  4.  — 19,  8.  49,  17  (Edom).  50,  13'^ 
(Babylon);  cf.  18,  16.— 21,  9.  38,  2.-  21,  13  f.  50,  31  f.— 23,  5  f  11,  15  f.— 
23,  19  f-  30,  23  f.— 30,  10  f.  46,  27  f.  —31,  36  f.  ;  cf.  zi,  25  f.  -46,  21".  50, 
27\-48,  40.  41".  49,  22.-49,  18.  50,  40.— 49,  19-21.  50,  44-46.-49,  26. 
50,  30.  See  also  above,  Nos.  21,  30. 


CHAPTER  V. 
EZEKIEL, 

Literature. — TT.  Ewald  in  Die  Propheten  des  AB.s  (vol.  iv.  of  the  , 
translation);  F.  Hiizig  in  the  A\f.  Exeg.  Haudb.  1847,  ed.  2  (rewritten) 
by  R.  Smend,  1880  [does  not  altogether  supersede  Hitzig's  work];  C.  F. 
Keil,  Der  Proph.  Ez.  1868,  (ed.  2)  1S82  ;  C.  H.  Cornill,  Der  Proph.  Ez. 
gt'schildert,  1882,  and  Das  Buck  des  Proph,  Ez.  Iierausgegeben,  1886 
(Prolegomena,  and  apparatus  criticiis,  remarkably  thorough:  text  apt  to  be 
arbitrary)  ;  C.  von  Orelli  (in  Strack  and  Zdckler's  Kgf.  Koniiuentar),  1888. 
On  the  Temple  in  c.  40 — 42,  &c.,  see  also  E.  Klihn  in  the  Stud.  u.  Krit, 
1882,  pp.  601-688. 

Ezekiel,  the  son  of  Buzi,  was  one  of  the  captives  ^  who  were 
carried  with  Jehoiachin  in  597  into  Babylonia,  and  was  setded 
with  others  at  Tel-abib  (3,  15),  by  the  river  Chebar  (1,  i.  3.  3,  15 
&c.).  He  was  a  priest,  and  as  such  belonged  to  the  aristocracy 
of  Jerusalem,  who  formed  the  bulk  of  the  first  captivity  under 
Jehoiachin.  The  exiles  at  Tel-abib  must  have  formed  a  consider- 
able community.  Though  their  circumstances  could  hardly  have 
been  affluent,  they  do  not  appear  to  have  been  in  actual  want : 
Ezekiel  lived  in  his  own  "house"  (3,  24.  8,  i.  12,  3  ff.),  where  the 
elders  of  the  Israelites  are  represented  as  coming  to  sit  and  listen 
to  his  words  (8,  i ;  cf.  14,  i.  20,  i);  and  the  houses  of  others 
are  alluded  to,  33,  30  (cf.  Jer.  29,  5).  It  was  in  the  fifth  year  of 
the  exile  of  Jehoiachin  (b.c.  592)  that  Ezekiel  received  his  pro- 
phetic call  (r,  2ff.);  and  the  latest  date  in  his  book  (29,  17)  is 
22  years  afterwards  (b.c.  570). 

The  home  of  Ezekiel's  prophetic  life  was  thus  on  the  banks  of 
the  Chebar.  There  he  watched  from  a  distance  the  toils  closing 
round  Jerusalem ;  and  there  he  declared,  in  every  variety  of 
symbolism  and  imagery,  the  approaching  fall  of  the  city,  the  ruin 
of  ancient  Israel  (c.  i — 24).     Israel's  chief  crime  is  its  idolatry. 

*  He  reckons  by  the  years  of  "<?/<■;'  captivity,"  33,  21.  40,  I.     The  epoch 

from  which  the  "30th  year,"  l,  i,  is  dated,  is  uncertain. 

260 


EZEKIEL.  261 

This  has  vitiated  its  history  from  the  beginning  (c.  16.  20.  23), 
and  it  is  rife  in  it;  even  now.  It  would  seem  that  in  this  judgment 
Ezekiel  is  not  wholly  just  to  the  past,  and  that  he  has  transferred 
to  it  unconsciously  the  associations  of  the  present.  But  be  that 
as  it  may,  the  corruption  of  Jerusalem  is  incurable  now ;  and 
therefore,  as  he  repeatedly  insists,  Jerusalem  must  perish.  But 
even  the  exiles  fall  far  short  of  what  they  should  be;  exile  has 
not  yet  wrought  upon  them  the  moral  change  (Hos.  2,  14  f) 
which  it  was  to  effect.  Hence  his  conviction  that  further 
judgments  were  imminent  for  them  in  the  future  :  and  his 
anxiety  to  win  at  least  the  souls  of  individuals  (3,  16  ff.  33,  6  ff.), 
who  might  form  the  nucleus  of  the  purified  Israel  of  the  future. 
His  advances  were  received  with  coldness  :  he  was  even,  as  it 
seems,  obliged  to  refrain  from  speaking  openly  among  the  exiles, 
and  to  confine  himself  to  addressing  those  who  visited  him 
specially  in  his  own  house  (3,  24  f ;  cf  c.  8.  14.  20),  until  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem  sealed  the  truth  of  his  predictions,  and  assured  for  him 
a  credit  which  otherwise  he  would  never  have  attained  (24,  27. 
33,  22).  The  antagonism  between  Ezekiel  and  the  exiles  is  mani- 
fest ;  he  addresses  them  regularly  as  a  "  rebellious  house "  (see 
p.  278).  How  they  felt  towards  him,  and  how  he  viewed 
them,  appears  further  from  such  passages  as  12,  21  ff.  14,  i  ff. 
20,  I  ff.  Nevertheless,  like  Jeremiah  (p..  244),  he  fixed  his 
hopes  for  the  future  upon  them  :  Zedekiah  and  the  Jews  in 
Jerusalem  he  gave  up  entirely  (9,  gf.  c  12.  17,  1-21.  21,  25-27. 
c.  22):  the  exiles,  when  purged,  would  form  the  foundation  of 
a  better   Israel   in   the   future    (11,  17  ff.   17,  22-24.  20,  37  f. 

36,  25  ff). 

The  Book  of  Ezekiel  consists  of  three  sections,  deahng  with 
three  different  subjects :— I.  c.  1—24.  The  approaching  fall  of 
Jerusalem;  11.  c.  25— 32.  Prophecies  on  foreign  nations;  HI. 
c.  33 — 48.  Israel's  future  restoration.. 

The  dates  of  the  several  prophecies  are  in  many  cases  stated 
with  precision.  No  critical  question  arises  in  connexion  with 
the  authorship  of  the  book,  the  whole  from  beginning  to  end 
bearing  unmistakably  the  stamp  of  a  single  mind. 

I.  C.  1—24.   The  approaching  fall  of  Jerusalem. 
I,   C.    1—3,    21.    Ezekiel's   call,  and   the  beginnings  of  his 
ministry.     In  c.  i  Ezekiel  relates  how  in  the  fifth  year  of  his 


262  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

exile  (  =  B.C.  592)  he  fell  into  a  prophetic  trance  or  ecstasy ;  ^  and 
describes  at  length  the  vision  which  he  then  saw. 

Out  of  a  storm-cloud  appearing  in  the  north  there  gradually  emerged  the 
likeness  of  four  living  creatures  (cherubim),  each  with  four  wings  and  four 
faces,  and  all  moving  harmoniously  together,  vv.  5"  14-  Looking  more 
closely,  he  perceived  that  they  enclosed  a  kind  of  quadrangular  chariot, 
resting  on  four  wheels,  which  had  an  independent  motion  of  tluir  own, 
though  always  in  perfect  harmony  with  that  of  the  four  cherubim,  for  one 
spirit  actuated  both,  vv.  15-21  ;  the  four  cherubim  supported  on  their  heads 
a  firmament,  irv.  22-25  5  ^'^^  on  the  firmament  was  a  throne,  with  a  Divine 
Form  seated  upon  it. 

It  is  the  supreme  majesty  of  Jehovah  which  thus  takes  shape 
in  the  prophet's  iuiagination ;  and  it  approaches  "from  the 
north  "  (not  froni  Zion),  as  an  omen  that  His  abode  is  no  longer 
in  the  city  of  His  choice  (cf  also  Jer.  i,  13-15). 

The  main  elements  of  the  symbolism  are  suggested,  no  doubt,  partly 
by  the  two  colossal  cherubim  in  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  partly  by  the 
composite  winged  figures  which  formed  such  an  impressive  feature  in  the 
palaces  of  Babylonia;  but  the  prophet's  imagination — the  faculty  which, 
when  the  outer  senses,  as  in  an  ecstasy,  are  dormant,  is  abnormally  active — 
combines  the  materials  with  which,  while  in  a  waking  state,  observation  or 
reflexion  had  stored  his  mind,  into  a  new  form,^  which  both  as  a  whole  and 
in  its  individual  parts  is,  no  doubt,  meant  to  be  significant  {e.g.  the  four 
hand^,  one  on  each  side  of  each  cherub,  and  the  wheels  full  of  eyes,  to 
symbolize  the  universality  of  the  Divine  presence). 

2,  1-7.  Ezekiel  hears  the  voice  of  Jehovah  speaking  from  the 
throne,  and  commissioning  him  to  be  the  prophet  of  His  people, 
though  at  the  same  time  warning  him  of  the  opposition  and  ill- 
success  which  he  is  likely  to  encounter.  Nevertheless,  he  is  bidden 
not  to  fear ;  and  after  the  commission  to  preach  has  been  repeated 
to  him  in  a  symbolic  form,  2,  8 — 3,  3,  he  is  encouraged  with  the 
further  assurance  that  he  will  be  enabled  to  bear  up  against  his 
opponents,  3,  4-n  (comp.  Jer.  i).  Hereupon  the  vision  leaves 
him,  vv.  12-14,  and  he  proceeds  to  the  scene  of  his  mission 
among  the  exiles,  v.  15.  After  seven  days  he  is  commanded  to 
commence  his  ministry,  and  is  reminded  of  the  nature  of  the 

^  I,  3*^  "the  hand  of  Jehovah  came  tliere  upon  him," — a  phrase  describing 
the  sense  of  overmastery  by  a  power  beyond  their  own  control,  of  which  the 
prophets  were  conscious  when  seized  by  the  prophetic  trance  :  cf.  3,  14.  22. 
8,  I.  33,  22.  37,  I.  40,  I.  Is.  8,  II.  2  Ki.  3,  15. 

2  Lee,  Inspiration  of  Holy  Scripture  (ed.  4),  pp.  173-183. 


EZEKIEL.  263 

responsibility  placed  upon  him  :  he  is  a  "  watchman,"  appointed 
to  warn  every  sinner  of  the  danger  in  which  he  stands,  and,  in 
case  he  fails  to  do  so,  liable  to  bear  the  consequences  of  his 
neglect,  vv.  16-21. 

2.  3»  22— c.  7.  The  impending  ruin  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem. 

3,  22-27.  Ezek.  in  a  second  trance  sees  again  the  same  vision 
as  in  c.  i.  On  account  of  the  temper  in  which  the  people  will 
meet  him,  he  is  released  temporarily  from  the  obligation  of 
speaking  openly  among  them  as  a  prophet  (cf.  24,  27.  33,  22). 

C.  4—5-  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem  pourtrayed  symbolically. 
{a)  4,  1-3,  the  prophet,  representing  Jehovah,  lays  mimic  siege 
to  Jerusalem;  {b)  4,  4-17,  representing  the  people,  he  enacts 
figuratively  the  privations  undergone  by  them  during  the  siegp^ 
and  the  misery  to  be  experienced  by  them  in  exile  afterwards ; 
if)  5,  1-4,  representing  the  city,  he  significantly  shows  how  the 
inhabitants  (symbolized  by  his  hair)  will  in  different  ways  be 
scattered  and  perish.  There  follows,  5,  5-17,  an  exposition,  in 
unmetaphorical  language,  of  the  guilt  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the 
judgment  imminent  upon  her. 

C.  6.  Ezek.  here  apostrophizes  the  land.  Not  the  city  only,  but 
the  land  of  Judah  generally,  has  been  desecrated  by  idolatrous 
rites,  which  can  only  be  effectually  rooted  out  by  a  desolation, 
and  depopulation,  of  the  entire  territory. 

C.  7.  A  final  denunciation  directed  against  the  kingdom 
generally,  describing  in  still  stronger  terms  the  certainty  of  the 
coming  disaster,  and  the  inability  of  prophet,  priest,  or  elder  to 
avert  it  Inw.  5-7.  10-12  the  prophecy  assumes  a  lyric  strain, 
such  as  is  unwonted  in  Ezekiel. 

3.  C.  8 — II.  Vision  of  the  guilt  and  punishment  of  Jerusalem 
(sixth  year  of  the  exile  of  Jehoiachin  =  B.c.  591). 

C.  8.  Ezekiel,  in  the  presence  of  the  elders,  who  are  sitting  in 
his  house,  falls  into  a  prophetic  trance,. and  is  brought  in  his  vision 
to  Jerusalem,  where  he  sees  different  forms  of  idolatry  carried  on 
in  the  precincts  of  the  Temple.  C.  9  the  threat  expressed  in 
8,  18  is  carried  out.  Jehovah,  having  left  the  throne  borne  by 
the  cherubim,  stands  at  the  entrance  of  the  Temple  to  super- 
intend, as  it  were,  the  execution  of  His  purpose  :  at  His  command 
His  ministers  pass  through  the  city,  and  destroy  all  who  have 
not  previously  been  marked  on  the  forehead  by  an  angel  in  token 
of  their  loyalty  to  Jehovah.     C.  10  Jehovah  reappears  upon  the 


264  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

throne,  and  commands  burning  coals,  taken  from  the  fire 
between  the  cherubim,  to  be  scattered  over  the  city,  vv.  1-3. 
He  again  leaves  His  throne  and  stands  beside  the  Temple  while 
this  is  being  done,  vv.  4-17,  but  resumes  His  seat  as  soon  as 
it  is  completed,  preparatory  to  talking  His  final  departure  from  His 
sanctuary.  He  pauses  for  a  while  at  the  east  gate  of  the  outer 
Court,  vv.  18-22.  C.  II  the  prophet  sees  25  men  standing  in 
the  east  gate,  who  "gave  wicked  counsel  in  the  city,"  i.e..,  no 
doubt,  who  were  planning  revolt  from  Nebuchadnezzar,  confident 
(z/.  3^)  in  the  strength  of  tlie  city  to  resist  reprisals.  Their  con- 
fidence, it  is  declared,  is  misplaced;  for  the  city  w^ll  be  given' 
into  the  hands  of  its  foes,  vv.  1-12.  Even  as  Ezekiel  spoke,  one 
of  the  ringleaders  dropped  down  dead.  The  prophet  (cf  9,  8), 
dreading  the  omen,  is  moved  to  intercede  on  behalf  of  the 
"remnant  of  Israel,"  and  receives  in  reply  the  assurance  that 
Israel  will  not  perish  :  the  exiles,  however  contemptuously  the 
Jerusalemites  may  view  them  (comp.  p.  244),  will  return  to  their 
former  home,  and  again  enjoy  the  tokens  of  Divine  favour, 
vv.  14-22.  After  this,  the  cherubim,  bearing  Jehovah's  glory, 
finally  leave  Jerusalem  :  the  prophet  watches  them  in  their 
course  as  far  as  the  Mount  of  Olives,  when  the  vision  suddenly 
leaves  him,  and  he  awakes  from  his  prophetic  trance  to  find 
himself  again  among  the  captives  of  Tel-abib. 

4.  C.  12 — 19.  The  certainty  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  and  its 
ground  in  the  nation's  sinfulness,  further  established. 

12,  1-20.  The  exiles  discrediting  the  announcement  recently 
made  to  them  by  the  prophet,  he  firstly  {iw.  1-16)  enacts  in 
their  sight  a  dunib  show,  symbolizing  the  approaching  exile  of 
Zedekiah  and  the  people;  and  secondly  (z;27.  17-20)  represents 
under  a  figure  the  privations  which  they  will  suffer  during  the 
siege  and  subsequently. 

12,  21 — 14,  II.  On  the  prophets  and  their  announcements. 
The  non-fulfilment  cf  oracles  uttered  by  the  false  prophets,  and 
the  fact  that  Ezek.'s  own  prophecies,  in  consequence  of  their  not 
relating  to  the  immediate  future,  did  not  admit  of  being  tested 
by  the  result,  led  the  peoi)le  to  distrust  all  prophecies.  But 
Jehovah's  word  will  not  fail  of  its  accomplishment,  12,  21-28: 
the  false  prophets  will  not  only  be  silenced  by  the  logic  of  facts, 
but  they  will  themselves  be  swept  away  in  the  coming  destruction, 
13,  I- 1 6.      Vv.  17-23  are  directed  against  certain  prophetesses, 


EZEKIEL.  265 

whose  influence  among  the  exiles  is  described  as  particularly 
pernicious.  The  prophets  alluded  to  are  no  doubt  those  \vho 
lulled  the  people  of  Jerusalem  into  false  security,  and  who 
unsettled  the  exiles  with  delusive  promises  of  a  speedy  return 
(see  Jer.  c.  28;  29,  15  ff.  &c.).  There  follows  a  specification  of 
the  conditions  (abandonment  of  idolatry,  and  loyalty  to  Himself) 
under  which  alone  Jehovah  will  be  consulted  by  His  people,  or 
permit  His  prophet  to  answer  them,  14,  i-ii. 

14,  12-23.  An  exception  explained.  When  once  Jehovah 
has  passed  His  decree  against  a  land,  the  righteous  who  may 
be  therein  will  alone  be  delivered :  ^  in  the  case  of  Jerusalem, 
however,  a  remnant,  against  this  rule,  will  escape,  in  order  viz., 
by  the  spectacle  of  their  godlessness,  to  satisfy  the  exiles,  among 
whom  they  are  brought,  of  the  justice  of  the  judgment  accom- 
plished upon  the  city  (cf.  12,  16). 

C.  15 — 17.  Allegories,  exhibiting  from  different  points  of  view 
the  nation's  ripeness  for  judgment. 

C.  15.  Israel  is  compared  to  a  vine-branch — not  at  its  best  the 
most  valuable  of  woods,  and  now,  already  half-burnt  by  the  fire 
(alluding  to  the  exile  under  Jehoiachin) :  can  there  be  any  ques- 
tion what  use  will  be  found  for  the  remainder?  The  unfavour- 
able comparison  is  suggested  by  reflection  on  the  history  and 
temper  of  the  nation  :  and  from  what  has  already  happened,  the 
prophet  asks  his  hearers  to  infer  what  the  final  issue  is  likely  to  be. 

C.  16.  Jerusalem  an  adulteress.  Jerusalem  is  depicted  as  a 
woman  who,  in  spite  of  the  care  and  attention  which  Jehovah 
had  shown  toward  her,  vv.  1-14,  had  requited  Him  with  ])cr- 
sistent  ingratitude  and  infidehty,  vv.  15-34,^  and  has  merited 
accordingly  the  punishment  of  the  adulteress,  vv.  35-43.  In  her 
sinfulness  she  has  even  exceeded  Samaria  and  Sodom,  vv.  44-52  ; 
so  low,  accordingly,  has  she  fallen  in  Jehovah's  favour,  that  her 
restoration  (for  a  prospect  of  this,  however  distant,  is  still  held 
out)  can  only  take  place  after  that  of  Samaria  and  Sodom. 

C.  17.  Zedekiah's  disloyalty  to  his  Babylonian  masters,  and  the 
consequences  which  may  be  expected  to  result  from  it,  vv.  1-2  r. 
In  vv.  3-10  the  circumstances  are  stated  in  the  form  of  an  alle- 
gory (or  as  it  is  termed  in  v.  2,  a  "riddle"),  the  sense  of  which 
is  explained  in  vv.  11-21.     The  prophecy  closes,  vv.  22-24,  with 

^  Cf.  the  theory  of  strict  (temporal)  retribution  expounded  in  c.  18. 

2  The  same  figure  as  in  Hos.  2,  7  ff.  Jer.  2,  20  {{.  3,  if.,  of.  Isa.  57,  7-9. 


266  LITERATURE   OF    THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

a  glance  at  brighter  days  to  come,  and  the  restoration  of  the 
Davidic  kingdom  in  the  future. 

C.  1 8.  Ezek.'s  contemporaries  complained  that  they  were  suf- 
fering for  the  sins  and  shortcomings  committed  by  their  fore- 
fathers :  "  the  fathers,"  they  said,  "  have  eaten  sour  grapes,  and 
the  children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge."  The  prophet,  in  opposi- 
tion to  this  one-sided  view,  expounds  a  strongly  individualistic 
theory  of  retribution  :  every  one  is  rewarded  according  to  his 
doings :  the  righteous  man  lives,  the  unrighteous  man  dies, — 
each  entirely  irrespectively  of  his  father's  merits  or  demerits,  vv. 
I -20.  Similarly,  the  wicked  man  who  repents  of  his  wickedness' 
lives:  the  righteous  man  who  turns  from  his  righteousness  dies, 
vv.  21-29.  The  practical  lesson  follows:  let  each  one  repent 
while  there  is  time ;  for  Jehovah  "  hath  no  pleasure  in  the  death 
of  him  that  dieth,"  vv.  30-32. 

The  same  proverb  is  quoted  by  Jeremiah  (31,  29  f.),  who  admits  that  it 
expresses  a  reality,  but  rests  his  hopes  upon  the  advent  of  a  better  future, 
when  the  conditions  of  society  will  be  so  altered  that  the  evil  consequences 
of  sin  will  be  confined  to  the  perpetrator,  and  not  extend  to  the  innocent. 
Ezek.'s  theory  is  prompted  by  the  desire  to  exert  a  practical  influence  upon  his 
contemporaries  ;  hence  he  emphasizes  that  aspect  of  the  question  which  they 
neglected,  and  which,  though  not  the  sole  truth,  is  nevertheless  an  important 
part  of  the  truth,  viz.  that  individual  responsibility  never  entirely  ceases,  and 
that  individual  effort,  if  exerted  in  the  proper  direction,  may  diminish,  even  if 
it  cannot  altogether  neutralize,  the  consequences  entailed  by  the  fault  of  our 
ancestors. 

C.  19.  A  lamentation  on  the  "princes"  {i.e.  the  Jewish  kings), 
and  on  the  fall  of  the  kingdom.  Two  other  allegories  : — (i)  the 
Davidic  stock  is  likened  to  a  lioness :  her  two  whelps  are 
Jehoahaz  'yT.w.  3-4)  and  Jehoiachin  (z'z;.  5-9),  whose  different 
fates  are  described,  vv,  1-9;  (2)  it  is  likened  to  a  vine  planted 
in  a  fertile  soil,  and  putting  forth  strong  branches  (the  Davidic 
kings) ;  but  now  the  vine  is  forcibly  uprooted  :  its  strong  rods 
(Jehoahaz  and  Jehoiachin)  are  broken  and  destroyed  ;  it  is  itself 
planted  in  the  wilderness  (the  exiles  with  Jehoiachin) ;  and  fire  is 
gone  forth  out  of  the  rod  of  its  branches,  destroying  its  fruit  (the 
suicidal  policy  of  Zedekiah). 

5.  C.  20 — 24.  The  same  theme  further  developed. 

20,  1-44  (=  c.  20  Heb.).  (the  7th  year  of  the  exile,  i.e.  the 
4th  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  =  B.C.  590).  The  elders  of  Israel 
come  (as  14,  i)  to  consult  Ezekiel.     He  answers  them  in  similar 


EZEKIEL.  267 

terms:  while  Israel's  idolatry  continues,  Jehovah  will  not  be 
consulted  by  them.  This  answer  is  justified  by  a  review  of  the 
nation's  history,  showing  how  it  had  been  continuously  addicted 
to  idolatry,  and  Jehovah  had  only  been  restrained  from  destroy- 
ing it  by  the  thought  that,  if  He  did  so.  His  name  would  be 
profaned  in  the  eyes  of  the  heathen.  And  still  the  nation's 
heart  is  unchanged  :  even  exile  has  not  eradicated  the  impulse  to 
idolatry;  hence  (v.  33  ff.)  further  purifying  judgments  must  yet 
pass  over  it,  ere  Jehovah  (as  He  still  will  do)  can  acknowledge 
it  again  as  His  own. 

But  Ezekiel  sees  the  end  of  Jerusalem  advancing  rapidly ;  and, 
20,  45 — c.  24,  his  thoughts  turn  thither. 

20,  45-49  (=21,  1-5  Heb.).  A  great  and  all-devouring  con- 
flagration is  to  be  kindled  in  the  forest  of  the  South  (i.e.  the 
southern  tract  of  Judah,  the  "Negeb:"  see  Gen.  12,  9  RV. 
marg.).     The  meaning  of  the  allegory  is  transparent. 

C.  21  (=21,  6-37  Heb.).  The  sword  of  Jehovah  against 
Jerusalem.  Jehovah  threatens  to  draw  His  sword  from  its 
sheath,  and  to  cut  off  from  Jerusalem  "  righteous  and  wicked  " 
alike,  vv.  1-7.  In  vv.  8-17  the  sword  is  represented  as  already 
drawn  ;  and  the  prophet  adopts  almost  a  lyric  strain,  as  he  pic- 
tures its  glittering  blade,  darting  hither  and  thither  about  the 
gates  of  Jerusalem.  Next  Ezekiel  imagines  Nebuchadnezzar  to 
have  already  started,  and  to  be  debating  whether  first  to  attack 
Jerusalem  or  Amnion  :  at  the  point  where  the  roads  diverge,  he 
consults  his  oracles;  the  lot  falls  for  him  to  proceed  to  Jeru- 
salem, iw.  18-23;  and  the  prophet  describes,  not  without  satis- 
faction, the  consequent  abasement  of  the  unworthy  Zedekiah, 
vv.  24-27.  But  though  Jerusalem  suffers  first,  Amnion  will  not 
long  glory  in  its  escape  :  in  vain  may  Animon  furbish  its  sword 
in  rivalry,  as  it  were,  to  Jehovah's :  it  must  return  into  its  sheath, 
and  leave  Amnion  defenceless  before  the  foe,  z^z/.. 28-32. 

The  Ammonites  had  previously  (2  Ki.  24,  2)  co-operated  with  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, but  they  had  afterwards  intrigued  to  procure  a  general  insurrection 
against  the  Chaldaean  power  (see  Jer.  27,  3  f.  9),  and  now  were  acting 
probably  in  concert  with  Zedekiah.  It  was  doubtless  expected  in  Jerusalem 
that  Nebuchadnezzar  would  attack  the  Ammonites  first  :  Ezek.  declares  the 
speedy  advent  of  the  Chaldceans  before  Jerusalem.  V.  23  alludes  to  the  in- 
credulity with  which  his  prophecy  would  be  received.  The  general  sen-e  of 
the  sword-song  is  clear ;  but  the  text  in  parts  is  very  corrupt  (esp.  vv.  10. 
13  [15.  18  Heb.]:  see  QPB.'^). 


268  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

C.  2  2.  The  guilt  of  Jerusalem.  The  prophet  draws  an  appal- 
ling picture  of  the  crime  rampant  in  the  capital;  dwelling  in 
particular,  not  (as  c.  5.  16)  on  the  idolatry,  but  on  the  moral 
offences  of  which  the  inhabitants  had  been  guilty,  vv.  1-22. 
The  corruption  extends  to  all  classes,  vv.  23-31. 

C.  23.  Oholah  and  Oholibah.  In  c.  22  the  prophet  drew  a 
picture  of  the  present  generation :  here  he  draws  one  of  those  that ' 
had  passed.  Under  an  allegory,  similar  in  character  to  that  in 
c.  16,  he  describes  the  past  history  of  Samaria  and  Jerusalem. 
Jehovah,  in  Egypt,  took  to  Himself  two  women  who  were  harlots  ; 
one  became  at  length  intolerable,  so  that  she  was  put  away,  vvr 
i-iT  ;  the  other,  instead  of  taking  warning  by  her  sister's  fate, 
excelled  her  in  unholy  practices,  vv.  12-21  :  she  must  therefore 
be  equally  punished,  vv.  22-35,  upon  grounds  which,  that  none 
may  doubt  their  sufficiency,  are  stated  again  at  length,  vv.  36-49. 

C.  24  (the  ninth  year  of  the  exile,  B.C.  588,  the  loth  day  of 
the  loth  month,  being  the  day  on  which  Jerusalem  was  invested 
by  the  Chaldseans,  2  Ki.  25,  i  ;  cf.  Zech.  8,  19).  Vv.  1-14.  By 
the  parable  of  the  rusty  caldron  the  prophet  sets  forth,  firstly, 
the  siege  now  commencing ;  secondly,  its  final  issue,  viz.  the 
forced  evacuation  of  Jerusalem  by  its  inhabitants  on  account  of 
the  defilement  which  they  have  contracted  through  their  sins. 

Vv.  15-27  an  incident  in  Ezek.'s  family  life  is  made  the  vehicle 
of  a  lesson.  The  prophet's  wife  suddenly  dies  :  but  he  is  com- 
manded to  refrain  from  all  public  manifestation  of  grief,  in  order 
thereby  to  prefigure  the  paralysing  shock  of  surprise  which  will 
seize  his  countrymen  when  the  tidings  reaches  them  that  the  city 
to  which  they  still  turned  with  longing  eyes  has  really  fallen. 
And  when  this  has  taken  place,  the  truth  of  Ezek.'s  prophetic 
word  will  be  demonstrated,  and  the  need  for  his  enforced  silence 
(3,  22  ff.)  will  have  passed  away. 

II.  C.  25 — 32.  Prophecies  on  foreign  nations. 

Ezekiel,  like  Amos,  Isaiah,  and  Jeremiah,  embraced  other 
nations  besides  Israel  in  his  prophetic  survey :  but  his  point  of 
view  is  one  peculiar  to  himself,  and  determined  naturally  by  the 
circumstances  of  his  age.  The  fall  of  Jerusalem  wore  the  appear- 
ance of  a  triumph  for  heathenism  :  Jehovah,  so  it  seemed,  had 
been  unable  in  the  end  to  defend  His  city :  the  nations  around 
viewed   Him  with  scorn,  and  His  name  was  profaned  amongst 


EZEKIEL.  269 

them.  To  reassert  the  majesty  and  honour  of  Jehovah  by 
declaring  emphatically  that  He  held  in  reserve  a  like  fate  over 
Israel's  neighbours,  is  the  main  scope  of  the  following  chapters. 
Seven  nations  form  the  subject  of  the  prophecies,  viz.  Ammon, 
Moab,  Edom,  the  Philistines,  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Egypt :  most  are 
comparatively  brief;  only  those  on  Tyre  and  Egypt  being  more 
elaborated. 

1.  25,  1-7.  On  Ammon  (cf.  21,  28-32).  Though  the  Ammonites 
had  seemingly  combined  with  Judah  in  rebellion  against  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, when  Jerusalem  was  the  first  to  fall,  they  had  not 
delayed  to  give  malicious  expression  to  their  delight :  Ezek.  de- 
clares that  they  shall  be  invaded  in  consequence  by  the  "children 
of  the  east "  (Jud.  6,  3),  i.e.  by  nomad  Arab  tribes,  who  would 
plunder  and  appropriate  the  Ammonite  territory. 

2.  25,  8-1 1.  On  Moab.  A  similar  prospect,  upon  substantially 
the  same  ground,  is  held  out  to  Moab. 

3.  25,  12-14.  On  Edom.  The  Edomites  are  charged  with 
taking  advantage  of  the  opportunity  of  Judah's  extremity  to  pay 
off  old  scores  :  in  this  instance,  Jehovah's  vengeance  will  be 
exacted  of  them  by  the  hand  of  Israel  itself. 

4.  25,  15-17.  On  the  Philistines.  The  Philistines  were  always 
ready,  when  occasion  offered,  to  manifest  their  hatred  or  con- 
tempt (16,  27.  57)  for  Judah;  and  it  may  be  inferred  from  the 
present  passage  that  they  did  so  after  the  great  misfortune  which 
had  now  befallen  it.  For  this  they  are  threatened  by  Jehovah 
with  extinction. 

5.  26,    I — 28,    19.  On  Tyre.     In   the   eleventh  year   of  the 

exile,  B.C.  586,  shortly  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (alluded  to  in 

26,  2). 

The  number  of  the  month  has  dropped  out  in  26,  i  :  it  must  have  been 
one  later  than  the  fourth,  the  month  in  which  Jerusalem  was  taken,  Jer.  52, 
6  f.  The  Phoenicians  appear  as  vassals  of  Nebuchadnezzar  in  Jer.  27,  3  ff. 
(c-  593).  Afterwards  they  carried  into  effect  what  they  were  already  then 
planning,  and  revolted — doubtless  in  concert  with  Judah  and  other  neighbour- 
ing states.  At  the  time  of  Jerusalem's  fall,  Nebuchadnezzar  was  in  the  land 
of  Hamath  (Jer.  52,  9) ;  and  he  must  soon  afterwards  have  begun  his  famous 
siege  of  Tyre,  the  commencement  of  which  Ezek.  here  anticipates,  and  which, 
according  to  Josephus  (quoting  from  Phoenician  sources),  lasted  for  13  years. 
Nebuchadnezzar,  though  he  must  have  seriously  crippled  the  resources  and 
trade  of  Tyre,  did  not,  as  Ezek.  himself  owns  (29,  18),  succeed  in  reducing  it. 
Tyre  was  always  less  important  politically  than  commercially  ;  and  the  fame 
which  the  Tyrians  enjoyed  as  the  great  seafaring  nation  of  antiquity,  and  as 


270  LITERATURE  OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

owning,  moreover,  an  ancient  and  illustrious  city,  is  no  doubt  the  reason  why 
Ezek.  deals  with  them  at  such  length.  He  devotes  to  them,  in  fact,  three 
distinct  prophecies,  treating  the  Tyrian  power  under  dififerent  aspects. 

{a)  C.  26.  The  rich  merchant-city,  which  rejoices  over  the  ruin 
of  Jerusalem,  and  hopes  to  turn  it  to  her  own  profit,  will  feel 
Jehovah's  anger :  the  nations  will  come  up  against  her  and 
destroy  her,  vv.  2-6,  even  Nebuchadnezzar,  with  his  hosts  and* 
implements  of  war,  vv.  7-14  ;  the  tidings  of  her  fall  will  produce 
a  profound  impression  upon  the  seafaring  nations  of  the  world, 
vv.  15-21.  {b)  C.  27.  A  vivid  and  striking  picture  of  the  com- 
mercial greatness  of  Tyre,  soon  to  come  to  an  end.  Tyre  is  erO' 
represented  as  a  shtj>^  to  the  equipment  of  which  every  quarter 
of  the  world  has  contributed  its  best,  which  is  manned  by  skilful 
mariners  and  defended  by  brave  warriors  {vv.  i-ii),  but  which, 
nevertheless  {vv.  26-36),  to  the  astonishment  and  horror  of  all 
beholders,  is  wrecked,  and  founders  on  the  high  seas.  The 
figure  is  not,  however,  consistently  maintained  throughout ; 
already  in  v.  9^  ff.  the  language  shows  that  the  city  is  in  the 
prophet's  mind;  and  vv.  12-25  ^^^  devoted  to  a  graphic  and 
powerful  description  of  the  many  nations  who  flocked  to  Tyre 
with  their  different  wares.  The  contrast  between  the  splendour 
depicted  in  vv.  1-25  and  the  ruin  oiv.  26  ff.  is  tragically  con- 
ceived. The  chapter  is  one  of  peculiar  archaeological  and 
historical  interest,  {c)  28,  1-19.  Against  the  king  of  Tyre.  The 
king  of  Tyre  is  represented  as  claiming  to  be  a  god,  and  to 
possess  Divine  prerogatives ;  but  he  will  be  powerless,  Esek. 
declares,  in  the  day  when  the  nations,  at  Jehovah's  summons, 
advance  against  him,  vv.  i-io.  In  a  second  paragraph  Ezek., 
with  sarcastic  allusion  to  these  pretensions  of  the  Tyrian  king, 
describes  him  as  a  cherub  decked  with  gold  and  precious  orna- 
ments, and  placed  on  the  mountain  of  God  (or,  of  the  gods)  to 
guard  the  treasures  there  ;  but  now,  for  his  crimes,  to  be  degraded 
from  his  eminence,  and  made  a  mockery  to  all  men,  vv.  11-19. 

6.  28,  20-26.  On  Sidon.  A  short  prophecy,  threatening  Sidon 
with  siege  and  invasion,  and  closing  with  a  promise  addressed  to 
Israel. 

7.  C.  29 — 32.  A  group  of  six  prophecies  on  Egypt. 

Zedekiah's  revolt  from  the  Chaldseans  had  been  accomplished  in  reliance 
upon  Egyptian  help  (17,  15);  but  the  army  which  they  despatched  to  the 
relief  of  Jerusalem,  and  which  even  necessitated  Nebuchadnezzar's  raising  the 


EZEKIEL. 


271 


siege  (Jer.  37,  5ff.  34,  21  f.),  speedily  withdrew  :  and  the  Chaldrcans,  as  Jer. 
foresaw  would  be  the  case,  reinvested  the  city,  Ezek.  here  declares  the  igno- 
minious humiliation  of  the  boastful,  but  incapable  power  (cf.  Is.  30,  7),  which 
had  so  often  exerted  a  seductive  influence  over  Israel,  but  had  ever  failed  it 
in  the  time  of  need. 

{a)  C  29,  1-16  (loth  month  of  the  loth  year  of  the  exile,  6 
months  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem).  The  humiliation  of  Egypt. 
Pharaoh  Hophra,  king  of  Egypt,  is  figured  as  a  river-monster 
(the  crocodile),  secure  in  its  native  haunts,  but  soon  to  be  drawn 
thence  by  Jehovah,  and  left  to  perish  miserably  on  the  open 
field,  vv.  1-7.  An  invading  foe  will  depopulate  Egypt ;  and  the 
country  will  be  desolate  for  40  years,  vv.  8-12;  at  the  end  of 
that  time  the  Egyptian  exiles  will  return,  and  a  new  Egyptian 
kingdom  will  be  established,  but  one  too  weak  and  unimportant 
to  inspire  Israel  again  with  false  confidence,  vv.  13-16.  {I?)  29, 
17-21.  An  appendix  to  vv.  1-16,  added  16  years  afterwards,  in 
the  27th  year  of  the  exile  (  =  b.c.  570).  Nebuchadnezzar,  though 
in  his  attack  upon  Tyre  he  was  carrying  out  Jehovah's  purpose 
(cf.  Jer.  25,  9),  had  failed  to  capture  it;  and  the  conquest  of 
Egypt  is  here  promised  him  as  compensation  for  his  unrewarded 
service,  {c)  30,  1-19  (sequel  to  29,  1-16).  The  ruin  imminent 
upon  Egypt  will  affect  the  nation  in  its  entirety  :  her  army,  her 
people,  her  idols,  her  cities,  will  all  suffer  alike,  {d)  30,  20-26 
(first  month  of  the  nth  year  of  the  exile,  i.e.  3  months  before 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem).  Ezek.,  alluding  to  the  recent  failure  of  the 
Egyptian  army  to  relieve  Jerusalem  {vv.  21.  22  the  "broken 
arm")  predicts  for  Egypt  still  further  disaster,  (e)  C.  31  (3rd 
month  of  the  nth  year  of  the  exile,  5  weeks  before  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem).  The  proud  cedar-tree.  The  king  of  Egypt,  in  his 
greatness  is  compared  to  a  spreading  and  majestic  cedar :  the 
fall  of  this  cedar,  and  the  dismay  which  it  will  occasion  in  the 
world,  are  picturec^quely  described.  (/)  C.  32,  1-16  (12th 
month  of  the  12th  year  of  the  exile,  i.e.  19  months  after  the  fall 
of  Jerusalem,  B.C.  584).  A  lamentation  on  Egypt's  approaching 
disgrace.  Pharaoh,  representing  Egypt,  is  compared,  as  in  c.  29, 
to  a  crocodile  dragged  far  from  its  accustomed  haunts,  and  cast 
upon  the  dry  land  :  its  giant  body  covers  hill  and  vale,  and  blood 
streaming  from  it  stains  the  earth  :  heaven  and  earth  are  aghast 
at  the  spectacle,  {g)  Vv.  17-32  (14  days  after  z'v.  1-16:  in  v. 
17    "in    the  twelfth  month "  has   probably  dropped  out).     An 


2/2  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

elegy,  describing  the  final  end  of  the  king  of  Egypt  and  all  his 
multitude.  Their  corpses  lying  unburied  on  the  battle-field,  the 
prophet  pictures  their  shades  descending  to  the  under-world 
(Sheol),  and  imagines  the  ironical  greeting  which  they  will  there 
receive  from  the  various  peoples  who  once  spread  terror  in  the 
earth,  but  who  now  repose  in  their  several  resting-places  in  the 
recesses  of  Sheol :  Egypt  is  at  length  become  like  one  of  them. 

III.  C.  33 — 48.  Israel's  restoration. 

I.  C.  33 — 39.  The  land  and  people. 

C.  :iS-  '^he  prophet.  By  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  the  truth  of 
Ezek.'s  predictions  was  brilliantly  confirmed:  the  exiles  would' 
now  be  longer  unwilling  to  hear  him.  Accordingly  the  respon- 
sibiHty  of  the  prophetic  office  is  again  (see  3,  16-21)  impressed 
upon  him,  vv.  1-9;  and  he  reaffirms  publicly  (v.  10)  his  doctrine 
of  individual  responsibility  (see  c.  18),  with  the  object  of  show- 
ing that  no  one,  if  he  repents  in  time,  need  despair  of  the  Divine 
mercy.  These  truths  had  been  borne  in  upon  him  (z'.  22)  during 
a  prophetic  trance  into  which  he  had  fallen  on  the  evening  before 
the  tidings  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  reached  the  exiles.  It  was 
the  crucial  date,  which  had  been  indicated  to  him  before  (24, 
25-27),  as  that  after  which  his  mouth  would  be  no  longer  closed. 
Fv.  23-29  are  directed  against  the  remnant  who  were  left  in 
Judah,  and  who  cherished  the  vain  hope  that  they  would  be  able 
to  maintain  themselves  there  in  something  like  their  former  state. 

C.  34.  The  advent  of  the  Messianic  kingdom.  The  respon- 
sible rulers  of  the  nation  have  woefully  neglected  their  trust. 
The  people  consequently  have  in  diff*erent  ways  suff"ered  violence, 
and  even  been  driven  forcibly  from  their  home  :  Jehovah  Him- 
self will  take  them  by  the  hand  and  restore  them.  The  figure 
of  Jer.  23,  1-4  is  here  developed  by  Ezek.  in  detail. 

C.  35 — 36.  The  land.  After  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  the  Edomites 
had  obtained  possession  of  a  portion  of  the  territory  of  Judah,  and 
manifested  an  ill-natured  delight  in  their  rival's  humiliation.  The 
prophet  declares  that  for  this  unseemly  ebullition  of  hatred, 
Edom  shall  become  a  perpetual  desolation  (c.  35),  while  Judah, 
which  is  now  the  reproach  and  derision  of  its  neighbours,  will  be 
repeopled,  and  receive  of  Jehovah's  hand  an  abundant  blessing, 
2,6,  1-15.  In  36,  16-38  the  prophet  draws  out  the  ultimate 
ground  of  Israel's  restoration  :  Israel's  dispersion,  viz.,  caused 
Jehovah's  i)ower  to  be  doubted,  and  His  honour  sullied,  among 


EZEKIEL. 


273 


the  heathen :  that  this  might  not  endure  for  ever,  Jehovah 
Himself  brings  Israel  back,  at  the  same  time,  by  an  act  of  grace, 
purging  its  guilt,  and  imparting  to  it  a  new  heart. 

C  37.  The  people,  {a)  Vv.  1-14.  The  vision  of  the  valley  of 
dry  bones.  Israel  had  in  appearance  ceased  to  be  a  nation  ;  the 
people  distrusted  the  future,  and  had  abandoned  all  hope  of 
restoration  {v.  11^).  By  the  striking  symbolism  of  this  vision 
they  are  taught  that  God  can  endow  the  seemingly  dead  nation 
with  fresh  life,  and  plant  it  again  in  its  old  land  {^.  14).  (p) 
Vv.  15-28.  Judah,  however,  will  not  be  restored  alone;  Ephraim 
also  will  share  in  the  blessings  promised  for  the  future ;  and  both 
houses  of  Israel  will  be  united  in  the  dominion  of  the  Messianic 
king.  Jehovah's  dwelling  will  be  over  them,  and  the  nations 
will  acknowledge  His  presence  in  Israel. 

The  thought  of  the  restoration  of  Ephraim  as  well  as  Judah  occurs  fre- 
quently elsewhere  in  the  prophets  (Hos.  i,  11.  3,  5.  Is.  ii,  13.  Mic.  2,  12. 
5,  3.  Jer.  3,  18.  31,  5fif.),  and  in  Ezek.  himself  (4,  4.  5  (Orelli).  16,  53  ff.  11^ 
II.  39>  25.  47,  13  ff.).      Vv.  27,  28  are  a  prelude  of  c.  40  ff.  (esp.  43,  7-9). 

C.  38 — 39.  Jehovah's  final  triumph  over  the  world.  Ezek.  here 
develops  in  a  new  form  his  fundamental  thought  that  Jehovah's 
"  name  "  must  be  vindicated  in  history,  and  acknowledged  in  its 
greatness  by  the  nations  of  the  earth.  He  imagines  an  attack  of 
hordes  from  the  north,  organized  upon  a  gigantic  scale,  against 
the  restored  nation,  but  ending,  through  Jehovah's  intervention, 
in  their  total  and  ignominious  discomfiture,  -^^^  i-39)  16.  The 
spectacle  will  afford  ocular  evidence  to  the  world  of  Jehovah's 
power,  and  of  the  favourable  regard  which  He  will  henceforth 
bestow  upon  His  restored  and  renovated  people,  39,  17-29. 

The  imagery  of  38,  4  flf.  may  have  been  suggested  to  Ezek.  by  the  hordes  of 
Scythians,  which  had  poured  into  Asia  during  the  reign  of  Josiah,  spreading 
consternation  far  and  wide  (see  p.  237).  The  same  representation  of  an  ideal 
defeat  of  nations,  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  annihilating  Israel,  will  meet 
us  again  in  Joel  and  Zechariah.  Comp.  on  this  prophecy,  C.  H.  H.  Wright, 
Biblical  Essays,  pp.  99-137' 

2.  C.  40 — 48.  The  constitution  of  the  restored  theocracy 
(25th  year  of  the  exile  =  572  B.C.).  Ezek.  is  brought  in  a  vision 
to  Jerusalem,  where  he  sees  the  Temple  rebuilt.  He  describes 
at  length  its  structure  and  arrangements ;  and  lays  down  direc- 
tions respecting  its  services  and  ministers,  and  the  distribution  of 
the  reoccupied  territory.     Ezek.,  as  a  priest,  and  as  one  to  whon] 

S 


2/4  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  associations  of  the  Temple  were  evidently  dear,  attaches 
greater  weight  to  the  ceremonial  observances  of  religion  than  was 
usually  done  by  the  prophets ;  and  he  here  defines  the  principles 
by  which  he  would  have  the  ritual  of  the  restored  conmi unity 
regulated.      Both    the   arrangements    of   the    Temple    and    the 
rit'J':'.!  to  be  observed  are  evidently  founded  upon  ])re-exilic  prac- 
tice, che   modihcailons  which  Ezek.  introduces  being  designed 
with  the  view  of  better  securing  certain  ends  which  he  deems  of 
paramount  importance.     The  Temple  is  Jehovah's  earthly  resi- 
dence :  in  the  restored  community,  which  Ezek.  imagines  to  be  so 
transformed  as  to  be  truly  worthy  of  Him  (36,  22-36),  He  will 
manifest   His  presence    more   fully  than  He  had  done    before 
(37,  25-28) ;  His  re-entry  into  the  Temple,  and  His  abiding  pre- 
sence there,  are  the  two  thoughts  in  which  c.  40 — 48  culminate 
(43,   1-9.  48,  35) ;  to  maintain,  on  the  one  hand  the   sanctity 
of  the  Temple,  and  on  the  other  the  holiness  of  the  people,  is 
the  aim  of  the  entire  system  of  regulations.     Accordingly  special 
precautions  are  taken  to  guard  the  Temple,  the  holy  things,  and 
the  officiating  priests,  from  profanation.     The  inner  Court  of  the 
Temple  is  to  be  entered  by  none  of  the  laity,  not  even  by  the 
"prince"  (46,   iff.);  no  foreigners  are  for  the  future  to  assist 
the  priests  in  their  ministrations ;  instead  of  the  Temple  build- 
ings being   (as  those  of  the   pre-exilic  Temple  were)  in  close 
proximity  to  the  city  and  royal  palace  (so  that  the  residence,  and 
even ,  the  burial-ground,   of  the  kings    encroached  upon  them, 
43,  7-9),  they  are  to  be  surrounded  by  the  domain  of  the  priests, 
the  city  lying  altogether  to  the  south  of  this.     The  redistribution 
of  the  territories  of  the  tribes  has  the  effect  of  bringing  the  Temple 
more  completely  into  the  centre  of  the  land.     The  rights  of  the 
"  prince''  are  limited  :  he  is  no  longer  to  enjoy  the  prerogatives 
of  the  old  Davidic  king,  who  treated  the  Temple  almost  as  his 
private  chapel,  entered  its  precincts  as  he  pleased,  and  obliged 
the  priests  to  give  effect  to  his  wishes.     He  has,  however,  certain 
religious    duties    to    perform;    but    his    political    significance    is 
reduced  to  a  minimum  :  he  is,  in  fact,  little  more  than  the  repre- 
sentative  of  the    nation    in    matters  of  religion.      Though    the 
details  are  realistically  conceived,  it  is  evident  that  there  is  an 
ideal  element  in  Ezek.'s  representations,  which  in  many  respects 
it  was  found  in  the  event  impossible  to  put  into  practice. 

(i.)  The  Temple,  c.  40 — 43.  («)  Description  and  measurements 


EZEKIEL. 


275 


of  the  outer  Court,  with  its  gateways  and  chambers,  40,  5-27  ; 
{b)  description  and  measurements  of  the  iJiner  Court,  with  its 
gateways  and  chambers,  40,  28-47  ;  W  the  Temple— the  dimen- 
sions of  its  various  parts,  the  "side-chambers"  (cf.  i  Ki.  6,  5) 
surrounding  it,  and  its  decorations,  40,  48 — 41,  26  ;i  {d)  the 
chambers  north  and  south  of  the  Temple  (between  the  outer  and 
inner  Courts)  to  serve  as  sacristies  or  vestries  for  the  priests,  42, 
^-14;  W  the  external  measurements  of  the  whole  complex  of 
buildings,  42,  15-20;  (/)  the  Temple  being  thus  represented  as 
complete,  Jehovah,  under  the  same  symbolical  representation  as 
before  (c.  i.  c.  8-10),  solemnly  resumes  possession  of  it,  entering 
by  the  same  east  gate  of  the  outer  Court  by  which  Ezek.,  nearly 
nineteen  years  previously,  had  seen  Him  leave  it  (10,  19),  43, 
1-12;  {g)  the  altar  of  Burnt-offering  (noticed  briefly,  40,  47), 
with  instructions  for  the  ceremonial  to  be  observed  at  its  conse- 
cration, 43,  13-27. 

(2.)  The  Temple  and  the  people,  c.  44 — 46.  The  central  aim 
of  the  regulations  contained  in  these  chapters  is  to  maintain  the 
sanctity  of  the  Temple  inviolate,  {a)  The  east  gate  of  the  outer 
Court,  by  which  Jehovah  entered,  to  be  permanently  shut,  44, 
1-3  ;  ip)  no  foreigner  to  be  admitted  for  the  future  to  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  Temple,  even  for  the  performance  of  subordinate 
offices:  menial  services  for  the  worshippers  (44,  11^)  are  to  be 
performed  henceforth  by  those  members  of  the  tribe  of  Levi 
who  had  acted  as  priests  at  the  high  places,  the  right  to  exercise 
priestly  functions  being  confined  strictly  to  the  sons  of  Zadok, 
44,  4-16  ;  (<r)  regulations  on  the  dress,  habits,  duties,  and  revenues 
of  the  priests,  44,  17-31  ;  {d)  the  "oblation,"  or  sacred  territory, 
occupied  by  the  Temple  area,  and  by  the  domains  of  the  priests 
and  Levites  \  and  the  possessions  reserved  for  the  city,  and 
"  prince,"  respectively,  45,  1-8 ;  {e)  specified  dues,  to  be  i)aid  to 
the  "  prince,"  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him,  without  arbitrary 
exactions,  to  maintain,  in  the  name  of  the  community,  the  public 
services  of  the  Temple,  45,  9-17  ;  (/)  the  half-yearly  (45,  18.  20 
RV.  7na?'g.)  rite  of  atonement  for  the  Temple  ;  and  the  sacrifices 
to  be  offered  by  the  "  prince  "  on  various  occasions,  with  regula- 
tions respecting  the  manner  in  which  the  outer  Court  of  the 
Temple  is  to  be  entered  by  the  laity,  45,  18 — 46,  15. 

^  The   "separate  place,"  with  the  "building,"  41,    12 -14,  was  a  kind  of 
yard  with  outhouses,  at  the  back  of  the  Temple,  for  the  removal  of  refuse,  &c. 


276  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

46,  I  ff.  the  east  gate  of  the  inner  Court  is  to  be  opened  on  Sabbaths 
and  New  Moons,  but  the  "  prince  "  is  to  have  no  right  of  entry  within  it ;  at 
most,  he  may  mount  the  steps  to  the  threshold  of  the  gate  leading  into  it, 
and  worship  there  while  the  priest  is  offering  the  sacrifice  ;  on  high  festivals 
he  is  to  enter  and  leave  the  outer  Court,  just  like  the  people  generally. 

(;^)  (Appendix  to  45,  7  f.)  Limitation  of  the  rights  to  be  exer- 
cised by  the  "prince"  over  his  own  and  his  subjects'  landed 
possessions,  46,  16-18;  {h)  (Appendix  to  42,  i3f.)  the  places 
reserved  in  the  inner  and  outer  Courts  for  cooking  the  sacrifices 
appertaining  to  the  priests  and  people  respectively,  46,  19-24. 

(3.)  The  Temple  and  the  land,  c.  47 — 48.  {a)  The  barren 
l)arts  of  the  land  (in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Dead  Sea)  to  be 
fertilized,  and  the  waters  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  be  sweetened,  by  a 
stream  issuing  forth  from  underneath  the  Temple,  47,  1-12. 

V.  II.  An  exception,  showing  the  practical  turn  of  the  prophet's  mind  :  the 
marshes  beside  the  Dead  Sea  to  remain  as  they  are  on  account  of  the  excellent 
salt  which  ihey  furnish. 

{b)  The  borders  of  the  land  to  be  occupied  by  the  restored 
community,  47,  13-23.  {c)  Disposition  of  the  tribes — the  7  north 
of  the  Temple,  48,  1-7  ;  the  "  oblation,"  or  strip  of  sacred  land 
south  of  these,  with  the  Temple,  surrounded  by  the  priests' 
[)Ossessions,  in  the  centre,  the  Levites'  land  and  the  city  on  the 
north  and  south  of  these  respectively,  and  with  the  domain  of 
the  prince  (in  two  parts)  on  the  east  and  west,  vv.  8-22  (cf.  45, 
1-8);  the  5  tribes  south  of  the  Temple,  vv.  23-29;  the  12  gates  of 
the  city,  and  its  m-mQ^  Jehovah  is  there,  symbolizing  the  central 
thought  of  the  entire  prophecy,  vv.  30-35  (contrast  c.  22). 

Ezekiel  emphasizes  in  particular  the  power  and  holiness  of 
God.  His  standing  designation  of  God  is  "  Lord  Jehovah,"  for 
which  the  title  "  God  of  Israel " — which  Jeremiah,  for  instance, 
uses  constantly — only  appears  on  special  occasions  (c.  8  — 11. 
43,  3.  44,  2);  and  in  His  presence,  he  is  himself  only  a  "son  of 
man."  The  dominant  motive  of  the  Divine  action  is  the  dread 
lest  His  holy  name  should  be  profaned  :  on  the  other  hand,  in 
His  people's  restoration  or  in  an  act  of  judgment.  His  name  is 
sanctified,  i.e.  its  holiness  is  vindicated  (36,  23  f.  38,  23.  39,  7. 
27).  These  truths  find  expression  in  Ezekiel's  mo-t  character- 
istic phrase,  "And  ihey  {or  ye)  shall  know  that  I  am  Jehovah" 
(above  50  times).     This  phrase  is  most  commonly  attached  to  the 


EZEKIEL. 


277 


announcement  of  a  judgment,i  but  sometimes  it  follows  a  promise 
of  restoration.  It  strikes  the  keynote  of  Ezek's  prophecies. 
To  the  unbelieving  mass  of  the  people,  as  to  the  heathen,  it 
must  have  seemed  that  in  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  Jehovah  had 
proved  Himself  unable  to  cope  with  the  enemies  of  His  people  : 
Ezek.  sees  in  it  a  manifestation  of  Jehovah's  holiness  visiting  Israel 
for  its  sins  (cf.  39,  23  f.),  and  He  insists  that  the  course  of  history 
will  bring  with  it  other,  not  less  striking,  manifestations  of  His 
Godhead.  Thus  in  his  prophecies  on  foreign  nations  the  same 
refrain  constantly  occurs  (25,  5.  7.  n.  17.  28,  24  eS:c.) :  the 
judgment  on  each  is  a  fresh  proof  of  Jehovah's  power,  which  is 
finally  vindicated  most  signally  in  the  ideal  defeat  of  nations, 
whom  Ezek.  pictures  as  marshalled  against  the  restored  nation  in 
the  future  (38,  23  ;  39,  6  L  22).  To  His  faithful  people,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  blessings  which  Jehovah  will  pour  upon  them 
are  an  additional  and  special  evidence  of  the  same  truth  (20,  42. 
34,  27.  36,  II.  38.  37,  13.  14.  39,  28).  In  His  attitude  towards 
His  people,  Jehovah  is  the  righteous  Judge,  who  is  merciful 
towards  the  repentant  sinner,  but  deals  sternly  with  the 
rebellious  (3,  i6fif.  c.  18.  t,t,).  But  the  prophet's  exertions  to 
gain  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-countrymen  were  indifferently 
rewarded ;  hence,  Israel's  restoration  in  the  last  resort  depends 
upon  Jehovah  alone,  who  will  work  in  the  future,  as  He  had  done 
in  the  past  (20,  9.  14.  22.  44), y^r  Nis  name^s  sake  (36,  23;  cf. 
39,  7.  25).  ''Jehovah  fm^st  restore  Israel,  for  so  only  can  His 
sole  Godhead,  which  the  ruin  of  His  people  had  caused  to  be 
questioned  (c.  25 — 32),  be  generally  acknowledged  in  the  world; 
He  ca7i  restore  Israel,  for  of  His  free  grace  He  forgives  His 
people's  sin  and  by  the  workings  of  His  Spirit  transforms  their  hard 
heart  (36,  26  f.  39,  29)."  For  the  future  which  Ezek.  thus  antici- 
pates, the  prophet's  chief  aim  is  to  make  provision  that  Israel 
should  not  lapse  again  into  its  former  sins ;  and  hence  the  new 
constitution  which  he  projects  for  it,  c.  40 — 48.  Ezek.  is  very  far, 
indeed,  from  depreciating  moral  ordinances  (c.  18.  :^:^  &c.);  but 
he  finds  the  best  guarantee  for  their  abservance,  as  well  as  the 
best  preventive  against  all  forms  of  idolatry,  in  a  well-ordered 
ceremonial  system ;  and  this  he  develops  in  c.  40 — 48.  The 
restored  Temple  assumes  a  central  significance ;  to  guard  it,  and 
all  connected  with  it,  from  a  repetition  of  the  profanation  which 
1  6,  7,  10.  13.  14.  7,  4-  9-  ^7-  ")  10.  12  Sec. 


2/8  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

it  had  experienced  in  the  past  (5,  11.  c.  8 — ii.  43,  7  f.),  to  teach 
the  nation  to  reverence  it  aright,  to  render  Israel  worthy  of  the 
God  who  would  thus  make  His  dwelling  in  their  midst,  is  the  aim 
and  scope  of  the  concluding  chapters  of  his  book. 

The  literary  style  of  Ezek.  is  strongly  marked.  He  uses  many 
peculiar  words  ;  and  stereotyped  phrases  occur  in  his  book  with 
great  frequency.  He  is  fond  of  artificial  kinds  of  composition, 
especially  symbol,  allegory,  and  parable,  which  he  sometimes 
develops  at  great  length  (e.g.  c.  16.  23.  31),  and  elaborates  in 
much  greater  detail  than  is  done  by  other  prophets.  He  has 
imagination,  but  not  poetical  talent.  He  is  the  most  uniformly 
prosaic  of  the  earlier  prophets,  Jeremiah,  though  often  also  adopt- 
ing a  prose  style  (e.g.  c.  7),  rising  much  more  frequently  into  the 
form  of  poetry,  and  displaying  genuine  poetic  feeling.  The  style 
of  poetry  which  Ezek.  principally  affects  is  the  Qma/i,  or  lamenta- 
tion, the  rhythmical  form  of  which  is  sometimes  distinctly  audible 
in  his  prophecies.^  Only  very  rarely  does  he  essay  a  lyric  strain 
(7)  5~7-  10  f-  21,  9  ff.),  of  a  species  peculiar  to  himself.  His 
allegories  and  long  descriptive  passages  are,  as  a  rule,  skilfully 
and  lucidly  arranged  :  the  obscurities  which  some  of  them  pre- 
sent (especially  c.  40  ff.)  are  probably  due  chiefly  to  corruption 
of  the  text.  Most  of  the  prophets  display  spontaneity  :  Ezek.'s 
book  evinces  reflection  and  study :  his  prophecies  seem  often  to 
be  the  fruit  of  meditations,  thought  out  in  the  retirement  of  his 
chamber.  The  volume  of  his  prophecies  is  methodically 
i-^anged,  evidently  by  his  own  hand  :  his  book  in  this  respect 
the  city,  striking  contrast  with  those  of  Isaiah  or  Jeremiah. 

°     .      IS  characteristic  of  Ezekiel : — 
I^zekiel    v;^^;/  (Q-ix  p),  in  addressing  the  prophet  :  2,  I.  3.  3,  I.   3.  4, 
God.      His  constantly  (nearly  100  times)  ;  often  in  the  phrase,  An//  thoii^ 
which  the  \\\\mati:  2,  6.  8.  3,  25.  4,  i.  5,  i  &c.     Elsewhere  (as  a  title), 
uses  constantlf  •  ^'  ^7- 

41    •1.  44    2)  •  a^"^  ^'^'''^''  ^"'"'^''  ■  ^'  ^'  3'  "•  ^^  ^^'  ^^^^"'^^  ^^^"  ^°°  ^^"""^^ 
"      „',,  .     In  otiier  prophets  occasionally,  but  far  less  frequently  : 

man.        I  he  doi  ^^  ^^^^^  -^^  j^^^^^    j^  ^  y_^  p,_y_^  ..  L^^.^  q^^^,, 

lest   His   holy  rv^JUousness  {^-\t:i  rri\  of  Israel  :  2,   5.  6.  8.   3,  9.  26.  27. 
His  people's  restC25.  17,  12.  24,  3f  :  rebelUousitess  alone  (LXX  house  of), 
sanctified,  i.e.  its  iComp.  Nu.  17,  10  [H.  16,  35]  P  no  ^:n;  Is.  30,  9. 
27).      These  truths    5*  ^'  ^'  ^'  ^"*^  often  (in  all  27  times).     The  jilur.  of 

istic   phrase,  "  Anc^g^  jg  f.,  and  parts  of  32,  17-32.     See  Budde,  ZATIV. 
(above  50  times),     oclow,  under  Lamentations. 


EZEKIEL. 


2/9 


this  word  gxt2X\y preponderates  in  later  writers:  Gen.  lo,  5.  20.  31 
(P).  26,  3.  4.  41,  54.  Lev.  26,  36.  39;  then  not  till  2  Ki.  18,  35. 
19,  II  ;  never  in  other  prophets  except  Jer.  7  times,  Dan.  3  times; 
in  Chr.  Ezr.  Neli.  22  times. 

5.  Behold,  I  am  against  .  .   .  usually  t/iee  or  yoi(  (^X  or  Sv  ''i:n)  :  5,  8. 

13,  8.  20.  21,  3  [H.  8].  23,  10.  26,  3.  28,  22.  29,  3.  30,  22.  34,  10. 
35>  3-  36,  9  {toward,— in  a  favourable  sense).  38,  3.  39,  i.  So 
Nah   2,  14   3,  5.  Jer.  21,  13.  23,  30.  31.  32.  50,  31.  51,  25.! 

6.  7o  satisfy  (lit.  drin£  to  rest)  my  fury  upon  .   .  .  :  5,  13.  16,  42.  21,  17 

[H.  22].  24,  13. f 

7.  /,  Jehovah,  have  spoken  it,  usually  as  a  closing  asseveration  :  5,  13.  15. 

17.  17,  21.  21,  17.  32  [H.  22.  37].  24,  14.  26,  14.  30,  12.  34,  24; 
followed  by  ''n''C''yi  and  have  done  it  (or  tvill  do  it),  17,  24.  22,  14. 
36,  36.  37,  14  ^o  /  have  spoken  it:  23,  34.  26,  5.  28,  10.  39,  5. 
Comp.  Nu.  14,  35.     Not  so  in  any  other  prophet. 

8.  uhh'^  idols :  6,  4-6.  9.  13,  and  often  (39  times) ;  see  p.  192,  No.  33. 

9.  And  .   .   .  shall  know  that  I  am  Jehovah  {ste^.  276  f.).     Comp.  in  1', 

Ex.  6,  7.  7,  5.  14,  4.  8.  16,  12.  29,  46.  Occasionally  besides,  Ex. 
10,  2.  I  Ki.  20,  13.  28.  Is.  49,  23.  26.  60,  16.  Joel  3,  17. 

10.  Set  thy  face  tozmrd  ox  against  (  .  .   .  *]''3D  D''C')  :  6,  2.  13,  17.  20,  46. 

21,  2  [H.  21,  2.  7].  25,  2.  28,  21.  29,  2.  35,  2.  38,  2. 

11.  D"'P''SX  water-courses  (often  joined  with  7)ioiintains,  hills,  and  valleys, 

for  the  purpose  of  designating  a  country):  6,  3.  31,  12.  32,  6.  34, 

13-  35>  8.  36,4.  6. 

12.  77^^  mountains  of  Israel:  6,  2.  3.  19,  9.  33,  28.  34,   13.  14.  35,  12.  36, 

I  bis.  4.  8.  37,  22.  Z^,  8.  39,  2.  4.  17  ;  cf.  34,  14.  A  combination 
peculiar  to  Ez. 

13.  Stumbling-block  of  iniquity :  7,  19.  14,  3.  4.  7.  18,  30.  44,  12. 

14.  t<^t^'2  riil^')'  or  /r/«r^  (applied  sometimes  to  the  king)  :  7,  27.  12,  10. 

12.  19,  I.  21,  12  (H.  17).  25  (H.  30).  22,  6.  34,  24.  y],  25.  45,  8. 
9;  and  often  (in  the  sing.)  c.  44—48-  Not  of  Israel,  26,  P6.  27, 
21.  30,  13.  32,  29.  38,  2.  3.  39,  I.  18.  This  term  is  used  by  no 
other  prophet,  and  is  very  rare  elsewhere,  except  in  P  (p.  126). 

15.  A  subject  opened   by  means  of  a  question  :  8,  6.  12.  15.   17  (so  47,  6). 

12,  22.  15,  2  fT.  18,  2.  19,  2.  20,  3.  4.  22,  2.  23,  36.  31,  2.  18.  32, 
19-  37,  3;  cf.  17,  9.  10.  15. 
16.    To  put  a  person's  way  upon  his  head  {i.e.  to  requite  hnn)  -|-n  ;n: 
^^'\:i  :  9,  10.  II,  21.    16,  43-   22,  31;  cf.   17,   19-      Only  besides 
I   Ki.  8,  32  1|.     (t:^wS"in  nyn  a^Cn  is  the  more  common  synonym.) 

17.  D^D:iX  wings:  12,  14.  17,  21.  38,  6  bis.  9.  22.  39,  4-t 

18.  OSC^  contempt,   ly^'^  to  contemn  (Aram.)  :  16,  57-25,  6.  15.  28,  24.  26. 

36,  5. 

19.  /«  the  time  of  the  iniquity  of  the  end:  21,  25.  29  (H.  30.  34)-  35'  5- 

On  Ezek.'s  affinities  with  the  priestly  terminology,  esp.  with  the  Law  of 
Holiness,  see  above,  pp.  45  f-  1^3  ff-  ^Z^  «"•  ^T^  ^7  f.  43,  7-  9,  it  is  to 
be  noted,  express  a  fundamental  thought  of  the  Priests'  Code  (p.  122). 


CHAPTER  VI, 
THE  MINOR  PROPHETS, 

Literature.— F.  Hitzig  (in  the  Kgf.  Exeg,  Handb.),  1838,  ed.  3,  1863,  ed. 
4,  by  H.  Steiner  (with  slight  additions  and  alterations,  but  substantially  un- 
changed), 1881  ;  H.  Ewald,  in  his  Propheten  des  AB.s,  1840-41,  ed.  2, 
1867-68  (translated);  C.  F.  Keil,  1866,  ed.  2,  1888;  E.  B.  Pusey,  The  Minor 
Prophets,  with  a  Commentary  explajiatory  and  practical ;  C.  von  Orelli  (p. 
260)  ;  F.  W.  Farrar,  The  Minor  Prophets,  their  lives  and  times,  in  the 
*'  Men  of  the  Bible  "  series,  1890  (useful).  The  articles  in  the  Encycl.  Brit. 
(ed.  9)  may  also  often  be  consulted  with  advantage. 

On  particular  prophets  the  following  may  be  specially  noticed  : — 

Ilosea : — Ed.  Pocock  (Regius  Professor  of  Hebrew  in  Oxford),  Comm.  on 
Hosea,  1685  (exhaustive,  for  the  date  at  which  it  was  written) ;  Aug.  Wiinsche, 
Der  Proph.  Hosea,  1868  (with  copious  quotations  from  Jewish  authorities) ; 
W,  Nowack,  Der  Proph.  Hosea  erkliirt,  1880;  A.  B.  Davidson  in  the  Ex- 
positor, 1879,  p.  241  ff.;  W.  R.  Smith,  Prophets  of  Israel,  Lect.  iv.;  T.  K. 
Cheyne,  Hosta,  with  notes  and  introduction  (in  the  Camb.  Bible  for  Schools 
and  Colleges),  1884  ;  J.  Sharpe,  Notes  and  Dissertations  on  Hosea,  1884. 

Joel: — Ed.  Pocock,  Comm.  on  Joel,  1691  ;  K.  A.  Credner,  Der  Proph. 
/oeliibers.  ti.  erkldrt,  1831  ;  Aug.  Wiinsche,  Die  Weiss,  des  Proph.  Joel  iibers. 
ti.  erkldrt,  1872  ;  A.  Merx,  Die  Proph.  des  Joel  u.  ihre  Ausleger,  1879  (with  an 
elaborate  historical  account  of  the  interpretation  of  the  book) ;  J.  C.  Matthes 
in  the  Theol.  Tijdschrift,  xix.  (1885),  pp.  34-66,  129-160,  xxi.  (1887),  357-381 ; 
A.  B.  Davidson  in  the  Expositor,  Mar.  1888  ;  H.  Holzinger,  Sprachkarakter 
u.  Abfassungszeit  des  Buches Joel,  in  the  ZATW.  1889,  pp.  89-131. 

Amos  : — G.  Baur,  Der  Proph.  Amos  erkldrt,  1847  ;  J.  H.  Gunning,  De  god- 
spraken  van  Amos  vert,  en  verkl.  1S85  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  Prophets,  Lect.  iii. 

Obadiah  : — C.  P.  Caspari,  Der  Proph.  Ob.  aitsi^elegt,  1842. 

Jopah  :— M.  Kalisch,  Bi^^le  Studies,  Part.  ii.  1878  ;  T.  K.  Cheyne,  Theol. 
Review,  1877,  p.  291  ff. ;  C.  PL  H.  Wright,  Biblical  Essays  {i^^6),  pp.  34-98  ; 
Dciitzsch,  Mess.  IFeissagungen,  1890,  p.  88. 

Micah  : — Ed.  Pocock,  Com;n.  on  Micah,  1677  ;  C.  P.  Caspari,  iiber  Micha 
den  Alorasthiten  ti.  seine  proph.  Schrift,  185 1-2  (very  elaborate)  ;  W.  R. 
Smith,  Proph.  p.  287  ff . ;  T,  K.  Cheyne  in  the  Camb.  Bible  for  Schools  and 
Colleges,  1S82  ;  V.  Ryssel,  Untcrsuchungen  iiber  die  Textgestalt  u.  die  Echtheit 
des  B.  Micha,  1887.     On  c.  4  f .  Keunen,  Iheol.  Tijdschr.  1872,  p.  285(1. 

Nahum  : — O.  vStrauss,  Nahumi  de  Nino  Vaticinium,  1853. 

2S0 


HOSEA.  281 

Habakkuk:— F.  Delitzsch,  De  Hab.  Proph,  vita  atque  atate,  1842,  ed.  2, 
1844;  Q.nd  Der  Proph.  Hab.  atisgelegt,  1843. 

Zephaniah  : — F.  A.  Strauss,  Vaticinia  Zephanicz,  1843  5  F.  Schwally  in 
ihQZATV^.  1890,  pp.  165-240. 

Hagg?i  ; — A.  Kohler,  Die  nachexilischen  Propheten  erkldrt  (I.  Haggai^ 
i860;  11.  Sachariah  i.-viii.,  1861  ;  III.  Sachariah  ix.-xiv.,  1863;  IV, 
Malachi,  1865);  T,  T.  Perowne,  Hagg.  and  Zee h.  (in  the  Camb.  Bible). 

Zechariah  : — A.  Kohler,  as  above  ;  C.  H.  11.  Wright,  Zeehariah  and  his 
Prophecies^  1879  (the  "  Bampton  Lectures"  for  1878,  with  crit.  and  exeg. 
notes);  W.  H,  Lowe,  The  Hebrew  Student's  Comm.  on  Zech.  Heb.  and LXXy 
1882.  From  the  abundant  literature  dealing  specially  with  c.  9 — 14  may  be 
selected,  in  addition,  Abp.  Newcome,  Minor  Prophets,  London  1785  ;  Heng- 
stenberg,  Beitriige  zur  Einl.  ins  y^T".  1831,  i.  p.  361  ff. ;  Christ ology  of  the 
OT.  (Clark's  transl.)  iii.  329— iv.  138;  Bleek,  Stud.u.  Krit.  1852,  p.  247  ff., 
and  in  his  Introduction ;  Stahelin,  Einl.  in  die  kan.  Bb.  des  AT.  1862, 
p.  315  ff.;  J.  J.  S.  Perowne,  article  Zechariah  in  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible^ 
1863;  B.  Stade  in  the  ZATW.  1881,  pp.  1-96;  18S2,  pp.  151-172, 
275-309,  with  Kuenen's  criticisms  in  his  Onderzoek  (ed.  2),  §§  81-83;  T.  K, 
Cheyne  in  xhejeicish  Quart.  Rev.  1888,  pp.  76-83. 

Malachi  : — Ed.  Pocock,  Comm.  on  Alalachi,  1677;  A.  Kohler,  as  above; 
B.  Stade,  Gesch.  Isr,  ii.  128- 1 38;  T.  T.  Perowne,  in  the  Camb.  Bible, 

§  I.    HoSEA. 

Chronological  Table. 

786.  Jeroboam  II.  737.  Pekahiah. 

746.  Zechariah.  735.  Pekah. 

745.  Shallum.  733.  Hoshea. 

745.  Menahem.  722.  Fall  of  Samaria. 

Hosea  prophesied  in  the  Northern  kingdom  under  Jeroboam  II. 
and  succeeding  kings.  Jeroboam  II.  was  the  fourth  and  most 
successful  ruler  (2  Ki.  14,  23-29)  of  the  dynasty  founded  by 
Jehu,  who  overthrew  the  dynasty  of  Omri,  and  destroyed  the 
public  worship  of  Baal  (to  which  Ahab  had  given  the  patronage 
of  the  court).  The  dynasty  of  Jehu  had  not,  however,  satisfied 
the  expectations  of  the  prophets  by  whose  sanction  and  aid  it  had 
been  established  (2  Ki.  9 — 10);  and  hence  almost  the  opening 
words  of  Hosea's  prophecy  are  a  denunciation  of  judgment  upon 
it  (i,  4  f. :  the  allusion  is  to  2  Ki.  10,  11).  The  reign  of  Jeroboam 
II.  was  a  long  one,  marked  by  successes  without  and  prosperity 
within  (comp.  the  picture  of  material  welfare  drawn  in  c.  2) :  the 
luxury,  selfishness,  oppression  of  the  poor,  and  kintlred  vices 
which  it  engendered,  are  rebuked  in  stern  tones  by  Hosea's  elder 
contemporary   Amos.      After  the  death  of  Jeroboam   IL   party 


282  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

spirit,  which  there  was  now  no  strong  hand  to  hold  in  check, 
broke  out :  Zechariah  could  not  maintain  his  throne,  and  was 
murdered  after  a  six  months'  reign  by  a  conspiracy.  With  him 
the  dynasty  of  Jehu  came  to  an  end.  There  followed  a  period  of 
anarchy  of  which  Hosea  (7,  3-7.  8,  4)  supplies  a  picture  :  phantom 
kings  coming  forward  in  rapid  succession,  with  the  form,  but 
without  the  reality,  of  royal  power ;  the  aid  of  Assyria  and  Egypt  * 
alternately  involved  by  rival  factions  (Hos.  5,  13.  7,  11.  8,  9. 
12,  I  :  the  corresponding  penalty,  9,  3.  6.  10,  6.  14,  5).  Thus 
Shallum,  after  a  month,  was  overthrown  by  Menahem,  who  sought 
to  strengthen  his  position  by  buying  the  support  of  the  Assyrian  , 
monarch  Pul  (Tiglath-Pileser),  2  Ki.  15,  19  f.  This  application 
to  Assyria  appears  to  be  alluded  to  in  Hos.  8,  9  f. :  at  the  same 
time,  or  shortly  after,  another  party  was  seeking  help  in  the 
opposite  direction,  from  Egypt,  12,  i^  Menahem  reigned  for 
10  (8)  years  :  his  son  Pekahiah  succeeded  him,  but  after  two  years 
was  murdered  by  Pekah,  a  rough  soldier  from  Gilead,  whom  we 
hear  of  in  Is.  7  as  engaged  with  Rezin,  king  of  Damascus,  in  an 
attack  upon  the  dynasty  of  David  in  Jerusalem.  Pekah, — whose 
reign,  to  judge  from  the  Inscriptions,  must  have  been  considerably 
shorter  than  is  represented  in  the  Book  of  Kings, — in  his  turn, 
was  deposed  and  murdered  by  Hoshea,  with  the  connivance  and 
support  of  the  Assyrian  king  Tiglath-Pileser  (b.c.  734).  Hoshea, 
however,  ultimately  broke  with  the  power  to  which  he  owed  his 
throne,  and  opened  treasonable  negotiations  with  So  or  Seve  [i.e. 
Sabako),  king  of  Egypt,  with  the  result  that  Shalmaneser,  Tiglath- 
Pileser's  successor,  laid  siege  to  Samaria,  which,  after  holding 
out  for  three  years,  capitulated  to  Sargon.  Large  numbers  of 
the  inhabitants  were  transported  by  Sargon  to  different  parts  of 
Assyria ;  and  the  kingdom  of  Ephraim  was  thus  brought  to  its 
close. 

It  is  probable  that  the  title  (i,  i)  has  not  come  down  to  us  in  its  original 
form:  for  (i)  it  is  clear  from  internal  evidence  that  c.  I — 3  belong  to  the 
reign  of  Jeroboam  II.,  and  that  c.  4 — 14  relate  to  the  troubles  that  fol- 
lowed ;  this  being  so,  it  is  strange  that  the  later  date  (Uzziah,  &c. )  should 
precede  the  earlier  one  (Jeroboam)  ;  (2)  it  is  hardly  likely  that  Hosea,  writing 
in  and  for  the  Northern  kingdom,  would  date  his  book  by  reigns  of  the  kings 
cS  Jiidah  ;  (3)  it  is  doubtful  if  any  of  Hosea's  prophecies  date  from  the  period 
after  734,  the  year  in  which  Tiglath-Pileser  deported  the  inhabitants  of  the 
trans-Jordanic  region  (2  Ki.  15,  29)  to  Assyria  :  for  Gilead  is  alluded  to  as 
Israeliiish  (6,  8.  12,  ii  ;  cf.  5,  i),  without  any  reference  to  a  judgment  having 


'  HOSEA.  283 

fallen  upon  it ;  nor  is  there  any  allusion  to  Pekah's  attack  upon  Judah  in 

735  B.C.  Probably  the  original  title  had  simply  "  in  the  days  of  Jeroboam," 
and  was  intended  to  refer  only  to  c.  I — 3  :  when  a  title  had  to  be  found  for 
the  whole  book,  in  order  to  indicate  that  the  latter  part  referred  to  a  later 
period,  the  names  of  the  Judoean  kings  contemporary  with,  and  subsequent 
to,  Jeroboam  II.  were  added. 

Professor  Sayce  {Jetvish  Quart.  Rev.  i.  162-172)  accepts  the  period  indi- 
cated in  the  title  (though  admitting  it  to  be  inexactly  expressed),  holding  that 
c.  4  fF.  belong  to  a  later  date  than  is  commonly  supposed,  viz.  to  the  reign 
of  Hoshea,  and  considering  the  latter  part  of  the  book  to  date  actually  from 
the  period  of  the  siege  (which  he  supposes  to  be  alluded  to).  The  conjecture 
by  which  he  seeks  to  support  this  view,  that  "Jareb"  (5,  13.  10,  6)  is  the 
natal  name  of  Sargon,  awaits  confirmation. 

The  terminus  a  quo  of  Hosea's  prophecies  will  thus  be  shortly 
before  B.C.  746  :  the  ten?iinus  ad  quern,  B.C.  735-4  (or,  if  Prof. 
Sayce's  view  be  accepted,  b.c.  722). 

The  Book  of  Hosea  falls  naturally  into  two  parts :  (i)  c.  i — 3, 
belonging  to  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II. ;  (2)  c. 
4 — 14,  belonging  to  the  period  of  the  kings  following. 

I.  C.  I — 3.  This  part  of  the  book  consists  of  three  sections, 
I,  2 — 2,  1  ;  2,  2-23;  c.  3.  The^frj-/ of  these  contains  a  symboli- 
cal representation  of  Israel's  unfaithfulness  to  Jehovah,  and  the 
consequences  of  it :  the  prophet  gives  to  the  three  sons  borne  by 
his  unchaste  wife  Gomer,  the  symbolical  names,  Jezreel, — in 
anticipation  of  the  vengeance  to  be  exacted  of  the  house  of  Jehu 
on  the  spot  where  formerly  Jehu  had  massacred  the  house  of 
Ahab,  2  Ki.  10,  11, — Lo  Rtihamah,  "  Uncompassionated  : "  and 
Lo-ammi,  "  Not  my  people,"  in  token  of  Jehovah's  rejection  of 
Ephraim,  vv.  2-9.  Yet  this  rejection  is  not  final :  a  promise  of 
the  union  of  Judah  and  Israel  and  restoration  of  the  latter  to 
favour  follows.  Jezreel,  the  scene  of  defeat  in  i,  5,  becomes  the 
scene  of  an  ideal  victory,  marking  the  return  of  the  nation  from 
exile,  and  its  reconquest  of  Palestine;  and  its  members  are 
invited  to  resume  the  use  of  the  title  which  had  just  been  dis- 
carded, and  to  accost  one  another  in  terms  implying  their  entire 
restoration  to  Jehovah's  favour,  i,  10 — 2,  i  [Heb.  2,  i — 3]. 

The  second  section,  2,  2-23,  states  in  plain  language  the  mean- 
ing which  the  prophet  attaches  to  the  narrative  of  i,  2—2,  i. 
Vv.  2-13  the  prophet  dwells  upon  the  impending  punishment, 
and  the  cause  of  it,  viz.  Ephraim's  ingratitude  to  Jehovah,  and 
her  forsaking  him  for  Baal;  and  vv.  14-23  he  shows  how  this 
period  of  punishment  will  be  also  a  means  of  reformation,  and 


284  LITERATURE   OF  THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

will  result  in  the  bestowal  upon  the  nation  of  fresh  marks  of  con- 
fidence and  love  at  the  hands  of  her  Divine  husband  ("  Jezreel," 
typifying  Israel,  is  now  to  verify  her  name  by  being  sozvn  anew  in 
the  earth).  And  thus  the  interpretation  ends,  2,  23,  at  the  same 
point  which  the  original  prophecy  had  reached  in  2,  1. 

2,  I  is  the  close  of  i,  lo-ii,  and  should  be  included  in  c.  I.  The 
**  mother "  in  2,  2  is,  of  course,  the  community  conceived  as  a  whole,  the 
"children  "  being  the  individual  members. 

In  the  t/ii'rd  section  (c.  3)  Hosea  appears  again,  as  in  c.  i, 
enacting  the  part  of  Jehovah  towards  His  people.  His  love  for 
his  faithless  wife,  and  his  behaviour  towards  her  (v7>.  1-3),  are, 
as  he  says  himself  (z/z'.  I^  5),  symbols  of  Jehovah's  love  towards 
the  unfaithful  Israelites,  and  of  the  means  employed  by  Him 
(deprivation  for  a  season  of  civil  and  religious  institutions)  to  win 
them  back  to  purity  and  holiness. 

11.  C.  4 — 14.  These  chapters  consist  of  a  series  of  discourses, 
a  summary,  arranged  probably  by  the  prophet  himself  at  the  close 
of  his  ministry,  of  the  prophecies  delivered  by  him  in  the  years 
following  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II.  Though  the  argument  is 
not  continuous,  or  systematically  developed,  they  may  be  divided 
into  three  sections  :  c.  4 — 8,  in  which  the  thought  of  Israel's  guiU 
predominates;  c.  9 — 11,  it,  in  which  the  prevailing  thought  is 
that  of  \^x2ie}i?>  pimishment ;  11,  12 — c.  14,  in  which  these  two 
lines  of  thought  are  both  continued  (c.  12 — 13),  but  are  followed 
(c.  14)  by  a  glance  at  the  brighter  future  which  may  ensue,  pro- 
vided Israel  repents.  The  following  is  an  outline  of  the  subjects 
treated  : — (i.)  C.  4.  Israel's  gross  moral  corruption  {v.  2),  abetted 
and  increased  by  the  worldliness  and  indifference  of  the  priests. 
C.  5 — 7.  The  self-indulgence  and  sensuality  of  the  leaders  of  the 
nation,  resulting  in  the  degradation  of  public  life,  and  decay  of 
national  strength,  intermingled  with  descriptions  of  the  bitter 
consequences  which  must  inevitably  ensue.  C.  8.  The  prophet 
announces  the  fate  imminent  on  northern  Israel,  with  its  cause, 
viz.  idolatry  and  schism,  vv.  1-7  :  already,  indeed,  has  the  judg- 
ment begun ;  Israel  has  drawn  it  upon  itself,  by  dallying  with 
Assyria,  by  religious  abuses,  and  by  a  vain  confidence  in  fortified 
cities,  vv.  8-14.  (ii.)  C.  9 — 11,  11.  The  approaching  judgment 
is  described  more  distinctly :  disaster,  ruin,  exile  (9,  3), — even 
the  idols  of  Beth-el  will  not  be  able  to  avert  it,  biit  will  be 
carried  off  themselves  to  Assyria  (10,  5  f.), — with  passing  allusions 


HOSEA. 


285 


to  its  ground,  viz.  the  nation's  ingratitude  and  sin,  and  with  a 
glance  at  the  end  (11,  8-1 1)  at  the  possibiHty  of  a  change  in  the 
Divine  purpose,  resulting  in  Ephraim's  restoration,  (iii.)  n, 
12 — c.  14.  The  thought  of  Israel's  sin  again  forces  itself  upon  the 
prophet :  they  had  fallen  short  of  the  example  set  them  by  their 
ancestor  :  in  vain  had  Jehovah  sought  to  reform  them  by  His 
prophets  ;  the  more  He  warned  them,  the  more  He  blessed  them, 
the  more  persistently  they  turned  from  Him :  the  judgment 
therefore  must  take  its  course  (13,  15  f).  There  follows  an 
invitation  to  Israel  to  repent,  and  renounce  its  besetting  sins; 
and  with  a  description  of  the  blessings  which  Jehovah  will  confer, 
in  case  Israel  responds,  the  prophecy  closes  (c.  14). 

Hosea  is  thus  in  a  pre-eminent  degree,  especially  in  c.  4 — 14, 
the  prophet  of  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  Northern  kingdom :  ^ 
what  Amos  perceived  in  the  distance,  Hosea  sees  approaching 
with  rapid  steps,  accelerated  by  the  internal  decay  and  disorgan- 
isation of  the  kingdom.  Not  only  the  moral  corruption  of  the 
nation  generally,  including  even  the  priests  (4,  i  f.  8.  6,  8-10. 
7,  I.  9,  9),  but  the  thoughtless  ambition  of  the  nobles,  the 
weakness  of  its  kings,  the  conflict  of  opposing  factions,  are 
vividly  depicted  by  him  (4,  18.  5,  i.  7,  3-7.  16.  9,  15.  10,  3. 
13,  10).  He  alludes  frequently  to  Israel's  idolatry,  both  their 
attachment  to  sensuous  Canaanitish  cults  and  their  devotion  to 
the  unspiritual  calf-worship  (4,  12-14.  i5-  i?-  5>  i-3-  8,  4-6.  11. 
9,  I.  10.  15.  10,  I.  5.  8.  15.  II,  2.  12,  II.  13,  if):  idols  are 
satirized  by  him  as  made  by  the  hands  of  men,  in  a  form  devised 
by  human  minds,  of  the  silver  and  gold  which  they  owed  to 
Jehovah  (2,  8.  8,  4-6.  13,  2);  hence  the  folly  of  trusting  in  them 
or  worshipping  them  (8,  4  ironically — "  they  are  made  ou/y  to  be 
cut  off;^'  10,  5  f.  14,  3).  Hosea  urges  Israel  to  repent,  grounding 
his  appeal  upon  the  many  tokens  of  Jehovah's  love  to  which  its 
history  had  borne  witness  (9,  10.  11,  i.  3-4-  12,  9.  13.  13,  4.  5  ; 
cf.  6,  7.  8,  i),  in  virtue  of  which  Israel  was  bound  to  the  observ- 
ance of  a  multitude  of  duties,  comprised  in  the  "  Torah  "  of 
Jehovah  (8,  i^.  12),  which  it  was  the  office  of  the  priests  (4,  6)  to 
inculcate  and  uphold.  Through  Israel's  neglect  of  the  duties 
thus  laid  upon  it,  Jehovah  has  the  right  to  enter  into  judgment 

^Judah  is  alluded  to  only  incidentally,  4,  15.  5,  5.  10.  12.  13.  14.  6,  4. 
II.  8,  14.  10,  II.  II,  12  (obscure:  text  doubtful).  12,  2:  usually  in  unfavour- 
able terms;  otherwise,  however,  in  i,  7  and  (by  implication)  i,  11.  3,  5. 


286  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT 

with  it  (4.  I.  5,  i).  These  duties,  for  the  non-observance  of 
which  the  prophet  rebukes  Israel,  are  primarily  moral  ones,  as 
appears  in  particular  from  4,  1-8,  where  he  attributes  the  moral 
degeneration  of  the  people  {7jv,  1-2)  to  the  priests'  forgetfulness 
of  the  "Torah"  of  their  God.  The  people,  however,  think  to 
propitiate  Jehovah  with  their  offerings  (8,  13;  cf.  5,  6),  forgetting 
that  His  delight  is  in  "  mercy,  and  not  sacrifice,"  and  in  the 
Cpractical)  "knowledge  of  God"  (see  Jer.  22,  16)  more  than  in 
burnt-offerings  (6,  6) ;  and  in  spite  of  the  love  shown  to  them  in 
the  past,  repay  Him  with  ingratitude,  and  slight  the  commands 
on  the  observance  of  which  He  sets  the  highest  value.  Hence  ' 
He  is  become  their  enemy  (5,  12.  14.  7,  12.  13.  8,  14.  9,  9.  15  f. 
13,  7  f);  and  the  prospect  of  invasion  (5,  8.  8,  i.  3.  11,  6.  13, 
16),  and  exile  to  a  foreign  land  (8,  13.  9,  3.  6.  17.  11,  5),  is  held 
out  before  them  by  the  prophet  with  ever-increasing  distinctness 
and  force.  Particularly  noticeable  is  Hosea's  conception  of  love 
as  the  bond  uniting  Jehovah  and  Israel  (3,  i.  9,  15.  ii,  i.  4.  14, 
4),  as  well  as  individual  Israelites  with  one  another  (6,  6).^ 

Style  of  Hosea.  "  Osee  commaticus  est  [is  broken  up  into 
clauses],  et  quasi  per  sententias  loquens,"  said  Jerome  long  ago ; 
and  his  words  exacdy  describe  the  style  of  the  prophet,  short, 
abrupt  sentences,  very  frequently  unconnected  by  any  copula, 
full  of  force  and  compressed  feeling,  pregnant  with  meaning,  the 
thought  sometimes  so  condensed  as  to  be  ambioruous  or  obscure. 
The  style  of  Hosea  is  unique  among  the  prophets  :  his  elder 
contemporary  Amos  writes  in  much  more  flowing  and  regular 
periods.  But  Hosea's  style  seems  to  be  the  expression  of  the 
emotion  which  is  stirring  in  his  heart :  his  sensitive  soul  is  full 
of  love  and  sympathy  for  his  people ;  and  his  keen  perception  of 
their  moral  decay,  and  of  the  destruction  towards  which  they  are 
hastening,  produces  in  consequence  a  conflict  of  emotions, 
which  is  reflected  in  the  pathos,  and  force,  and  "artless  rhythm 
of  sighs  and  sobs,"  which  characterise  his  prophecy  (notice  e.g.  the 
pathos  of  such  verses  as  6,  4.  7,  13.  9,  12.  14.  11,  2-4.  8  f.). 
The  figures  used  are  suggestive ;  they  are,  however,  in  agreement 
with  his  general  style,  indicated  by  a  word,  and  not,  as  a  rule, 
worked  out  (4,  16.  5,  14.  6,  4^  5^  7,  4.  6.  7.  ir.  16.  8,  7.  9,  10. 
10,  7.  13,  3.  14,  5.  6.  8) :  Jehovah,  on  His  terrible  side,  is  com- 

^  See  more  fully  on  Hosea's  prevailing  lines  of  thought,  W.  R.  Smith  j 
Cheyne,  p.  22  ff.  ;  Farrar,  chap.  viii. 


JOEL.  287 

pared  to  a  lion,  a  panther,  a  bear  (5,  14.  13,  7.  8  :  in  a  different 
application,  11,  10),  and  even  to  a  moth  or  rottenness  (5,  12);  on 
His  gracious  side,  to  the  latter  rain  (6,  3),  and  to  the  dew  (14,  5). 

Hosea  is  also  fond  of  paronomasias,  2,  22^-23'  (sow).  8,  7.  9,  15  eud.  11 
5  (double  sense  of  "return").  12,  ii^';  comp.  the  allusion  to  the  derivation 
of  "Ephraim,"9,  16.  13,  15.  14,  8  end;  and  the  use  of  "  Beth-Aven  "  for 
**  Beth-el,"  4,  15.  10,  5  (cf.  8).     The  construction  of  clauses  ao-wytTu;  is  more 
common  in  him  than  in  any  other  prophet  :  e.g.  4,  7.  18.  5,  3^.  6''.  10.  6,  10. 

7,  12.  16.  9,  6.  9.  15.  10,  I.  2\  6.  II^  14,  4  (H.  5),  &c. :  clauses  with  nny 

similarly,  4,  16.  5,  7.  7,  2.  8,  8.  13  (hence  Jer.  14,  10).  10,  2*  (uncomniun). 

§  2.  Joel. 

The  title  of  this  prophecy  mentions  nothing  beyond  the  names 
of  the  prophet  and  of  his  father  Pethuel.  The  prophecy  consists 
of  two  parts,  i,  2 — 2,  17,  and  2,  18  to  the  end.  i,  2-7  states, 
in  graphic  language,  the  occasion  of  the  prophecy,  viz.  a  visita-  « 
tion  of  locusts,  accompanied  by  a  drought,  which  caused  the 
severest  distress  throughout  the  country,  i,  10-12.  16-20;  the 
prophet  exhorts  the  people  to  fasting,  supplication,  and  mourn- 
ing, I,  13  f.  2,  I.  12  f. ;  for  the  present  visitation  of  locusts  is  to- 
him  a  symbol  of  the  approaching  "Day  of  Jehovah"  (i,  15),  to 
be  ushered  in  by  another  visitation  of  terrible  and  unprecedented 
intensity,  2,  2-1 1,  which  timely  repentance. may  perchance  avert, 
2,  12-17.  The  people,  we  must  suppose,  responded  to  the 
prophet's  invitation:  2,  18  f.  describes  in  narrative  form  (see 
RV.)  Jehovah's  gracious  change  of  purpose,  which  thereupon 
ensued ;  and  what  follows,  to  the  end  of  the  book,  is  His  answer 
to  the  people's  prayer.  The  answer  begins  with  a  promise  of 
deliverance  from  the  famine :  rain  will  again  descend  upon  the 
parched  soil ;  fruitful  seasons  will  compensate  for  the  locusts' 
ravages;  and  all  will  know  that  Jehovah  is  Israel's  God,  2,  20-27. 
Then  the  spirit  of  prophecy  will  be  poured  out  upon  all  flesh  : 
and  the  "Day  of  Jehovah"  will  draw  near,  with  dread-inspiring 
signs  in  heaven  and  earth.  But  the  terrors  of  that  day  are  not 
now  for  the  Jews,  but  for  their  enemies  :  in  the  judgment  which 
marks  its  arrival,  those  who  /rus^  in  Jehovah  will  escape,  2,  28- 
32;  but  upon  the  heathen,  who  have  "scattered  Israel  among 
the  nations,  and  parted  my  land,"  besides  otherwise  ill-treating 
the  people  of  God,  summary  vengeance  will  be  taken  :  they 
are  invited  to  arm   themselves,  and  come  up  to  the  valley  of 


288  LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Jehoshaphat  ("Jehovah  judges"),  ostensibly  for  battle  against 
the  Jews,  in  reality  to  be  annihilated  by  the  heavenly  ministers 
of  Jehovah's  wrath  (3,  11^').  The  scene  of  carnage  which  ensues 
is  pictured  under  suggestive  figures,  v.  13  f. ;  but  "Jehovah  will 
be  a  refuge  unto  His  people,  and  a  stronghold  to  the  children 
of  Israel."  Then  the  soil  of  Judah  will  be  preternaturally  fertil- 
ised ;  and  "  a  fountain  shall  come  forth  of  the  house  of  Jehovah, 
and  shall  water  the  valley  of  Shittim "  {i.e.  the  unproductive 
Jordan-valley)  :  Egypt,  on  the  other  hand,  and  Edom,  as  a 
punishment  for  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  them  upon  the  people  of 
Judah,  will  be  changed  into  wildernesses.  ' 

The  locusts  in  c.  i  (though  this  has  been  questioned)  are,  no  doubt,  to  be 
understood  literally  ;  there  is  nothing  in  the  language  used  to  suggest  any- 
thing but  an  actual  visitation  of  locusts,  from  which  the  country  has  been 
suffering.  The  actual  locusts  suggest  to  Joel  the  imagery  by  which  he 
describes,  2,  iff.,  the  approach  of  the  "  Day  of  Jehovah  : "  here  the  locusts 
are  idealized  ;  they  are  creatures  of  the  imagination,  invested  with  appalling 
size  and  power,  the  prototype  of  the  "apocalyptic"  locusts  of  Rev.  9,  3-10 
(where,  however,  the  ideal  delineation  is  carried  much  further  than  here). 
As  the  locusts  in  c.  2  are  co??ipared  to  an  army,  they  can  hardly  (as  some  have 
supposed)  be  themselves  merely  symbolical  of  an  army.  The  meaning  of 
*'  the  northern  one  "  in  2,  20  is  disputed,  and  uncertain.  From  the  connexion 
with  vv.  19.  25  it  would  naturally  be  understood  to  denote  the  locusts,  the 
removal  of  which  follows  the  people's  repentance.  But  locusts  never  (or 
scarcely  ever)  enter  Palestine  from  the  north  ;  so  that  (unless  the  occasion 
was  one  of  the  exceptions)  "the  northern  one"  would  be  an  unsuitable 
designation  for  them  ;  hence  by  some  the  term  is  considered  to  be  descrip- 
tive of  a  human  foe  (see  below). 

For  determining  the  date  of  Joel  (the  title  being  silent)  we  are 
dependent  entirely  upon  internal  evidence ;  and  as  this  is  inter- 
preted differently  by  different  critics,  much  diversity  of  opinion 
exists  on  the  subject.  The  principal  criteria  afforded  by  the 
prophecy  are  the  following: — (i)  Joel  mentions  Tyre,  Zidon, 
the  Philistines,  the  Greeks  ("  Javan,"  i.e.  Io?iians),  Sabeans,  Egypt, 
and  Edom  ;  (2)  he  is  silent — not  even  noticing  them  allusively 
— ^on  the  Syrians,  Assyrians,  and  Chaldaeans  ;  (3)  he  nowhere 
mentions  or  alludes  to  the  Ten  Tribes  ;  even  when  speaking 
most  generally,  e.g.  of  the  future  restoration,  or  of  Israelites  sold 
as  slaves  (3,  i.  6.  19),  he  only  names  '"Judah  and  Jerusalem:" 
*'  Israel,"  where  the  term  occurs  (2,  27  ;  3,  16  :  3,  2  is  ambiguous), 
appears  to  be  used  simply  as  the  generic  name  of  Judah  ;  (4) 
Jehovah's  people  is  "a  reproach  among  the  nations"  (2,   19); 


JOEL.  289 

and  it  is  said  of  "all  nations"  that  they  have  "scattered"  His 
"heritage  among  the  nations,  and  parted"  His  "land,"  and 
"cast  lots  over"  His  "people"  (3,  2^-3^);  the  return  of  the 
captivity  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  is  also  anticipated  by  the 
prophet  (3,  i);  (5)  the  Tyrians,  Zidonians,  and  Philistines  are 
charged  with  having  plundered  the  gold  and  silver  and  treasures 
belonging  to  Jehovah,  and  selling  captive  Judahites  to  the  Greeks 
(3,  4-6);  (6)  Egypt  and  Edom  are  threatened  with  desolation 
for  the  violence  done  to  Judah  in  murdering  innocent  Judahites 
in  their  land  (3,  19);  (7)  there  is  no  allusion  to  any  kind  of 
idolatry ;  the  services  of  the  Temple  are  conducted  regularly; 
the  priests  take  a  prominent  position,  and  are  evidently  held  in 
respect  (i,  9.  13.  2,  17);  the  cessation,  through  the  locusts  and 
drought,  of  the  means  of  providing  the  daily  Meal-  and  Drink- 
offering  is  treated  as  a  grave  calamity  ;  (8)  the  prophet  is  silent 
as  to  the  king,  and  even  as  to  the  princes ;  the  elders^  on  the 
contrary,  are  alluded  to  as  prominent  in  a  public  gathering;  (9) 
mention  is  made  (3,  2.  12)  of  the  "valley  of  Jehoshaphat,"  pre- 
sumably so  called  from  the  king  of  that  name;  (10)  there  are 
resemblances  between  Joel  and  Amos  which  show  that  one  of 
the  two  prophets  must  have  imitated  or  borrowed  from  the  other 
(Joel  3,  16  and  Amos  i,  2  ;  3,  18  and  Amos  9,  13''). 

It  was  argued  by  Credner  in  1831  that  the  conditions  implied 
by  these  criteria  were  satisfied  by  a  date  in  the  early  part  of  the 
reign  of  King  Joash,  B.C.  878-839  [rather  c.  837-801]  (2  Ki.  12), 
after  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  Shishak  (r  Ki.  14,  25.  26), 
which  is  supposed  to  be  alluded  to  in  3,  17^  (no  strangers  to 
pass  through  Jerusalem  any  more).  19  {''violence  against  the 
children  of  Judah  "),  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (No.  9),  and  the 
revolt  of  the  Edomites  under  Jchoram  (2  Ki.  8,  20-22),  to  the 
murder  by  whom  of  Judahites  settled  in  their  territory  3,  19  may 
refer,  and  not  long  after  the  plundering  of  the  royal  treasures 
(No.  5)  by  marauding  Philistines  and  Arabians  during  the  same 
reign  (2  Ch.  21,  16.  17.  22,  i),  but  before  the  time  when  th.e 
Syrians  under  Hazael  threatened  Jerusalem,  and  had  to  be 
bought  off  at  the  cost  of  the  Temple  treasures  by  Joash  (2  Ki. 
12,  17),  2.x\A  a  fortiori  before  the  time  when  Judah  suffered  at 
the  hands  of  Assyrians  or  Chaldseans  (cf.  No.  2).  Upon  this  view 
3  2-3.  6  are  referred  to  the  loss  of  territory  suffered  by  Judah 
at  the  time  of  the  revolt  of  Edom  (which  was  followed  quickly 

T 


290  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

by  that  of  Libnah,  2  Ki.  8,  22),  and  to  the  sale  of  prisoners, 
whom  the  Philistines  and  Arabians  might  be  presumed  to  have 
taken,  to  other,  nations,  such  as  is  laid  by  Amos  (i,  6.  9)  to  the 
charge  of  Gaza  and  Tyre.  Joash  (2  Ki.  11,  21)  was  only  sever 
years  old  when  he  came  to  the  throne  :  if  Joel's  prophecy  dated 
from  the  period  of  his  minority,  the  non-mention  of  the  king 
(No.  8),  it  is  urged,  would  be  explained,  while  the  position  of 
the  priests,  and  the  regularity  of  the  Temple  services  (No.  7), 
would  be  a  natural  consequence  of  the  influence  exerted  by  the 
priest  Jehoiada. 

Credner's  arguments  were  specious;  and  most  scholars  until' 
recently  acquiesced  in  his  conclusion.  At  the  same  time,  he  can 
hardly  be  considered  to  have  done  justice  to  3,  2  :  the  strong 
expressions  here  used  respecting  the  dispersion  of  Israel  among 
the  nations,  and  the  allotment  of  the  Holy  Land  to  new  occu- 
pants, cannot  fairly  be  referred  to  any  calamity  less  than  that  of 
the  Babylonian  captivity.  Keil  feels  this  objection  so  strongly, 
that  he  supposes  the  words  in  question  to  be  spoken  by  Joel 
with  reference  to  the  future;  but  if  the  passage  be  read  in  con- 
nexion with  the  context,  it  seems  plain  that  the  prophet  alludes 
to  sufferings  which  have  been  already  undergone  by  the  nation. 
And  when  the  criteria  noted  by  Credner  are  considered  carefully, 
it  appears  that  many  of  them  are  equally  consistent  with  a  date 
aHer  the  captivity,  while  other  features  exhibited  by  the  prophecy 
even  agree  with  such  a  date  better. 

Thus^  (i)  the  enemies  of  Judah  are  the  nations  collectively^  who  are 
assembled  for  a  signal  defeat  outside  the  walls  of  Jerusalem;  This  is  a 
feature  prominent  in  later  prophets,  as  Ez.  38 — 39,  Zcch.  14 :  the  earlitr 
prophets  speak  oi  definite  enemies  of  Judah  (as  the  Assyrians),  (2)  The  book 
implies  a  nation  united  religiously,  and  free  from  any  of  those  tendencies  to 
heathenism  which  call  forth  the  constant  rebuke  of  the  pre-exilic  prophets. 
(3)  No  king  is  mentioned  :  the  nation  possesses  a  municipal  organisation  with 
a  priestly  aristocracy,  which  accords  with  the  constitution  that  prevailed  after 
the  exile.  That  the  Persians  do  not  appear  as  the  enemies  of  Israel  is  not 
more  than  natural,  they  were  hard  masters,  but  not  invaders  ;  and  under 
their  rule  (comp.  Nth.)  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  were  their  neighbours,  pre- 
cisely as  appears  in  loel.  (4)  Edom's  hostility  to  Judah  was  not  confined  to 
the  period  of  the  reign  of  Joash  :  it  was  habitual ;  and  a  bitter  feeling  against 

1  Comp.  W.  R.  Smith,  s.v.  "Joel,"  in  the  Encycl.  Brit.  The  form  in 
which  the  arguments  on  the  same  side  are  stated  by  Merx  is  not  frqe  from 
exaggeration. 


JOEL.  291 

Edom  often  manifests  itself  in  Jewish  writers  after  the  events  of  B.C.  586 
(cf.  p.  213  f.).  (5)  Egypt  is  probably  mentioned  only  as  the  typical  instance 
of  a  power  hostile  to  Judah  :  even  on  Credner's  theory  the  allusion  is  to  an 
incident  which  happened  a  century  before.  And  3,  17''  is  much  more  pointed 
if  spoken  after  the  desecration  of  the  Temple  by  the  Ch.ildceans  (cf.  Isa. 
52,  i),  than  after  the  invasion  of  Shishak  (who  is  not  stated  to  have  entered 
Jerusalem  at  all).  (6)  2  Chron.  21  mentions  the  palace  only,  not  the  Temple  ; 
and  is  silent  altogether  as  to  the  Pho?nicians,  who  are  here  charged  with 
robbing  it.  There  is  no  ground  for  limiting  the  traffic  in  slaves  to  the  age  of 
Amos  ;  and  the  notice  of  Javan  (Greece)  better  suits  a  later  time,  when 
wSyrian  slaves  were  in  request  in  Greece.  (7)  Judah  and  the  people  of 
Jehovah  are  convertible  terms  :  northern  Israel  has  disappeared.  This  is 
not  the  case  in  the  earlier  prophets  ;  the  prophets  of  Israel  do  not  exclude 
Judah,  at  least  from  their  promises,  nor  do  the  prophets  of  ludah  exclude 
Israel.  (8)  The  importance  attached  to  the  daily  offering  is  not  less  charac- 
teristic of  the  post-exilic  age  (Neh.  10,  33;  cf.  Dan.  8,  11.  11,  31.  12,  11). 
(9)  Joel's  eschatological  picture  consists  largely  of  a  combination  of  elements 
derived  from  older  unfulfilled  prophecies.  Its  central  feature,  the  assembling 
of  the  nations  to  judgment,  already  appears  in  Zeph.  3,  8,  and  in  Ezekiel's 
prophecy  concerning  Gog  and  Magog,  where  the  wonders  of  fire  and  blood 
are  also  mentioned  (Ezek.  38,  22).  The  picture  of  the  fertihty  of  the  land 
(3,  18)  is  based  on  Am.  9,  13  (comp.  below)  ;  that  of  the  stream  issuing  from 
the  Temple,  and  fertilizing  the  barren  Wady  of  Acacias,  upon  Ezek.  47,  1-12 
(cf.  Zech.  14,  8) ;  the  outpouring  of  the  Spirit,  upon  Ezek.  39,  29.^ 

These  arguments  are  forcible.  In  particular,  the  terfns  of 
3,  1-2  (cf.  2,  19^^),  the  relation  of  Israel  to  "the  nations"  which 
these  passages  presuppose,  and  the  general  resemblance  of  the 
representation  in  c.  3  to  those  found  in  the  later  prophets,  must 
be  allowed  to  turn  the  balance  of  evidence  somewhat  strongly  in 
favour  of  the  later  date.  Joel's  imagery  and  language  are  fine  : 
but  he  can  scarcely  be  said  to  exhibit  the  originality  or  breadth 
of  view  which  are  generally  characteristic  of  the  earlier  prophets. 
He  seems  to  move  "  in  the  circle  of  moral  convictions  and 
eschatological  hopes  which  had  been  marked  out  for  him  by  his 
great  predecessors  : "  he  does  not,  like  Amos  and  Hosea,  lay 
stress  upon  the  moral  demands  made  by  Jehovah  upon  His 
people  :  in  c.  3  the  Jews  are  saved,  apparently  just  because  they 
are  Jews,  and  their  foes,  as  foes,  are  annihilated.  It  seems  as  if 
Joel  reaffirmed,  in  a  form  suited  to  the  temper  and  needs  of  his 
age,  the  promises  of  the  older  prophets,  which  it  was  impossible 

^  See  also  Farrar,  pp.  105-112,  120-123.  Those  who  adopt  this  date  for 
Joel  often  suppose  that  "the  northern  one"  of  2,  20  is  an  allusion  to  tlie 
imagery  of  Ez.  38,  15.  39,  2,  where  the  ideal  hosts  that  threaten  Judah  are 
represented  as  coming  from  the  north.     But  it  is  doubtful  if  this  is  right. 


292  LITERATURE   OP^   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

to  regard  as  adequately  accomplished  in  the  actual  condition  of 
the  restored  exiles. 

The  principal  literary  parallels  between  Joel  and  other  prophets  are  the 
following: — I,  15.  Isa.  13,  6. — 2,  2.  Zeph.  i,  15  (and  Ex.  lo,  14"). — 2,  3. 
Ez.  36,  35  (the  "garden  of  Eden"). — 2,  6''.  Nah.  2,  10''  [H.  ii'']  (iV^p 
"iriXDt)-— 2,  10.  Isa.  13,  10.  Ez.  32,  7.-2,  If.  Vs.  42,  3.  10.  Mic.  7,  10.— 

2,  27.  Isa.  45,  5.  17.— 2,  28,  cf.  Ez.  39,  29.-2,  32.  Ob.  17.— 3,  3'-  Ob.  11 
(^"n:i  n^:  only  Nah.  3,  10  besides).— 3,  4.  14.  Ob.  15.— 3,  10.  Mic.  4,  3.— 

3,  16.  Am.  I,  2.-3,  17^  Ob.  17.  Isa.  52,  I^— 3,  18.  Am.  9,  13.— 3,  19. 
Ob.  10. 

Orelli  argues  that  some  of  these  parallels  are  decisive  for  the  pre-exilic  date 
of  Joel  (p.  237):   "  Ez.  30,  2  f .  is  unmistakably  dependent  upon  Joel  I,  15.'' 

2,  if.;  similarly  Jer.  25,  30  f.  on  Joel  3,  1 1.  16.  So  Isa.  66,  18  presupposes 
Joel  3,  2  Ez.  47,  I  ff.  develops  further  the  imagery  of  Joel  3,  18  ;  and  Ez. 
3^>  17-  395  8  allude  in  all  probability  especially  to  Joel  3.  The  dependency 
of  Isa.  13,  6.  9  on  Joel  I.  15  is  palpable.  And  the  parallels  with  Amos 
show  incontrovertibly  that  he  is  earlier  than  this  prophet.  Am.  I,  2  is  taken 
certainly  from  Joel  3,  16  :  accordingly  Am.  9,   13  also  is  dependent  on  Joel 

3,  18."  But  that  this  is  the  true  relation  between  the  passages  quoted  is  by 
no  means  self-evident.  Nothing  is  more  difficult  (except  under  specially 
favourable  circumstances)  than  from  a  mere  comparison  of  parallel  passages 
to  determine  on  which  side  the  priority  lies  ;  ^  and  if  those  cited  by  Orelli  be 
examined,  it  will  be  seen  that  there  is  no  reason  (apart  from  the  assumption, 
upon  other  grounds,  that  Joel  is  the  earlier)  why  the  relation  should  not  be 
inverted,  why,  in  other  words,  it  should  not  be  Joel  who  is  the  borrower. 
And  as  regards  the  parallels  with  Amos,  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  in  each  case 
the  picture  in  Joel  is  more  highly  coloured  than  in  Amos :  especially  (as 
Kuen.  §  68.  15  observes)  it  seems  unlikely  that  Amos,  if  he  had  been  borrow- 
ing from  a  passage  which  described  Jehovah's  thunder  as  shaking  heaven  and 
earth,  would  have  limited  its  effects  to  the  pastures  of  the  shepherds  and  the 
top  of  Carmel.  But  even  if  this  argument  be  not  accepted  as  decisive,  there 
is  still  nothing  inherent  either  in  these  or  in  the  other  passages  to  sliow  that  the 
priority  is  with  Joel  :  in  other  w^ords,  the  parallels  cannot  be  used  for  deter- 
viining  th-e  date  of  Joel ;  we  can  only,  after  having  dctennined  his  date  on 
independent  gronftds,  point  to  the  parallels  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating^  (as 
the  case  may  be)  either  his  dependence  upon  the  other  prophets,  or  their 
dependence  upon  him.  In  2,  32  (Heb.  3,  5),  however,  Ob.  17,  **And  in 
Mount  Zion  shall  be  those  that  escape,''  does  appear  to  be  expressly  cited  : 
"And  in  Mount  Zion  and  Jerusalem  shall  be  those  that  escape,  as  Jehovah 
hath  said." 

The  style  of  Joel  is  bright  and  flowing;  and  the  contrast,  which  is  palpable, 
^vith  Haggai  or  Malachi  is  no  doubt  felt  by  many  as  a  reason  against  the 
view  that  his  prophecy  dates  from  the  same  general  period  of  the  history. 


^  It  is  for  this  reason  that  the  endeavours  of  Kuper,  Caspari,  and  others  to 
establish  the  priority  of  Is.  13  f.  34  f.  40 — 66  to  Jer.  Nah.  Zeph.  are  not 
conclusive. 


AMOS.  293 

But  it  is  a  question  whether  our  knowledge  of  this  period  is  of  a  character 
authorizing  us  to  affirm  that  a  style  such  as  Joel's  could  not  have  been  written 
tuen  ;  at  least,  if  Zech.  12-14  dates  from  the  post-exilic  age,  it  is  difficult  to 
argue  that  Joel  cannot  date  from  it  likewise.  The  phraseology,  viewed  as  a 
whole,  can  hardly  be  cited  as  positively  favouring  the  later  date,  though  it  is 
true  that  It  includes  some  words  and  expressions  which  are  more  common  in 
the   later   than  in  the  earlier  literature  :    thus  i,   2.  4,  4  qj^^  .  ,-,  (^j^e 

usual  form  is  DN»  .  .  .  n)  5  I,  9-   2,  17  "ministers  of  Jehovah"  (cf   Jer    - 
21  f.  Isa.  61,  6.  I  Ch.  16,  4.  2  Ch.  13,   10.  29,   II.  E^r.  8,  17.  Neh    10^7'' 
40) ;  2,  2.  4,  20  nni  -in  ;  2,  8  nSti>  (job  [Elihu],  Neh.  Chr.h  2,  20  pj^D  ^«^" 
(Aram.  :  2Ch.  20,  16.   Eccl.  3,  11.  7,  2.  12,  13!);  3  (4),  2  Jehovah's  //.«./. 
m-(0Q:^•J)  with  His  enemies  (Jer.  2,  35.  25,  31.  Ez.  17,  20.  20,  35   36   3S 
22.  Isa.  66,  16);  3  (4),  4  ^y  b^i  (2  Ch.  20,  II);  3  (4),  10  hd^  ;  3  (4),  n' 

nmn(Aram.). 

§  3.  Amos. 

Amos,  as  the  title  to  his  book  informs  us,  was  "among  the 
herdmen  of  Tekoa,"  i.e.  he  belonged  to  a  settlement  of  herdmen 
who  had   their   home  at  Tekoa,   and  who,   as   the  word   used 
implies,  reared  a  special  breed  of  sheep,  of  small  and  stunted 
growth,  but  prized  on  account  of  their  u^ool.     From  7,  14  we 
learn  that  he  had  under  his  charge  herds  of  larger  cattle  as  well ; 
and  that  he  was  employed  besides  in  the  cultivation  of  sycomore 
trees.     Although  this  has  been  questioned,  the  Tekoa  meant  is 
no  doubt  the  place  of  that  name  about  9  miles  south  of  Teru- 
salem:    Amos,   therefore,   will    have    been    a   native   of  Judah, 
though  he  received  a  commission— being  taken,  as  he  describes 
it,  "from  after  the  flock"  (7,   15)— to  go  and  prophesy  to  the 
people  of  Israel.     In  connexion  with  the  nature  of  prophecy,  it 
is  to  be  noticed  that  Amos  disclaims  (7,  14)  being  a  prophet  by 
profession  or  education:  he  is  no   "son  of  a  prophet," />.  no 
member  of  a  prophetic  guild  (2  Ki.  4,  i  &c.);  his  inspiration  is 
independent   of  any  artificial   training.      The  year  of  Uzziah's 
reign,  in  which  the    -earthquake,"  mentioned  in   i,  i  (cf  Zech. 
14,  5)j  took  place,  is  not  known;  but  internal  evidence  points  to 
the  latter  part  of  Jeroboam  II.'s  reign,  a//erthe  successes  alluded 
to  in  2  Ki.   14,  25,  I.e.  about  760—746  B.C.,  as  that  to  which 
Amos'  prophetic  ministry  belongs.     The  reign  of  Jeroboam  II., 
though  passed  by  briefly  in  the  historical  books  (2  Ki.  14,  23-29), 
was  the  culminating  point  in  the  history  of  the  Northern  kingdom. 
Jeroboam  had  been  successful  in  recovering  for  Israel  territory 
which  it  had  lost  (2  Ki.   14,  25)  j  and  the  allusions  in  Amos 


294  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

show  us  the  nation  reposing  in  opulence  and  ease  {e.g.  6,  1-5) : 
the  ritual  of  the  calf  worship  at  Beth-el,  Gilgal,  and  elsewhere 
was  splendidly  and  punctiliously  maintained  (4,  /\i.  5,  21-23. 
7,  13.  8,  14):  general  satisfaction  reigned:  the  proud  citizen  of 
Ephraim  felt  that  he  could  defy  any  adversary  (6,  13).  Such 
was  the  condition  and  temper  of  the  people  when  Amos,  arriving 
at  the  great  national  sanctuary  of  Beth-el  as  a;  stranger  (7,  10-17),  * 
interrupted  the  rejoicings  there  with  his  forebodings  of  woe. 

The  book  falls  naturally  into  three  parts,  c.  i — 2,  c.  3 — 6, 
c.  7 — 9,  each  dominated  by  the  same  fundamental  thoughts,  and 
the  whole  pervaded  by  a  unity  of  plan  which  leaves  no  reason-^ 
able  doubt  that  the  arrangement  is  the  author's  own.  I.  Th&  first 
part,  c.  I — 2,  is  introductory.  Here,  after  the  fine  exordium 
(i,  2),  so  graphically  descriptive  of  Jehovah's  power,  Amos  takes 
a  survey  of  the  principal  nations  bordering  on  Israel, — Damascus, 
Gaza,  Tyre,  Edom,  Ammon,  Moab,  Judah, — with  the  object  of 
showing  that  as  none  of  these  will  escape  retribution  for  having 
broken  the  common  and  universally  regarded  dictates  of  morality ; 
so  Israel,  for  similar  or  greater  sins  (2,  6-8),  aggravated,  indeed, 
in  its  case  by  ingratitude  {vv.  9-12),  will  not  be  exempt  from  the 
same  law  of  righteous  government :  a  disaster  darkly  hinted  at 
(vv.  13-16)  will  undo  all  the  conquests  achieved  by  Jeroboam  11.  ! 
The  enumeration  of  countries  is  evidently  intended  to  lead  up  to 
Israel,  and  is  arranged  skilfully :  the  Israelite  would  listen  with 
some  inward  satisfaction  whilst  his  neighbours'  faults,  with  the 
judgments  that  they  would  incur,  were  being  pointed  out;  in  the 
end,  however,  he  is  measured  himself  by  exactly  the  same 
standard  that  is  applied  to  others,  and  is  threatened  with  retri- 
bution not  less  severe. 

II.  C.  3 — 6.  This  part  consists  of  three  discourses,  each  intro- 
duced by  the  emphatic  Hear  ye  this  word  (3,  i.  4,  i.  5,  i). 
Here  the  indictment  and  sentence  of  2,  6-16  are  further  justified 
and  expanded.  The  Israelites  argued  that  the  fact  of  Jehovah's 
having  chosen  the  nation  was  a  guarantee  of  its  safety.  Amos 
replies  :  That  is  not  the  case  ;  you  have  mistaken  the  conditions 
of  His  choice  :  for  that  very  reason  He  will  punish  you  for  your 
iniquities  (3,  i  f.).  Nor,  he  continues,  does  the  prophet  say  this 
without  a  real  power  constraining  him  :  for  does  any  effect  in 
nature  take  place  without  its  due  and  adequate  cause?  (vv.  3-8). 
Call  the  heathen  themselves  to  witness  whether  Justice  rules  in 


AMOS.  295 

Samaria !  {v.  9  f.).  The  toils  will  ere  long  have  closed  about  the 
land  (vv.  11-15).  C.  4  begins  by  denouncing  the  thoughtless 
cruelty  and  frivolity  of  the  women  {vv.  1-3) :  the  prophet  next 
asks  the  Israelites  ironically  whether  their  punctiliously  per- 
formed ritual  will  save  them  {v.  4  f.) :  the  fivefold  warning  has 
passed  unheeded  {vv.  6-1 1) :  prepare  thyself,  then,  for  judgment ! 
In  c.  5—6  the  grounds  of  the  judgment  are  repeated  with  greater 
emphasis  (5,  7.  10.  11  f.  6,  3-6) :  the  infatuation  of  the  people  is 
exposed  in  desiring  the  "  Day  of  Jehovah,"  as  though  that  could 
be  anything  but  an  interposition  in  their  favour  (5,  18-20);  a 
ritual  unaccompanied  by  any  sense  of  moral  obligation  is  indig 
nantly  rejected  (5,  21-24) ;  the  nature  of  the  coming  disaster  is 
described  more  distinctly  (exile,  5,  26  [RV.  marg.^.  27.  6,  7),  and 
the  enemy  indicated,  though  not  named  (the  Assyrians),  which 
should  "afflict"  Israel  over  the  entire  limits  of  the  territory  which 
Jeroboam  had  not  long  since  regained  (6,  14:  see  2  Ki.  14,  25). 
III.  C.  7 — 9,  consisting  of  a  series  of  visions,  with  an  historical 
interlude  (7,  10-17)  and  an  epilogue  (9,  7-15).  The  visions 
reinforce,  under  a  simple  but  effective  symbolism,  the  lesson  of 
the  previous  discourses:  in  the  first  two  (7,  1-6),  the  threatened 
judgment  is  interrupted  at  the  prophet's  intercession;  the  third, 
which  spoke  without  any  concealment  or  ambiguity,  aroused  the 
alarm  and  opposition  of  x\maziah,  the  priest  of  the  golden  calf  at 
Beth-el,  and  is  the  occasion  of  the  historical  notice,  7,  10-17. 
The  fourth  vision  is  the  text  of  a  fresh  and  more  detailed  de- 
nunciation of  judgment  (c.  8)  :  the  fifth  depicts  the  desolation 
falling  upon  the  people  as  they  are  assembled  for  worship  in 
their  own  temple,  and  emphasizes  the  hopelessness  of  every 
effort  to  escape  (9,  1-6).  The  prophecy  closes,  9,  7-15,  with 
brighter  anticipations  for  a  more  distant  future.  Israel,  indeed, 
for  its  sins  will  be  dealt  with  as  any  other  nation  :  but  only  the 
sinners  will  perish  utterly  :  a  faithful  remnant  will  escape  {7'v. 
7-10);  the  house  of  David  will  be  restored  to  its  former  splen- 
dour and  power,^  and  the  blessings  of  unity  and  prosperity 
will  be  shared  by  the  entire  nation  {vv.  13-15). 

The  unity  of  plan  governing  the  arrangement  of  the  book  will  be  manifest : 
the  main  theme,  gradually  introduced  in  c,  i — 2,  is  developed  with  increas- 


1  V.    12  alludes  to  the  nations  conquered   by  David,  and   so  owned   by 
Jehovah  as  His  subjects  (see  p.  258,  No.  16) :  2  Sa.  8,  1-14.  Vs.  18,  43. 


296  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT. 

ing  distinctness  in  the  chapters  which  follow,  till  it  gives  place  to  the 
Messianic  outlook  at  the  close.  The  allusions  of  Amos  to  the  social  condi- 
tion and  religious  life  of  the  Northern  kingdom  do  not  present  such  a  dark 
])icture  as  that  drawn  by  Hosea  a  few  years  later  (c.  4 — 14),  during  the 
anarchy  and  misrule  which  prevailed  after  the  dynasty  of  Jehu  had  fallen  : 
nevertheless  the  amendment,  which  was  still  viewed  by  him  as  a  possibility 
(5,  14  f.),  never  came  ;  and  almost  before  a  generation  had  passed  away,  his 
forebodings  of  invasion,  disaster,  and  exile  (2,  13-16.  3,  11-15.  4,  12.  5,  2  f.  » 
16  f.  27.  6,  14.  7,  9.  17.  8,  2  f.  9,  1-4)  were  amply  realized  by  Tiglath- 
Pileser,  Shalmaneser,  and  Sargon  (2  Ki.  15,  29.  17,  3-6),  Judah  is  alluded 
to  by  Amos  only  incidentally  :  2,  4  f  3,  I  ("the  zuhole  family").  6,  I.  9,  ii. 

Amos  is  the  earliest  of  the  prophets  whose  writings  are  extant 
and  of  undisputed  date ;  and  hence,  like  those  of  his  younger  ' 
contemporary  Hosea,  his  writings  are  of  importance  as  witness- 
ing to  the  religious  beliefs  current  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.  It 
is  clear,  for  instance,  that  he  recognised  (2,  4)  an  authoritative 
Divine  teaching  or  Torah,  by  which,  however,  like  Hosea  (4,  6 
compared  with  v.  if.;  8,  i.  12,  cf.  6,  6),  he  appears  to  have 
understood  primarily  the  moral  precepts  of  Jehovah  (comp.  5, 
21-27,  where  he  rebukes  the  people  with  neglecting  the  moral 
demands  of  God,  and  trusting  to  sacrifice  to  indemnify  them). 
The  broad  moral  standard  by  which  he  judges  Israel  is  particu- 
larly noticeable.  It  is  not  a  standard  peculiar  to  Israel,  it  is  the 
common  moral  standard  recognised  as  binding  by  it  and  by 
other  nations  alike.  Jehovah  is  God  of  the  whole  earth,  of  other 
nations  not  less  than  of  Israel  (c.  i ;  9,  7),  and  will  only  be 
Israel's  God  in  so  far  as  the  same  morality  is  practised  in  its 
midst.  Jehovah  had  been  pleased  to  enter  into  a  special  per- 
sonal relation  with  Israel :  this  fact,  to  which  the  common  people 
pointed  as  their  security  (5,  14  end)^  in  the  eyes  of  Amos,  only 
aggravates  their  guilt  (3,  2).  Disregard  of  the  moral  law  is  the 
first  charge  which  he  brings  against  Israel  itself  (2,  6-8) ;  and 
his  indignation  against  every  form  of  moral  wrong  is  vehemently 
expressed  (comp.  e.g.  the  outburst  against  deceit  in  commercial 
dealings  8,  4-8 ;  notice  also  the  oath,  8,  7.  4,  2.  6,  8  :  each 
time  elicited  by  the  same  fault).  The  observances  of  religion 
are  no  substitute  for  honesty,  and  will  not  be  accepted  by  Jehovah 
in  lieu  of  righteousness  of  heart  (5,  21-24). 

On  the  "Day  of  Jehovah"  (5,  18-20),  and  the  manner  in  which  Amos 
reverses  the  popular  conception  of  it,  see  W.  R.  Smith,  Proph.  p.  131  f., 
who  also  (p.  120  ff.)  draws  out  suggestively  many  other  characteristics  of 
Amos'  teaching.     In  noticing  the  fortunes  and  deserts  of  the  nations  boi'der- 


OBADIAH.  297 

ing  on  Palestine,  Amos  adopted  a  precedent  which  was  followed  afterwards 
by  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel.  Amos  was  a  man  naturally  shrewd  and 
obser\-ant  :  alike  in  his  survey  of  foreign  nations  (comp.  also  6,  2,  8,  8.  9,  7), 
and  in  his  allusions  to  Israelitish  life  and  manners,  he  reveals  a  width  of 
knowledge  and  precision  of  detail  which  is  remarkable.  On  5,  26  see  Amos 
in  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible  (ed,  2),  at  the  end. 

Jerome  (Pref.  to  Amos),  speaking  of  Amos  with  reference  to 
his  style,  describes  him  as  "  imperitus  sermone,  sed  non  scientia;" 
and,  though  the  context  suggests  that  he  is  merely  arguing  a 
priori  from  the  prophet's  antecedents,  it  has  hence  been  some- 
times the  custom  to  attribute  to  his  style  a  peculiar  homeliness 
and  "rusticity."  But  this  judgment  is  not  borne  out  by  the 
facts.  His  language,  with  three  or  four  insignificant  exceptions, 
is  pure,  his  style  classical  and  refined.  His  literary  power  is 
shown  in  the  regularity  of  structure,  which  often  characterizes 
his  periods,  as  i,  3—2,  6.  4,  6-1 1  (the  fivefold  refrain),  and  the 
visions  (7,  i.  4.  7.  8,  i) ;  in  the  fine  climax  3,  3-8;  in  the 
balanced  clauses,  the  well-chosen  images,  the  effective  contrasts, 
in  such  passages  as  3,  15.  5,  2.  21-24.  6,  11.  8,  10.  9,  2-4:  as 
well  as  in  the  ease  with  which  he  evidently  writes,  and  the  skill 
with  which  (as  shown  above)  his  theme  is  introduced  and 
developed.  Anything  of  the  nature  of  roughness  or  rusticity 
is  wholly  absent  from  his  writings.  His  regular,  flowing  sen- 
tences form  a  remarkable  contrast  with  the  short,  abrupt  clauses 
which  Hosea  loves.  It  is  true,  in  the  command  of  grand  and 
picturesque  imagery  he  is  not  the  equal  of  Isaiah ;  nevertheless 
his  thought  is  often  finely  expressed  (i,  2.  5,  24.  8,  8.  9,  5  f); 
and  if,  as  compared  with  other  prophets,  images  derived  from 
rural  life  somewhat  preponderate,  they  are  always  applied  by 
him  aptly  {e.g.  3,  4.  §•  5.  8.  16.  17.  19.  9,  9).  and  never  strike 
the  reader  as  occurring  too  frequently,  or  as  out  of  place. 

§  4.  Obadiah. 

The  short  prophecy  of  Obadiah  is  concerned  almost  entirely 
with  Edom.  Vv.  1-9  the  prophet  declares  the  ruin  impending 
on  Edom  :  her  lofty  rock-hewn  dwellings  will  this  time  be  pene- 
trated by  the  invader;  her  allies  will  abandon  her;  the  "wisdom" 
for  which  Edom  was  proverbial  will  fail  her  in  the  hour  of  her 
need.  Vv.  lo-n  state  the  ground  of  the  preceding  denuncia- 
tion, viz.  the  violence  and   outrage  of  which   Edom  had  been 


298  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

guilty  in  the  day  of  Jerusalem's  calamity;  vv.  12-14  ^^  bids 
them  emphatically  desist  from  their  inhuman  delight;  vv.  15-21 
he  returns  to  dwell  upon  the  retribution  which  awaits  them  :  a 
"  Day  of  Jehovah  "  is  near  upon  all  nations.  The  escaped  of 
Judah,  united  (as  it  appears)  with  the  restored  "House  of  Joseph" 
(cf.  Jer.  31,  5.  27  &c.),  and  endued  with  irresistible  might,  will 
exterminate  the  "  House  of  Esau  : "  the  territory  of  Judah  will 
be  enlarged  on  all  sides,  the  inhabitants  of  the  South  possessing 
Edom,  and  Benjamin  overflowing  into  Gilead  :  "saviours" — 
such  as  the  judges  (Jud.  2,  16.  3,  9.  15) — will  defend  Zion 
against  its  foes,  and  Jehovah's  kingdom  will  be  established. 

For  determining  the  date  of  Obadiah  the  two  chief  criteria  are 
(i)  the  expressions  in  vv.  11-14;  (2)  the  relation  of  Ob.  to 
Jeremiah's  prophecy  on  Edom,  49,  7-22.  (i)  In  vv.  11-14  Ob. 
speaks  of  a  day  of  "  disaster,"  "  calamity,"  and  "  distress  "  which 
has  befallen  Jerusalem,  on  which  "  foreigners  "  entered  the  city 
and  "cast  lots"  upon  it;  and  when  the  Edomites  not  only 
exulted  at  the  humiliation  of  the  Jews,  but  actively  assisted  their 
foes,  and  sought  to  intercept  and  cut  off  the  fugitives.  These 
expressions  are  most  naturally  referred  to  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldaeans  in  586,  and  to  the  hostile  temper 
evinced  then  by  the  Edomites,  which  (see  p.  213)  was  profoundly 
resented  by  the  Jews.""^  (2)  Jer.  49,  7-22  and  Ob.  display  such  a 
large  element  common  to  both  as  to  make  it  evident  either  that 
one  borrowed  from  the  other,  or  that  both  are  dependent  upon 
the  same  earlier  original  :  comp.  Ob.  1-4 ;  5-6  ;  8  with  Jer. 
49,  14-16;  9-10*;  7  (respectively).  There  are  reasons  for  sup- 
posing the  second  of  these  alternatives  to  be  the  correct  one. 
For,  when  the  two  texts  are  compared  carefully  together,  it 
appears  that  the  prophecy,  viewed  as  a  whole,  is  in  its  more 
original  form  in  Ob."^     And  yet,  as  the  date  of  Jer.  49,  7  ff.  seems 

^  So  Ewald,  Meyrick  (in  the  Speaker s  Comm.),  Kuenen,  Farrar,  &c. 

2  The  sequence  in  Ob.  is  better:  thus  "We  (I)  have  heard  tidings  from 
Jehovah"  is  in  a  more  suitable  place  at  the  beginning,  as  in  Ob.,  than  in 
the  middle,  as  in  Jer.;  the  language  is  terser  and  more  forcible  (Jer.,  in 
several  instances,  appears  to  expand  the  text  of  Ob.  by  introducing  words) ; 
and,  in  particular,  the  parts  of  Jer.  which  have  no  parallel  in  Ob.  have 
affinities  with  Jer.'s  own  style,  showing  that  Jer,  took  materials  from  an  older 
prophecy,  which  he  embedded  in  elements  contributed  by  himself.  (This  is 
shown  in  detail  by  Caspari,  pp.  7- 1 3,  whose  argument  is  generally  admitted 
to  be  conclusive,  e.g.  by  Graf,  /er.  p.  559  ff. ) 


OBADIAH.  299 

fixed,  not  only  by  46,  i  f.  (b.c.  604),  but  by  internal  evidence  as 
wel],i  to  a  period  prior  to  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Chal- 
daeans,  the  prophecy  of  Ob.,  if  it  alludes  to  the  conduct  of  the 
Edomites  after  that  event,  cannot  evidently  have  formed  the 
model  for  Jer. ;  and  the  resemblances  between  the  two  prophecies 
can  only  be  explained  by  the  supposition  that  the  common 
elements  have  been  derived  by  both  from  a  prophecy  older  than 
either^  which  Ob.  has  incorporated  with  least  alteration,  while 
Jer.  has  treated  it  with  greater  freedom.^  This  older  prophecy 
will  consist  of  Ob.  1-9,  which  contains  no  allusion  to  the  special 
circumstances  of  B.C.  586  :  ^  in  Jer.  the  order  of  these  verses  is 
changed,  and  vv.  7(Edom's  abandonment  by  its  allies, — an  allusion 
apparently  to  some  circumstance  of  the  time  when  the  original 
prophecy  was  written),  9  are  omitted.  In  favour  of  this  supposi- 
tion it  is  remarked,  that  though,  on  the  whole,  the  prophecy  is  in 
its  more  original  form  in  Ob.,  in  particular  instances  more  original 
elements  seem  to  have  been  preserved  by  Jer.  (49,  9.  I5^  16 
[•]m*^2n],  as  compared  with  Ob.  5.  2^  3  ["inv!:isn  omitted]). 

The  date  and  occasion  of  the  earlier  prophecy  must  remain  uncertain  ; 
Ewald  {Hist.  iii.  159  f. )  conjectured  that  it  may  have  been  when  Elath,  the 
port  on  the  Red  Sea  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  Jews  under  Uzziah 
(2  Ki.  14,  22),  was  restored  by  Rezin  to  the  Edomites  ijh.  16,  6  RV.  marg. : 
of.  2  Ch.  28,  17). 

Other  scholars  have  sought  to  explain  the  relation  of  Jer.  to  Ob.  more 
simply  by  referring;  the  prophecy  of  Ob.  to  an  earlier  occasion  altogether,  viz. 
to  the  plundering  incursion  of  "Philistines  and  Arabians,"  who  apparently, 
according  to  2  Ch  21,  16  f.,  penetrated  into  Jerusalem  in  the  reign  of  Jehoram 
(B.C.  851-844  [Kamphausen]),  in  which  case,  of  course,  Jer.  would  borrow 
from  it  directly.*  And  this  view  of  its  date  has  been  supported  by  the  observa- 
tion that  there  is  no  mention  in  Ob.  of  the  Chaldseans  as  the  enemies  of  the 
Jews.  The  expressions,  however,  which  Ob.  uses  (notice  esp.  ''cast  lots  upon 
Jerusalem")  appear  to  be  too  strong  to  be  referred  with  probability  to  this 
invasion,  which,  from  the  silence  of  the  Book  of  Kings,  appears  to  have  been 
little  more  than  a  predatory  incursion,  from  the  effects  of  which  Judah  speedily 


1  49,  12*  RV.  the  punishment  of  Jerusalem  is  still //^////r. 

2  So  Ewald,  Prophets,  ii.  277  ff.;  Graf  {I.e.)',  Kuenen  ;  Briggs  [Mess.  Proph, 
315  f.).     Meyrick,  p.  564,  appears  to  have  overlooked  Jer.  49.  ^ 2   . 

^  And  which  also  differs  in  representation  from  what  follows  :  in  w.  1-9 
Edom  is  destroyed  by  the  nations  {v.  i)  and  its  treacherous  allies  ;  in  ^'.  15  ff, 
it  falls  with  other  nations  in  the  day  of  universal  retribution  (cf.  Is.  34,  2.  5) 
before  the  victorious  Israelites. 

*  So  Delitzsch,  Keil,  Orelli.  The  argument  deduced  by  Kci!  from  Joel  3, 
3.  5.  6  will,  of  course,  fall  through,  if  Joel  be  really  a  post-exilic  prophet. 


300  LITERATURE    OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

recovered,  and  in  connexion  with  which,  moreover,  Edomiles  are  not  men- 
tioned at  all.  And  the  non-mention  of  the  Chaldseans  is  not  a  decisive  argu- 
ment ;  for  the  prophecy  is  a  short  one,  it  is  directed  entirely  against  Edom, 
and  it  is  the  habit  of  the  Hebrew  prophets  to  speak  allusively  rather  than 
directly  {e.g.  Ez,  in  c.  35  does  not  name  the  Chaldseans).  Ob.  19  also 
appears  to  presuppose  the  exile  of  the  Ten  Tribes.  The  taunting  speech  in 
Jer.  38,  22''  appears  to  be  in  part  modelled  upon  Ob.  7" :  notice  the  peculiar 
rhythm  of  both  these  passages. 


§  5.  Jonah. 

Jonah,  the  son  of  Amittai,  as  we  learn  from  2  Ki.  14,  25,  was 
a  native  of  Gath-hepher,  in  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  (Josh.  19,  13), 
who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  II.,  and  predicted  to  that 
king  the  successful  issue  of  his  struggle  with  the  Syrians,  which 
ended  with  his  restoration  of  the  territory  of  Israel  to  its  ancient 
limits.  These  prophecies  must  have  been  delivered  in  the  early 
part  of  Jeroboam  II. 's  long  reign;  it  would  have  been  interesting, 
had  they  been  preserved,  to  compare  them  with  the  prophecies 
of  Amos,  uttered  towards  the  close  of  the  same  reign,  which 
announced  how  Jeroboam's  successes  would  ere  long  be  fatally 
undone  (see  Am.  6,  14).  The  Book  of  Jonah,  however  (unlike 
the  books  of  all  the  other  prophets),  consists  almost  entirely  of 
narrative,  being  devoted  to  the  description  of  a  particular  incident 
m  the  prophet's  Wio..  The  story  is  too  well  known  to  need 
repetition  in  detail.  Jonah,  commissioned  to  preach  at  Nineveh 
Jehovah's  judgment  against  the  great  city,  seeks  to  avoid  the 
necessity  of  obeying  the  command,  fearing  (as  appears  from  4,  2) 
that  Jehovah  might  in  the  end  be  moved  to  have  mercy  upon  the 
Ninevites,  so  that  his  predictions  of  judgment  would  be  frustrated. 
Accordingly,  he  takes  ship  at  Joppa,  with  the  view  of  escaping  to 
Tarshish  (Tartessus  in  Spain).  A  violent  storm  overtakes  the 
ship  :  the  sailors,  deeming  that  one  of  those  on  board  is  the  cause 
of  it,  cast  lots  to  discover  who  it  is  :  the  lot  falls  upon  Jonah, 
who 'consents  to  be  cast  into  the  sea.  Thereupon  the  sea 
becomes  calm.  Jonah  is  swallowed  by  a  great  fish,  which,  after 
three  days,  casts  him  forth,  uninjured,  upon  the  land.  Again 
the  prophet  receives  the  commission  to  preach  at  Nineveh.  This 
time  he  proceeds  thither ;  but  at  his  preaching  the  Ninevites 
repent,  and  Jehovah  rescinds  the  decree  which  He  had  passed 
against  them.     Displeased  at  the  seeming  failure  of  his  mission, 


JONAH.  301 

Jonah  sits  down  outside  the  city,  and  asks  to  be  allowed  to  die ; 
but  a  gourd  quickly  springing  up  and  sheltering  him  from  the 
sun,  and  as  quickly  dying  and  leaving  him  exposed  to  its  rays, 
by  exciting  his  sympathy,  is  made  the  means  of  justifying  in  his 
eyes  Jehovah's  merciful  change  of  purpose  with  respect  to 
Nineveh. 

Both  in  form  and  contents  the  Book  of  Jonah  resembles  the 
biographical  narratives  of  Elijah  and  Elisha  (i  Ki.  17 — 19.  2  Ki. 
4 — 6  &c.),  though  it  is  pervaded  by  a  more  distinctly  didactic 
aim.  It  cannot,  however,  have  been  written  until  long  after  the 
lifetime  of  Jonah  himself. 

This  appears  (i)  from  the  style,  which  has  several  Aramaisms,  or  other 
marks  of  a  later  age  :  as  I,  5  ny^D  ;  i,  6  n'J'yrin  ^0  think  (  =  Heb.  3t;>n 
Ps.  40,  18) ;  cf.  n3nL*'y  Ps.  146,  4;  and  in  Aram.,  Dan.  6,  4 and  the  Targums  ; 
I,  7.  12.  4,  10  ^  for  "iC'f^ — esp.  in  the  compound  form  in  which  it  occurs  in 
I,  7.  12  ;  I,  9  the  title  "  God  of  heaven,"  as  in  Neh.  I,  5  and  other  post-exilic 
writings  (see  below,  under  Ezra  and  Nehemiah)  ;  I,  12  ^?^t^♦ ;  2,  I.  4,  6.  7.  8 
nsp,  as  Dan.  i,  10.  11.    I  Ch.  9,  29,  and  in  Aram.;  QVO  3,  7,  as  in  Aram., 

Ezr.  6,  14.  7,  23  ;  y.y^  to  labour  d,^  10  (in  ordinary  He])rew  yr).  The  diction 
is,  however,  purer  than  that  of  Esther  or  the  Chronicles.  (2)  From  the 
Psalm  in  c.  2,  which  consists  largely  of  reminiscences  of  other  Psalms  (in  the 
manner  of  Ps.  142,  143,  144,  i-ii),  many  of  them  not  of  early  origin  (comp. 
V.  2.  Ps.  18,  6.  5.  120,  \;  v.T,.  Ps.  18,  4.  42,  7  ;  t^.  4.  Ps.  31,  22.  Lam.  3,  54  ; 
V.  5».  Ps.  18,  4.  116,  3.  69,  \;v.(>.  Ps.  30,  3;  z;.  7.  Ps.  142,  3.  18,  6; 
V.  8.  Ps.  31,  6;  z^.  9.  Ps.  50,  14.  116,  17  f  3,  8)  :  a  I'sahii  of  Jonah's  own 
age  would  certainly  have  been  more  original,  as  it  would  also  have  shown  a 
more  antique  colouring.  (3)  From  the  general  thought  and  tenor  of  the  book, 
which  presupposes  the  teaching  of  the  great  prophets  (comp.  esp.  3,  10  with 
Jer.  18,  7  f. ).  (4)  The  non-mention  of  the  name  of  the  king  of  Nineveh,  who 
plays  such  a  prominent  part  in  c.  3,  may  be  taken  as  an  indication  that  it  was 
not  known  to  the  author  of  the  book. 

Some  of  the  linguistic  features  might  (possibly)  be  consistent 
with  a  pre-exiHc  origi'.^  in  northern  Israel  (though  they  are  more 
pronounced  than  those  referred  to,  p.  177,  71.)  \  but,  taken  as  a 
whole,  they  are  more  naturally  explained  by  the  supposition  that 
the  book  is  a  work  of  the  post-exilic  period,  to  which  the  other 
considerations  adduced  point  with  some  cogency.  A  date  in  the 
5th  cent.  B.C.  will  probably  not  be  far  wide  of  the  truth.^ 

^  The  statement  that  it  was  the  tradition  of  the  Jews  that  Jonah  was  the 
author  of  the  book  appears  to  rest  upon  a  misapprehension  :  comp.  the 
passage  from  Bdba  bdtJwa  cited  in  the  Introduction. 

Like   other   late    writings,  the  narrative  itself  is  also  dependent  in  parts 


302  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  aim  of  the  book.  Although  it  is  apparent  that  the  book 
is  written  with  a  didactic  purpose,  opinions  have  differed  as 
to  what  this  purpose  precisely  was.  According  to  Ewald,  its 
main  purpose  is  to  show  that  only  true  fear  and  repentance  can 
bring  salvation  from  Jehovah, — a  truth  which  is  exemplified,  first 
in  the  case  of  the  foreign  sailors  (i,  14),  then  in  that  of  Jonah 
himself  (c.  2),  and  lastly  in  that  of  the  Ninevites  (3,  5-9),  and 
which,  in  the  last  resort,  rests  upon  the  Divine  love  (3,  10.  4,  11). 
According  to  Richm,  its  aim  is  partly  to  teach  that  it  is  wrong  in 
a  prophet,  as  it  is  also  useless,  to  attempt  to  evade  a  duty  once 
imposed  upon  him  by  God,  partly  to  develop  and  emphasize  th^ 
teaching  of  Jer.  18,  7  f.,  that  prophecy  viz.  is  conditiotial ;  and 
to  show  that  even  when  a  Divinely-inspired  judgment  has  been 
uttered  by  a  prophet,  it  may  yet  be  possible  by  repentance  to 
avert  its  fulfilment ;  and,  if  this  be  done,  objection  must  not  be 
taken  that  God's  word  is  made  of  none  effect.  But  though  these, 
and  other  lessons,  are,  no  doubt,  included  in  the  book,  the 
climax  in  c.  4  is  an  indication  that  the  thought  which  is  most 
prominent  in  the  author's  mind  is  a  different  one.  The  real 
design  of  the  narrative  is  to  teach,  in  opposition  to  the  narrow, 
exclusive  view,  which  was  too  apt  to  be  popular  with  the  Jews, 
that  God's  purposes  of  grace  are  not  limited  to  Israel  alone,  but 
that  they  are  open  to  the  heathen  as  well,  if  only  they  abandon 
their  sinful  courses,  and  turn  to  Him  in  true  penitence.  It  is 
true,  the  great  prophets  had  often  taught  the  future  reception  of 
the  heathen  into  the  kingdom  of  God  :  but  their  predominant 
theme  had  been  the  denunciation  of  judgment ;  and  the  Israelites 
themselves  had  suffered  so  much  at  the  hands  of  foreign  oppres- 
sors that  they  came  to  look  upon  the  heathen  as  their  natural  foes, 
and  were  impatient  when  they  saw  the  judgments  uttered  against 
them  unfulfilled.  Jonah  appears  as  the  representative  of  the 
popular  Israelitish  creed.  He  resists  at  the  outset  the  com- 
mission to  [jreach  to  Nineveh  at  all :  and  when  his  preaching 
there  has  been  successful  in  a  manner  which  he  did  not  antici- 
pate, he  murmurs  because  the  sentence  which  he  had  been 
commanded  to  pronounce  is  revoked.  That  repentance  might 
avert   punishment   had   often    been    taught   with    reference    to 

upon  models:  comp.  I,  14.  Jer.  26,  15;  3,  S''.  Jer.  18,  ii.  26,  3;  3,  9». 
Joel  2,  14;  9\  Ex.  32,  12'';  io\  Ex.  32,  14  ;  4,  2^  Joel  2,  \^.  Ex,  34,  6" 
(but  in  Ex.  without  nyin  h^  DilDl) ;  4,  3*  and  8^  i  Ki.  19,  4^ 


JONAH.  303 

Israel ;  and  Jeremiah  lays  down  the  same  truth  with  reference  to 
the  nations  generally  in  18,  7  f.  The  aim  of  the  book  is  thus  to 
supply  a  practical  illustration  of  Jeremiah's  teaching ;  and  in  the 
rebuke  with  which  the  book  closes,  the  exclusive  spirit  of  the 
author's  own  contemporaries  stands  condemned.  "  In  no  book 
of  the  OT.,"  remarks  Bleek,  "is  the  all-embracing  fatherly  love 
of  God,  which  has  no  respect  for  person  or  nation,  but  is  moved 
to  mercy  on  all  who  turn  to  Him,  exhibited  with  equal  impres- 
siveness,  or  in  a  manner  so  nearly  approaching  the  spirit  of 
Christianity." 

On  the  historical  character  of  the  narrative  opinions  have  differed  widely. 
Quite  irrespectively  of  the  miraculous  features  in  the  narrative,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  there  are  indications  that  it  is  not  strictly  historical.  The 
sudden  conversion,  on  such  a  large  scale  as  (without  pressing  single  expres- 
sions) is  evidently  implied,  of  a  great  heathen  population,  is  contrary  to 
a'lalogy  ;  nor  is  it  easy  to  imagine  a  monarch  of  the  type  depicted  in  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions  behaving  as  the  king  of  Nineveh  is  represented  as 
acting  in  presence  of  the  ?Iebre\v  prophet.  It  is  remarkable  also  that  the 
conversion  of  Nineveh,  if  it  took  place  upon  the  scale  described,  should  have 
produced  so  little  permanent  effect  ;  for  the  Assyrians  are  uniformly  repre- 
sented in  the  OT.  as  idolaters.  But,  in  fact,  the  structure  of  the  narrative 
shows  that  the  didactic  purpose  of  the  book  is  the  author's  chief  aim.  He 
introduces  just  those  details  that  have  a  bearing  upon  this,  while  omitting 
others  which,  had  his  interest  been  in  the  history  as  such,  might  naturally 
have  been  mentioned  ;  e.g.  details  as  to  the  spot  at  which  Jonah  was  cast  on 
to  the  land,  and  particulars  as  to  the  special  sins  of  which  the  Ninevites  were 
guilty. 

No  doubt  the  materials  of  the  narrative  were  supplied  to  the 
author  by  tradition,  and  rest  ultimately  upon  a  basis  of  fact :  no 
doubt  the  outlines  of  the  narrative  are  historical,  and  Jonah's 
preaching  was  actually  successful  at  Nineveh  (Luke  11,  30,  32), 
though  not  upon  the  scale  represented  in  the  book.  These 
materials  the  author  cast  into  a  literary  form  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  set  forcibly  before  his  readers  the  truths  which  he  desired 
them  to  take  to  heart.  The  details  are  artistically  arranged. 
The  scene  is  laid  far  off,  in  the  chief  city  of  the  great  empire 
which  had  for  long  been  Israel's  formidable  oppressor.  Jonah, 
commissioned  to  proceed  thither,  seeks,  with  dramatic  pro])riety, 
to  escape  to  the  furthest  parts  known  to  the  Hebrews  in  the 
opposite  direction.  The  ready  homage  done  by  the  heathen 
sailors  to  the  prophet's  God  is  a  significant  omen  of  what  is  to 
follow.     Jonah    is   represented   (like  those  less  spiritual  of  his 


304  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

fellow-countrymen  of  whom  he  is  the  type)  as  wayward,  un- 
spiritually-minded,  deficient  in  insight ;  he  does  at  last  what  he  is 
commanded  to  do,  but  he  does  it  with  so  little  perception  of  a 
prophet's  mission  that  he  is  disappointed  widi  a  result  at  which 
he  ought  clearly  to  have  rejoiced  :  he  has  Elijah's  despondency 
(i  Ki.  19,  4),  without  Elijah's  excuse.  It  is  in  consistency  with 
the  prophet's  character  that  in  c.  4  he  is  led  indirectly  to  make 
the  confession  from  which  the  main  lesson  of  the  book  is 
immediately  deduced,  by  his  love  of  self  being  painfully  touched  ; 
for  his  compassion  upon  the  gourd  is  only  elicited  by  the 
scorching  effect  of  the  sun's  rays  upon  his  own  person.  We' 
learn  nothing  respecting  the  after-history  either  of  Nineveh  or  of 
the  prophet :  the  author,  having  pointed  the  moral  of  his  story, 
has  no  occasion  to  pursue  the  narrative  further. 

The  Psalm  in  c.  2  is  not  stiictly  appropriate  to  Jonah's  situation  at  the 
time  ;  for  it  is  not  0. peiition  for  deliverance  to  come,  but  a  ihaiiksgiviiig  for 
deliverance  already  accomplished  (like  Ps.  30,  for  instance).  Hence, 
probably,  the  Book  of  Jonah  was  not  its  original  place  ;  but  it  was  taken  by 
the  author  from  some  prior  source.  The  expressions  in  w.  3.  5.  6  &c.  may 
have  been  intended  originally  in  a  figurative  sense  (as  in  the  Psalms  cited 
above,  from  which  they  are  mostly  borrowed),  but  ihey  may  also  have  been 
meant  literally  (see  vv.  5''.  6*,  which  are  not  among  the  phrases  borrowed), 
and  have  formed  part  of  a  Psalm  composed  originally  as  a  thanksgiving  for 
deliverance  from  shipwreck,  and  placed  by  the  author  in  Jonah's  mouth 
on  account  of  the  apparent  suitability  of  some  of  the  expressions  to  his 
situation. 

The  allegorical  view  of  the  book  is  supported  by  Kleinert  (in  Lange's 
Bibehverk),  and  in  this  country  by  Professor  Cheyne  and  C.  \l.  H.  Wright 
[above,  p.  280].  According  to  this  view,  Jonah  does  not  merely  represent  the 
imspiritual  Israelites,  he  symbolizes  Israel  as  a  nation,  and  the  narrative  is  an 
allegory  of  Israel's  history.  Israel,  as  a  nation,  was  entrusted  with  a  pro- 
phetical commission  to  be  a  witness  and  upholder  of  Divine  truth  ;  but 
Israel  shrank  from  executing  this  commission,  and  often  apostatized :  it 
was  in  consequence  "swallowed  up  "  by  the  world-power  Babylon  (see  esp. 
Jer.  51,  34),  as  Jonah  was  swallowed  by  the  fish;  in  exile,  however,  like 
Jonah  (c.  2),  it  sought  its  Lord,  and  thus  was  afterwards  disgorged  uninjured 
(cf.  ib.  V.  44) ;  after  the  return  from  exile,  there  were  many  who  were  dis- 
appointed that  the  judgments  uttered  by  the  prophets  did  not  at  once  take 
effect,  and  that  the  cities  of  the  nations  still  stood  secure,  just  as  Jonah 
was  disappointed  that  the  iudgment  pronounced  against  Nineveh  had  been 
averted. 


MIC  AH. 


§  6.    MiCAH 


305 


Micah  was  a  younger  contemporary  of  Isaiah's.  This  appears 
partly  from  i,  6,  which  was  evidently  uttered  prior  to  the  fall  of 
Samaria  in  722,  partly  from  the  interesting  notice  in  Jer.  26,  17  f, 
from  which  we  learn  that  3,  12  was  spoken  during  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah.  While  Isaiah's  home,  however,  was  the  capital, 
Micah  was  a  native  of  a  small  town  in  the  maritime  plain, 
Moresheth,  a  dependency  of  Gath  (i,  i.  14).  As  has  been 
observed,  the  difference  of  position  and  surroundings  is  marked 
in  the  writings  of  the  two  prophets.  Isaiah  writes  as  one 
acquainted  with  the  society  and  manners  of  the  capital ;  Micah 
speaks  as  a  "  man  of  the  people,"  who  sympathized  with  the 
peasantry  in  their  sufferings,  and  he  attacks,  not  indeed  with 
greater  boldness  than  Isaiah,  but  with  greater  directness  and 
in  more  scathing  terms  (see  especially  3,  2-4),  the  wrongs  to 
which  they  were  exposed  at  the  hands  of  the  nobles  and  rich 
proprietors  of  Judah.  Further,  while  Isaiah  evinces  a  keen 
interest  in  the  political  movements  of  the  time,  Micah  appears 
almost  exclusively  as  an  ethical  and  religious  teacher :  he  men- 
tions, indeed,  the  Assyrians,  but  as  a  mere  foe,  not  as  a  power 
which  might  tempt  his  countrymen  to  embark  upon  a  perilous 
political  enterprise,  and  he  raises  no  warning  voice  against  the 
danger  to  Judah  of  Egyptian  influence. 

The  Book  of  Micah  falls  naturally  into  two  parts,  c.  i — 5  and 
c.  6 — 7. 

I.  In  this  part  there  is  again  a  division  at  the  end  of  c.  3  : 
in  c.  I — 3  the  predominant  tone  is  one  of  reproof  and  denun- 
ciation ;  in  c.  4 — 5  it  is  one  of  promise.  The  prophet  begins 
I,  2-4  by  describing,  in  impressive  imagery,  the  approaching 
manifestation  of  Jehovah  for  judgment,  on  account,  v.  5,  of 
the  transgression  of  the  two  kingdoms,  which  is  centred  in  their 
respective  capitals,  Samaria  and  Jerusalem.  In  the  first  instance, 
vv.  6-7,  Micah  declares  the  impending  ruin  of  Sa?naria  :  the 
evil  does  not,  however,  rest  there  ;  he  sees  it  (v.  9)  advancing 
upon  Jerusalem  as  well,  and  utters  his  wail  of  lament  as  the 
vision  of  disaster  meets  his  eye.  His  sympathy  is  in  particular 
attracted  by  the  district  in  which  his  own  home  lay;  and  he 
describes,  in  a  series  of  characteristic  paronomasiae,  the  fate  of 

U 


306  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

different  places  situated  in  h,  vv.  8-16.  2,'i-ii  the  nature  of 
the  people's  sin,  and  its  punishment,  are  both  more  distinctly 
indicated.  The  people's  sin  is  the  high-handed  conduct  of  its 
great  men,  who  eject  their  poorer  neighbours  from  lands  and 
homes,  in  order  that  their  own  possessions  may  become  the 
larger.  The  punishment  is  in  correspondence  with  the  sin  :  ere 
lor.g  the  nation  will  see  heathen  conquerors  dividing  amongst* 
themselves  the  inheritance  of  Jehovah,  2,  1-5.  The  people 
attempt  to  stop  the  prophet's  unwelcome  harangue.  He  replies, 
It  is  not  impatience  on  Jehovah's  part  that  prompts  Him  thus  to 
threaten;  neither  is  punishment  His  chosen  work  :  as  long  as 
His  people  "walk  uprightly,"  He  responds  to  them  with  friendly 
words  and  acts,  z'Zk  6-7  ;  the  cause  of  His  present  unwonted 
attitude  lies  in  jw/,  who  plunder  mercilessly  the  unsuspicious 
and  the  unprotected  :  as  a  just  retribution  for  the  expulsion  of 
others,  you,  the  aggressors,  shall  be  expelled  yourselves,  ot'.  8-10. 
K  II  Micah  returns  to  the  thought  of  v.  6  :  the  only  prophets 
to  whom  the  people  will  listen  are  those  who  hold  out  alluring, 
but  deceitful,  promises  of  material  enjoyment  and  prosperity. 

At  this  point  there  is  an  abrupt  transition,  and  ?'.  12  f.  consists 
of  a  prophecy  of  the  restoration  of  Israel.  Assembled  as  a 
thronging  multitude  at  one  centre,  as  sheep  in  a  fold,  the 
Israelites  prepare  to  re-enter  their  ancient  home.  The  "  breaker 
up"i  advances  before  them,  forcing  the  gates  of  the  prison  in 
which  they  are  confined ;  the  people  follow,  marching  forth 
triumphantly  through  the  open  way  :  their  king,  with  Jehovah  at 
his  side  (Ps.  no,  5),  heads  the  victorious  procession  (Ex.  13,  21  ; 
Isa.  52,  12).  The  scene  in  these  two  verses  is  finely  conceived  ; 
and  the  past  tenses  represent  it  forcibly  and  vividly. 

C.  3  is  parallel  in  thought  to  2,  i-ii  ;  but  the  offences  of  the 
great  men  are  depicted  in  more  glaring  colours ;  and  the  punish- 
ment is  announced  with  greater  distinctness  and  finality.  Judges, 
priests,  and  prophets  are  alike  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  heartless 
avarice  and  cupidity;  and  yet  {v.  11^)  they  rely  upon  Jehovah  to 
defend  them  against  calamity  (cf  Jcr.  7,  4).  And  the  prophet 
closes  with  the  startling  announcement  that  on  their  account,  on 

^  I.e.  either  a  leader,  or  a  detachment  of  men,  whose  duty  it  was  to  break 
up  obstacles  opposing  the  progress  of  an  army.  See  more  fully  the  Expositor, 
Apr.  1887,  p.  266  fif. ,  where  it  is  shown  that  the  statement  of  Bp.  Pearson  and 
others,  that  the  Jews  undcr-^tood  this  term  of  the  Messiah,  is  an  error. 


MIC  AH. 


307 


account,  viz.,  of  the  misconduct  of  its  great  men,   the  capital 
itself  would  be  completely  ruined  (3,  12). 

In  c.  I — 3  the  promise  of  restoi'ation,  2,  12  f.,  interrupts  the  connexion 
and  occasions  difficulty.  Such  promises  occur,  no  doubt,  in  the  prophets 
after  an  announcement  of  disaster  {e.g.  IIos.  i,  10—2,  i  ;  Isa.  4,  2-6)  ;  but 
here  the  promise  is  associated  closely  with  a  denunciation  of  sin,  so  that 
between  z^.  11  and  v.  12  there  is  no  point  of  connexioa  whatever.  Ewald 
felt  the  difficulty  of  2,  12  f.  so  strongly  that  (like  Ibn  Ezra  before  him)  he 
supposed  the  verses  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  false  prophets,  as  an  illustration 
of  their  deceptive  promises  of  security  (to  be  construed  then  with  v.  ii  :  "he 
shall  even  be  a  prophet  of  this  people  (saying),  I  will  surely  assemble,"  &c.  ; 
comp.  Isa.  5,  19.  Jer.  23,  17).  The  contents  of  the  two  verses  are,  however, 
too  characteristic,  and  the  thought  is  too  elaborately  drawn  our,  for  this  view 
to  be  probable;  moreover,  as  Caspari  (p.  123)  observes,  ihey  presuppose 
disaster,  if  not  exile,  ^^hich  itself  would  not  be  granted  by  the  false  prophets 
(see  3,  11).  The  ordinary  interpretation  must  thus  be  acquiesced  in  ;  though 
it  must  be  granted  that  the  verses  stand  in  no  logical  connexion  with  2,  I -11. 
But  their  contents  afford  no  sufficient  ground  for  attributing  them  to  another, 
and  later,  hand  than  Micah's.  The  idea  of  a  scattering  or  exile  is  implied  in 
I,  16.  2,  4.  5.  3,  12;  the  idea  of  the  preservation  of  a  "remnant"  had  been 
promulgated  more  than  a  generation  before  l)y  Amos  (9,  8-9  ;  comp.  also 
Hos.  I,  10.  II.  II,  10.  11);  and  the  general  thought  of  the  passage  is 
similar  to  that  of  4,  6  f.  The  verses  can  scarcely,  however,  be  in  their 
original  context  :  either  they  belong  to  another  place  in  tlie  existing  Book  of 
Micah  (Steiner  would  place  them  after  4,  8),  or — which  may  be  a  preferable 
alternative — the  existing  Book  of  Micah  consists  only  of  a  collection  of 
excerpts,  in  some  cases  fragmentary  excerpts,  from  the  entire  series  of  the 
prophet's  discourses,  and  the  context  in  which  2,  12  f.  originally  stood  has 
not  been  preserved  to  us. 

The  picture  of  disaster  and  ruin  with  which  c.  i — 3  closes,  is 
followed  (in  the  manner  of  the  other  prophets,  especially  Isaiah) 
by  a  vision  of  restoration.  Zion,  no  longer  ruined  and  deserted, 
is  pictured  by  the  prophet  as  invested  with  even  greater  glory 
than  before  :  it  has  become  the  spiritual  metropolis  of  the  entire 
earth  ;  pilgrims  flock  to  it  from  all  quarters  ;  a  "  federation  of 
the  world"  has  been  established  under  the  suzerainty  of  the  God 
of  Israel,  4,  1-5.  In  that  day  the  banished  and  suffering 
Israelites  will  be  restored ;  and  Jehovah  will  reign  over  them  in 
Zion  for  ever,  v.  6  f.  K  8  the  prophet  proceeds  to  contemplate 
the  future  revival  of  the  kingdom  of  David ;  but  v.  9  f.  he  rettirns 
to  the  immediate  present,  and  dwells  on  the  period  of  distress 
which  must  be  passed  through  before  the  revival  can  be  con- 
summated. ''Now,  why  dost  thou  cry  out  aloud?"  he  ex- 
claims;   for  he  hears  in   imagination  the  wail  of  despair  and 


308  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

pain  rising  from   the  capital  at  the  approach  of  the  foe  (the 

Assyrian),  v.  9  ;  he  takes  up,  7'.  10,  the  figure  used  at  the  end  of 
V.  9  :  the  painful  process  must  continue  till  the  new  birth  has  been 
achieved;  the  nation  must  leave  the  city,  dwell  in  the  field,  and 
journey  even  to  Babylon  ;  there  will  it  be  delivered  and  rescued 
from  its  foes.  But  now  {i.e.  as  before,  in  the  prophets  own  present 
or  immediate  future),  many  nations  are  assembled  against  Zion, 
eager  to  see  her  prostrate  in  the  dust ;  they  know  not,  however, 
Jehovah's  purpose  ;  He  has  assembled  them  only  that  they  may  be 
gathered  themselves  "as  the  sheaves  into  the  floor,"  and  there 
"threshed"  by  the  triumphant  daughter  of  Zion  herself,  vv.  11-' 
13.  And  yet,  nozv.,  there  is  a  siege  imminent;  and  humiliation 
awaits  the  chief  magistrate  of  Israel  (the  king)  :  the  ruler  who  is  to 
be  his  people's  deliverer  will  arise  from  another  quarter,  from  the 
insignificant  town  of  Bethlehem  ;  and  Israel  will  be  "given  up" 
— ie,  abandoned  to  its  foes — until  he  appears  and  reunites  the 
scattered  nation,  5,  1-3  (Heb.  4,  14 — 5,  2).  Then  will  Israel 
dwell  securely  :  when  danger  threatens,  capable  men  will  be  at 
hand,  in  more  than  sufficient  numbers  (''seven  .  .  .  eight"),  to 
ward  it  off;  when  the  Assyrian  essays  to  invade  the  territory 
of  Judah,  under  Messiah's  leadership  he  will  be  triumphantly 
repelled,  iw.  4-6.  Upon  those  of  the  nations  who  are  disposed 
to  welcome  it,  the  "remnant  of  Jacob"  will  exert  an  influence 
like  that  of  the  softly  -  falling,  beneficent  dew ;  towards  those 
who  resist  it,  it  will  be  as  a  fierce,  destructive  lion,  vv.  7-9. 
Finally,  Micah  points  to  the  inward  notes  of  the  nation's  changed 
state,  the  destruction  of  warlike  implements,  which  will  be  no 
longer  needed,  and  of  idolatry,  in  which  it  will  no  longer  find  its 
delight,  vv.  10-15. 

In  c.  4 — 5  the  connexion  of  thought  is  so  incomplete  that  again  the 
question  arises  whether  the  text  is  in  its  original  integrity.  The  two  chief 
sources  of  difficulty  are  the  clause  in  4,  lo,  And  sJuilt  come  eveji  to  Babylon,  and 
the  three  verses,  4,  11-13.  The  context,  taken  as  a  whole,  speaks  of  an 
approaching  period  of  distress  (4,  9.  lo*.  5,  I.  3*;  comp.  3,  12),  which  will 
result,  however,  in  Zion's  deliverance,  and  in  the  restoration  of  David's 
humbled  kingdom  (4,  8.  10'',  except  the  clause  just  qtioted,  5,  2fif.).  4,  11-13, 
on  the  other  hand,  describes  a  great  sticcess  achieved  by  Zion  over  the  "  many 
nations"  assembled  against  her  —  a  representation  which  appears  to  be 
incompatible  with  the  exile  to  Babylon  in  4,  10,  and  even  with  the  distress 
implied  in  4,  9.  5,  i.  3",  to  say  nothing  of  the  disaster  of  3,  12.  The 
contradiction,  as  it  seems,  can  only  be  explained  by  one  of  the  following 


MICAH.  309 

alternatives.  Either  (i)  as  was  said  above,  with  reference  to  2,  12  f., 
Micah's  prophecies  have  not  been  transmitted  in  their  integrity,  and  con- 
necting links  are  missing;  or  (2)  4,  11-13  does  not  belong  to  the  same 
occasion  as  4,  gf.,  but  was  uttered  under  the  influence  of  an  altered  set  of 
.impressions,  and  reflects  a  new  phase  of  the  prophet's  conception  of  his 
nation's  future  ;  or  (3)  Micah's  prophecies  have  suffered  interpolation.  It  is 
an  objection  to  (i)  and  (2)  that  the  prophecy,  at  least  from  v.  8,  wears  the 
appearance  of  being  a  single  continuous  discourse  (notice  esp.  the  threefold 
now,  4,  9.  II.  5,  I),  and  not  a  series  of  separate  prophecies,  which  might 
differ  from  one  another  in  representation,  as  {e.g.)  Isa.  3,  25  f.  or  ^z,  13  f. 
differs  from  29,  5-8.  31,  8  f.  &c.  If,  however,  the  prophecy  be  really  a  single 
connected  discourse,  as  the  transportation  to  Babylon  in  v.  10  would  seem  to 
be  inconsistent  with  the  victory  outside  Jerusalem  promised  in  vv.  11-13, 
the  only  apparent  alternative  is  to  conclude  that  the  words  in  z^.  10,  "And 
shalt  come  even  to  Babylon,"  are  a  later  addition  or  glo?s,  written  originally 
on  the  margin  with  the  view  of  making  the  prophecy  more  definite,  and  intro- 
duced afterwards  by  error  into  the  text.  With  these  words  omitted,  the 
representation  becomes  clear  and  consistent  :  v.  10  now  merely  describes  how 
the  inhabitants  leave  the  capital,  and  encamp  in  the  fields  preparatory  to  sur- 
rendering to  the  enemy,  when  Jehovah  interposes  suddenly  on  their  behalf,  and 
M(?r^  delivers  them  ;  and  vv.  II-13  depict  the  manner  in  which  this  deliver- 
ance is  effected,  viz.  by  the  nation  being  supernaturally  strengthened  in  order 
to  vanquish  itsfoes.^  It  may,  indeed,  be  still  objected  that  4,  II-13  conflicts 
with  4,  9-IO^  5,  I,  and  still  more  with  3,  12;  and  Nowack  [ZATIV.  1SS4, 
p.  277  ff.)  and  others  may  be  thought  to  be  right  in  treating  4,  11-13  as  a 
later  addition  as  well  :  but  (i)  there  is  no  necessary  contradiction  between 
vv.  11-13  and  vv.  9-10^  5,  i.  3^;  a  victory  may  well  be  preceded  by  a 
period  of  anxiety  and  distress  (comp.  e.g.  Isa.  3,  25 — 4,  i  preceding  4,  2-6)  ; 
(2)  3,  12  forms  the  close  of  a  distinct  prophecy,  and  although  4,  i  ff.  intro- 
duces the  counterpart  to  it,  it  is  not  clear  that  the  whole  of  c.  4 — 5  was  added 
at  the  same  time  :  the  original  sequel  to  3,  12  may  have  terminated  at  4,  7  ; 
and  4,  8  ff.  may  have  been  written  and  attached  to  it  subsequently.  Apart 
from  the  Babylon-clause  in  4,  lo,  the  general  line  of  thought  in  4,  8 — 5,  15 
is  quite  parallel  with  that  of  the  great  discourses  of  Isaiah  delivered  in  view 
of  the  Assyrian  crisis  of  701  {e.g.  c.  29 — 32) ;  trouble  and  danger,  followed 
by  deliverance,  the  dispersion  of  foes,  and  the  advent  of  the  Messianic  age, 
being  the  ideas  that  are  common  to  both,  /w  iiself,  it  is  to  be  observed,  the 
mention  of  Babylon  occasions  no  difficulty.  As  Micah  views  the  Assyrians 
as  the  power  which  the  Jews  have  to  dread,  Babylon,  as  a  principal  city  of 
their  empire,  with  which  recently,  it  is  probable,  Judah  had  had  dealings 
(Is.    39),  must    of  course,   if  the   words   were    Micah's,   be   named   as   the 

^  Caspari  (p.  190)  and  Keil  escape  the  contradiction  between  4,  11-13  and 
4,  9f.  by  taking  nnyi,  4>  H,  i'l  the  sense  of  Am/  then  {i.e.  after  the  deliver- 
ance of  4,  10,  when  the  nations  who  presume  to  assail  Israel  will  be  triumph- 
antly dispersed).  But  according  to  usage  nnyi  would  only  naturally  denote 
either  the  present,  or  the  inwiediate  future,  as  contrasted  with  the  more 
distant  future  indicated  at  the  end  of  z'.  10. 


310  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

locality  to  which,  in  accordance  with  the  Assyrian  custom  (2  Ki.  15,  29), 
the  people  were  to  be  exiled  by  them  (cf.  also  Is.  39,  6  f.).  The  difficulty 
of  the  clause  arises  solely  out  of  its  relaiion  to  the  context  of  JlJicah,  with 
which  it  seems  to  be  inconsistent. 

II.  C.  6 — 7.  (i.)  6,  I — 7,  6.  Here  the  standpoint  changes.  It 
is  no  longer  the  leaders  onl\-,  as  in  c.  i — 3,  whose  misconduct  the 
prophet  denounces,  the  people  as  a  whole  are  addressed,  and  the, 
entire  nation  is  represented  as  corrupt,  not  "a  good  man"  can 
be  found  in  it  (7,  1-2).  The  prophecy  is  conceived  dramatically, 
and  may  be  headed  (comp.  Ewald)  Jehovah  and  Israel  in  avitro- 
versy :  Jehovah,  represented  by  the  prophet,  is  plaintiff;  Israel  is 
defendant.  K  i  f.  is  the  exordium  :  vv.  y-^  Jehovah  states  His 
case  :  what  has  He  done  to  merit  Israel's  ingratitude  and  neglect  ? 
Vv.  6-7.  The  people^  admitting  its  sin,  inquires  how  its  God  can 
be  propitiated?  will  thousands  of  sacrifices,  will  even  a  man's 
first-born  son,  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  His  demands?  V.  8.  The 
prophet  gives  the  answer :  Jehovah  demands  not  material  offer- 
ings, but  justice,  mercy,  humility.  Vv.  9-16.  Jehovali  speaks, 
addressing  primarily  the  capital,  denouncing  with  indigna- 
tion the  injustice,  oppression,  and  violence  rampant  in  it,  and 
threatening  condign  punishment,  in  the  shape  of  invasion,  deso- 
lation, and  disgrace.  7,  1-6.  The  prophet  is  the  speaker  :  he 
describes — with  a  passing  glance  at  the  day  of  retribution,  v.  ^ 
— the  desperate  condition  of  the  nation, — anarchy,  persecution, 
universal  corruption  of  justice,  the  ties  of  society  dissolved,  even 
friendship  and  wedded  love  no  longer  to  be  trusted — "a  man's 
enemies  are  the  men  of  his  own  house." 

The  social  condition  thus  depicted  is  darker  than  that  which  is  either 
described  or  implied  in  any  other  part  of  the  book.  In  their  connexion 
with  c.  6,  the  verses  7,  1-6  may  be  taken  as  exhibiting  anew  the  necessity  of 
the  judgment  held  out  in  6,  13-16  against  a  people  which  will  listen  neither 
to  the  admonition  of  6,  8,  nor  to  the  denunciation  of  6,  9-12. 

,  (2.)  7,  7-20.  Here,  though  the  literary  form  is  still  that  of  a 
dramatic  dialogue,  both  the  subject  and  the  point  of  view  are 
different.  Vv.  7-13  may  be  headed  Israel  and  the  prophet :  vv. 
14-20,  The  prophet  and  his  God.  Vv.  7-10  the  cojmmmity 
speaks, — not,  however,  the  corrupt  community  of  the  present,  as 
described  in  vv.  1-6,  but  the  penitent  community  of  the  future  : 
the  day  of  distress,  v.  4^  is  supposed  to  have  arrived  :  the  suffer, 
ing  and  humiliation  (here  described  as  "darkness")  involved  in 


MICAH.  311 

it  have  brought  the  nation  to  a  sense  of  its  guilt ;  hence  it  is  able 
to  assert  its  confidence  in  the  approach  of  a  brighter  future,  and 
to  triumph  over  its  adversary's  fall.  Vv.  11-13.  The  prophet 
supposes  himself  to  reply :  he  re-echoes  the  nation's  hopes :  the 
ruined  fence  of  the  vineyard  (Is.  5,  1-7)  will  be  rebuilt,  and  the 
banished  Israelites  will  return,  though,  he  adds,  before  this 
promise  can  be  realised,  judgment  must  take  its  course,  and 
"the  land"  become  desolate  (cf.  6,  16^). 

V,  14.  The  prophet,  turning  now  to  Jehovah,  supplicates,  in 
the  name  of  the  penitent  people,  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise 
of  27.  II  f.  V.  15.  Jehovah  gives  His  reply,  short  but  pregnant: 
at  the  restoration,  the  wonders  of  the  Exodus  will  be  re-enacted. 
Vv.  16-17  t^''^  words  glide  insensibly  into  those  of  the  prophet  : 
the  effects  of  the  spectacle  upon  the  nations  of  the  world,  their 
terror  and  prostration,  are  powerfully  depicted.  The  prophecy 
closes  with  a  lyric  passage,  vv.  18-20,  celebrating  the  Divine 
attributes  of  mercy,  compassion,  and  faithfulness,  as  manifested 
in  the  deliverance  promised  in  the  preceding  verses. 

C.  6 — 7  were  assigned  by  Ewald  to  an  anonymous  prophet 
writing  in  the  reign  of  Manasseh.  The  hope  and  buoyancy 
which  Isaiah  kindled,  and  which  left  its  impress  upon  the  pages 
of  Micah,  c.  i — 5,  has  given  way,  he  remarks,  in  c.  6 — 7  to 
despondency  and  sadness  :  Micah  declaims  against  the  leaders 
of  the  nation  only,  in  c.  6 — 7  (as  was  already  observed  above) 
the  corruption  has  extended  to  the  entire  people;  and  6,  16 
("the  statutes  of  Omri,  and  all  the  works  of  the  house  of  Ahab") 
points  directly  to  the  age  of  Manasseh  as  that  in  which  the  pro- 
phecy was  written.  It  is  true  there  is  no  chronological  difficulty 
in  supposing  that  Micah  himself  may  have  survived  at  least  the 
commencement  of  the  heathen  reaction  which  marked  the  reign 
of  Manassen;  but  the  difference  in  form  and  style  between 
c.  6—7  and  c.  1—5  is  such,  Ewald  urges,  as  to  be  scarcely  com- 
patible with  the  opinion  that  both  are  by  the  same  author.  C. 
6_7  is  dramatic  in  structure  ;  the  prophecy  is  distributed  between. 
different  interlocutors  in  a  manner  which  is  far  from  common  in 
the  prophets,  and  is  altogether  alien  from  c.  i— 5  :  the  "echoes 
of  Isaiah's  lofty  eloquence"  are  here  no  longer  audible;  the  elegiac 
tone  of  c.  6—7  already  approaches  closely  to  that  of  Jeremiah  : 
the  linguistic  features  which  mark  c.  1—5  are  also  absent. 

Wellhausen  (in  Bleek's  Einl,  ed.  4,  P-  425  f-)  advanced  a  step 


312  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

beyond  Ewald,  accepting  Ewald's  judgment  so  far  as  related  to 
6,  I — 7,  6,  but  calling  attention  to  the  sharp  contrast  subsisting 
between  6,  i — 7,  6  and  7,  7-20 — 

"  7,  1-6  consists  of  a  bitter  lamentation  uttered  by  Zion  over  the  corruption 
of  her  children  ;  and  the  day  of  retribution,  though  ready,  is  yet  future,  v.  4. 
But  with  V.  6  the  thread  of  the  thought  is  broken,  and  the  contents  of  vv. 
7-20  are  of  a  wholly  different  character.  Zion,  indeed,  is  still  the  speaker  ; 
but  here  she  has  already  been  overpowered  by  her  foe,  the  heathen  world, 
which  is  persuaded  that  by  its  victory  over  Israel  it  has  at  the  same  time 
vanquished  Jehovah,  v.  10.  The  city  has  fallen,  its  walls  are  destroyed,  its 
inhabitants  pine  away  in  darkness,  i.e.  in  the  darkness  of  captivity,  vv.  8.  1 1. 
Nevertheless,  Zion  is  still  confident,  and  though  she  may  have  to  wait  long, 
she  does  not  question  her  final  triumph  over  the  foe,  vv.  7.  8.  lo*.  11.  She 
endures  patiently  the  punishment  merited  by  her  past  sins,  assured  that  when 
she  has  atoned  for  them,  God  will  take  up  her  cause,  and  lead  her  to  victory, 
V.  9.  Then  the  leaf  turns  :  Zion  rules  over  the  heathen,  and  these  humbly 
proffer  her  their  homage  at  Jerusalem.^  Thus  the  situation  in  7,  7-20  is 
quite  different  from  that  in  7,  1-6.  What  was  present  there,  viz.  moral 
disorder  and  confusion  in  the  existing  Jewish  state,  is  here  past ;  what  is 
there  future,  viz.  the  retribution  of  v.  4*^,  has  here  come  to  pass,  and  has 
been  continuing  for  some  time.  What  in  vv.  1-6  was  still  unthought  of,  viz. 
the  consolation  of  the  people,  tempted  in  their  trouble  to  mistrust  Jehovah, 
is  in  vv.  7-20  the  main  theme.  Between  v.  6  and  v.  7  there  yawns  a  century. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  prevails  a  remarkable  similarity  between  7,  7-20 
and  Isa.  40—66.  " 

Accordingly  Wellhausen  supposes  7,  7-20  to  have  been 
added  to  6,  1-7,  6  by  a  prophet  writing  during  the  Babylonian 
captivity. 

Ewald's  date  for  6,  i — 7,  6  is  exceedingly  probable  ;  though  we 
cannot  affirm  with  equal  confidence  that  Micah  is  not  the  author. 
With  such  a  small  basis  as  c.  i — 5  to  argue  from,  we  are  hardly 
entitled  to  pronounce  the  dramatic  foi'm  of  6,  i  ff  inconsistent 
with  Micah's  authorship.  At  the  same  time,  there  is  a  difference 
of  tone  and  manner  in  6,  i — 7,  6,  as  compared  w^ith  c.  i — 5, 
which,  so  far  as  it  goes,  tell  against,  rather  than  in  favour  of, 
identity  of  author :  instead  of  Micah's  sharp  and  forceful  sen- 
tences, we  have  here  a  strain  of  reproachful  tenderness  and  regret 
(see  esp.  6,  3.  5.  7,  i);  and,  as  Kuenen  remarks  (§  74.  11),  the 
prophecy  does  not,  as  would  be  natural  if  the  author  were  the 

1  Wellh.  interprets  v.  12  (as  is  done  by  Keil  and  others)  of  the  heathen 
hastening  to  join  themselves  to  Israel  (as  Isa.  45,  14  &c.),  not  of  the  scattered 
Israelites  returnii.g.  And  in  v.  13  he  takes  riXHi  also  as  Keil,  of  the  ea^-th. 
The  view  adopted  in  the  text  (p.  311)  is  that  of  Caspari,  Ilitzig,  and  Ewald. 


MICAH.  3  I  3 

same,  carry  on,  or  develop,  lines  of  thought  contained  in  c.i— 5. 
The  point  is  one  on  which  it  is  not  possible  to  i)ronounce  con- 
fidently; but  internal  evidence,  it  must  be  owned,  tends  to  sup- 
port Ewald's  conclusion. 

As  regards  7,  7-20  Wellh.'s  characterisation  of  the  passage, 
and  exposition  of  the  argument,  are  both  eminendy  just.  The 
question  remains  whether  the  inferences  which  he  deduces  from 
them  follow. 

It  is  true  that  a  century  or  more  elapsed  in  fact  between  the  period  alluded 
to  in  V.  6  and  the  period  supposed  to  have  commenced  \x\v.  ^  :  but  we  can 
hardly  measure  the  prophet's  representations  by  the  actual  history  ;  to  him, 
as  to  other  prophets,  future  events  may  have  seemed  nearer  than  they  were 
shown  by  the  result  to  be  :  both  Isaiah  and  Micah,  for  example,  pictured 
the  Messianic  age  as  immediately  succeeding  the  downfall  of  the  Assyrian. 
The  prophet  who  is  here  speaking  may  similarly  have  pictured  calamity 
working  its  penitential  effect  upon  the  nation  much  sooner  than  the  course  of 
history  actually  brought  about.  The  contradiction  with  7,  1-6  is  really  con- 
fined to  vv.  7-10  :  the  transition  must  be  admitted  to  be  abrupt ;  but  these 
verses  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  an  ideal  confession  placed  in  the  mouth  of 
the  people,  whilst  lying  under  the  judgment  which  the  prophet  imagines 
(implicitly)  to  have  passed  over  it  :  comp.  Hos.  6,  I-3,  the  confession  sup- 
posed to  be  uttered  by  the  nation  when  "in  their  affliction  they  seek  me 
earnestly"  (5,  15).  V.  ii  ff.  may  be  treated  as  consolations  spoken  from  the 
prophet's  standpoint,  after  the  manner  of  Zeph.  3,  14  ff.  As  regards  the 
resemblances  with  Isa.  40-66,  it  is  true  again  that ,  the  thought  is  often 
similar;^  but  there  are  no  unambiguous  references  to  the  Ilabylonian  exile, 
such  as  are  frequent  both  in  Isa.  40 — 66  and  in  other  prophecies  belonging 
to  the  same  period.  Thus  Jer.  50,  19  is  remarkably  parallel  with  v.  14;  but 
it  is  preceded  {v.  17  f.)  by  the  express  mention  both  of  Babylon  and  of  its 
king,  Nebuchadnezzar,  unlike  anything  to  be  found  in  Mic.  7,  7--20,  where, 
indeed,  even  the  word  retttrn  does  not  occur. ^  It  is  not  clear,  therefore,  that 
the  expressions  here,  which  seem  to  imply  that  a  state  of  exile  is  in  the 
prophet's  mind  (as  v.  li  "a  day  io  huihi  np  thy  fences"),  are  more  th.in 
parts  of  the  imaginative  picture  drawn  by  him  of  the  calamity  which  he  sees 
to  be  impending.     Comp.  Zeph.  3,  14-20. 


1  Comp.  7,  8^  9^  Isa.  42,  16.  62,  I^  -9\  42,  24.  25.  64,  5".  — 10.  49,  25. 
26.  51,  23.  — II.  58,  12  &c.  — 12.  43,  5f.  49,  12.-14.  63,  17''.  64,  9.  65,  9. 
10  [Jer.  50,  19].  — 15.  41,  iS.  43,  16  f.  48,  21.— i6f  45,  14-  54,  I5-  — i^  20. 
43,  25.  44,  22.  54,  8f.  55,  7". 

-  The  mention  of  Assyria  in  Mic.  7,  12  rather  than  Babylon,  and  the  name 
Mazoriox  Egypt  (only  besides  in  Isaiah,  19,  6.  37,  25),  do  not  favour  the 
exilic  date  of  7,  7-20. 


314  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 


§  7.  Nahum. 

The  theme  of  the  prophecy  of  Nahum  is  the  fall  of  Nineveh. 
In  a  noble  exordium,  i,  2-6,  Nahum  depicts  the  appearance  of 
Jehovah  in  judgment,  and  its  effects  upon  the  physical  universe ; 
then,  after  briefly  commemorating,  v.  7,  His  faithfulness  towards 
those  who  are  His  true  servants,  he  proceeds  to  describe  the  fall 
and  irretrievable  destruction  destined  to  overtake  the  Assyrian 
capital,  vv.  8-12%  and  the  exultation  which  the  news  of  the 
oppressor's  fall  will  produce  in  Judah,  vv.  12^-15.^  In  c.  2  l^e 
depicts  in  forcible  and  vivid  language  the  assault  upon  Nineveh, 
the  entrance  effected  by  her  foes,  the  scene  of  carnage  and 
tumult  in  the  streets,  the  flight  of  her  inhabitants,  the  treasures 
plundered  by  the  captors,  the  city  which  hitherto  had  been  the 
home  of  brave  intrepid  warriors  ("the  den  of  lions,"  vv.  11-12) 
deserted  and  silent.  In  c.  3  the  theme  of  c.  2  is  further 
developed  and  confirmed.  The  cruelty,  the  avarice  {v.  i),  the 
crafty  and  insidious  policy  {v.  4)  of  the  Assyrians,  directed  only 
to  secure  their  own  aggrandisement,  is  the  cause  of  Nineveh's 
ruin  ;  and  again  Nahum  sees  in  imagination  the  chariots  and 
horsemen  of  the  victor  forcing  a  path  through  the  streets,  and 
spreading  carnage  as  they  go  {vv.  2-3).  For  Jehovah  is  against 
Nineveh  {v.  5  f.),  and  in  the  day  of  her  desolation  none  will  be 
there  to  comfort  her  {v.  7)  :  as  little  will  she  be  able  to  avert  her 
doom  as  was  No-amou  (Thebes,  in  Upper  Egypt),  in  spite  of  the 
waters  that  encircled  her,  and  the  countless  hosts  of  her  defenders 
{vv.  8-1 1).  Nineveh's  fortresses  will  give  way:  her  men  will  be 
as  women  :  in  vain  will  she  prepare  herself  to  endure  a  siege  • 
the  vast  multitude  of  her  inhabitants  will  vanish  as  locusts  :  amid 
the  rejoicings  of  all  who  have  suffered  at  her  hands  the  proud 
empire  of  Nineveh  will  pass  for  ever  away. 

Re^^pecting  the  person  of  Nahum  nothing  is  known  beyond  the  statement 
of  the  title  that  he  was  an  Elkoslnte.  A  place  bearing  the  name  oi  Alkus/i, 
containing  a  grave  which  is  shown  as  that  of  Nahum,  exists  at  the  present 
day  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mosul  (the  ancient  Nineveh) ;  but  the  tradition 
connecting  this  locality  with  the  prophet  cannot  be  traced  back  beyond  the 
l6th  cent.  Far  more  ancient  and  credible  is  the  tradition  recorded  by 
Jerome  in  his  commentary  on  Nahum,  that  the  prophet  was  the  native  of  a 

^  Vv.  8-12=*  are  addressed  to  the  people  or  city  of  Nineveh,  vv.  12".  13  to 
Jr.Jah  or  Jerusalem,  v.  14  to  Nineveh  again,  and  v.  15  (expressly)  to  Judah. 


NAHUM. 


315 


village  in  Galilee,  which  in  Jerome's  time  bore  the  name  of  Elkesi.  If 
Nahum  were  of  Galilean  origin,  certain  slight  peculiarities  of  his  diction 
might  be  explained  as  provincialisms. 

As  regards  the  date  of  Nahum's  prophecy,  the  terminus  a  quo  is 
the  capture  of  Thebes  in  Egypt  (alluded  to  in  3,  8-10)  by  Asshur- 
banipal,  shortly  after  664 ;  1  the  terminus  ad  que?n,  the  destruc- 
tion of  Nineveh  by  the  Babylonians  and  Medes  in  607.  Within 
these  hmits  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  date  more  precisely.  On 
the  one  hand,  the  freshness  of  the  allusion  to  the  fate  of 
Thebes,  and  the  vigour  of  style  (which  resembles  that  of  Isaiah 
rather  than  Zephaniah's  or  Jeremiah's),  may  suggest  that  it 
belongs  to  the  earlier  years  of  this  period ;  on  the  other  hand,  as  * 
the  fall  of  Nineveh  is  contemplated  as  imminent  {e.g.  i,  13  "And 
nozv,''  &c.),  and  the  Assyrians  are  represented  as  powerless  to 
avert  the  fate  which  threatens  them,  it  may  be  thought  to  belong 
to  the  period  of  the  decadence  of  the  Assyrian  power,  which  fol- 
lowed the  brilliant  reign  of  Asshurbanipal  (b.c.  668-626). 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  prophecy  may 
have  been  the  attack  made  upon  Nineveh  by  Cyaxares,  king  of  Media  (Hdt. 
i.  103),  c.  623  B.C.,  which,  though  it  proved  abortive,  may  have  turned  the 
prophet's  thoughts  towards  the  city,  and  the  destiny  which  he  saw  to  be  in 
store  for  it.  The  terms  of  i,  11.  13.  15.  2,  it,  end  seem  to  point  to  some 
recent  invasion,  or  act  of  tyranny,  on  the  part  of  the  Assyrians,  not  recorded 
in  the  historical  books.  The  determination  of  Xhf  terminus  a  quo  mz\^ts  it 
improbable  that  these  verses  allude  to  the  invasion  of  Sennacherib,  nearly  40 
years  before  (b.c  701) ;  and,  of  course,  altogether  excludes  a  date  immediately 
after  Sennacherib's  retreat  (adopted  formerly  by  some  commentators). 

Nahum's  poetry  is  fine.  Of  all  the  prophets  he  is  the  one  who 
in  dignity  and  force  approaches  most  nearly  to  Isaiah.  His 
descriptions  are  singularly  picturesque  and  vivid  (notice  especially 
2)  3-5-  lo-  35  2-3):  his  imagery  is  effective  and  striking  {e.g.  2, 
II  f  3,  17.  18);  the  thought  is  always  exi)ressed  comj)actly ;  the 
parallelism  is  regular  :  there  is  no  trace  of  that  prolixity  of  style 
which  becomes  soon  afterwards  a  characteristic  of  the  prophets  of 
the  Chalda^an  period.  "The  Book  of  Nahum  is  less  directly 
spiritual  than  the  prophecies  of  Hosea,  Isaiah,  and  Micah  ;  yet  it 
forcibly  brings  before  us  God's  moral  government  of  the  world, 
and  the  duty  of  trust  in  Him  as  the  Avenger  of  wrong-doers, 
the  sole  source  of  security  and  peace  to  those  who  love  Him" 
( Farrar). 

^  See  Schrader,  KAT.  p.  450  f. 


3l6  LITERATURE   OF   THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 


§  8.    Habakkuk. 

Habakkuk  prophesied  towards  the  beginning  of  the  Chaldaean 
supremacy.  His  prophecy  is  constructed  dramatically,  in  the 
form  of  a  dialogue  between  himself  and  Jehovah  (comp.  Mic. 
6 — y-  jer.  14 — 15).  The  prophet  begins,  i,  2-4,  with  a  cry 
of  despair  respecting  the  violence  and  injustice  which  prevails 
unchecked  in  the  land.  Vi'.  5-1 1  Jehovah  answers  that  the 
instrument  of  judgment  is  near  at  hand — the  Chaldseans,  "  that  ' 
bitter  and  hasty  nation,  which  march  through  the  breadth  of 
the  earth  to  possess  dwelling-places  that  are  not  theirs,"  whose 
advance  is  swift  and  terrible,  and  whose  attack  the  strongest 
fortresses  are  powerless  to  resist.  But  the  prophet  is  now  per- 
l)lexed  by  a  difficulty  from  the  opposite  direction  :  will  Jehovah, 
who  has  ordained  the  power  of  the  Chaldaeans  as  an  instrument 
of  judgment  (comp.  Is.  10,  5  f.),  permit  the  proud,  idolatrous 
nation  to  destroy  the  righteous  with  the  guilty,  and  in  its  lust  of 
empire  to  annihilate  without  distinction  the  entire  people  of 
God  ?  vv.  12-17.  Habakkuk  places  himself  in  imagination  upon 
his  prophetic  watch-tower  (cf-  Is.  21,  6),  and  waits  expectantly 
for  an  answer  that  may  satisfy  his  "  complaint,"  or  impeachment, 
touching  the  righteous  government  of  God,  2,  i.  Jehovah's 
answer,  the  significance  of  which  is  betokened  by  the  terms  in 
which  it  is  introduced,  is  this  :  T/ie  ChaldcEan  is  elated  with  pride  ; 
but  the  just ^  by  his  faithfulness,^  will  be  presen>ed  alive,  v.  4.  It  is 
implied,  in  the  terms  of  the  oracle,  that  the  pride  of  the  Chaldasan 
will  prove  in  the  end  his  ruin ;  and  this  the  prophet,  after  dwell- 
ing somewhat  more  fully  {v.  5)  on  the  ambitious  aims  of  the 
Chaldaean,  develops  at  length,  vv.  6-20,  in  the  form  of  a  taunt- 
ing proverb  (X'*o),  which  he  imagines  the  nations  to  take  up 
against  him  in  the  day  of  his  fall.  The  "proverb"  consists  of  a 
series  of  five  "  Woes  "  (cf.  Is.  5,  8  ff.),  directed  in  succession  against 
the  rapacious  violence  of  the  Chaldaeans,  the  suicidal  policy 
pursued  by  them  in  establishing  their  dominion,  the  dishonesty 
and  cruelty  by  which  the  magnificence  of  their  cities  was  main- 
tained, the  barbarous  delight  with  which  they  reduced  to  a  state 
of  helplessness  the  nations  that  fell  under  their  sway,  their  gross 
and  insensate    idolatry.      At   the  close  of  the  last  strophe  the 

•^  I.e.  moral  steadfastness  and  integrity  ;  see  2  Ki.  12,   16  ;  Jer.  5,  I.  9,  3. 


HABAKKUK. 


317 


piophet  passes  by  contrast  from  the  contemplation  of  the  dumb 
and  helpless  idol  to  the  thought  of  the  living  God,  enthroned  on 
high,  before  Whom  the  earth  must  stand  in  awe. 

C.  3  consists  of  a  lyric  ode,  which,  for  sublimity  of  poetic 
conception  and  splendour  of  diction,  ranks  with  the  finest  (Ex. 
15  J  J"d.  5)  which  Hebrew  poetry  has  produced.  In  this  ode 
the  prophet  represents  God  as  appearing  Himself  in  judgment, 
and  executing  vengeance  on  His  nation's  foes.  The  opening 
invocation  [v.  2)  attaches  to  the  promise  of  2,  4 :  the  "report" 
is  the  message  of  judgment  which  is  implied  in  that  verse,  and 
expressed  more  distinctly  in  the  verses  that  follow.  The  prophet 
longs  to  see  the  work  of  judgment  completed,  yet  prays  that 
Jehovah  in  wrath  will  remember  mercy.  Vv.  3-7  depict  the 
theophany  and  its  effects.  God  approaches — as  Dt.  2,Z^  2.  Jud. 
5,  4 — from  the  direction  of  Edom  (Teman  :  cf.  Jer.  49,  20):  the 
light  of  His  appearing  illumines  the  heavens ;  the  earth  quakes, 
and  nations  flee  in  consternation.  Vv.  8-15  the  prophet  states 
the  motive  of  the  theophany.  Was  Jehovah,  he  poetically  asks, 
wroth  with  seas  or  rivers,  that  He  thus  came  forth  riding  in  His 
chariots  of  salvation  ?  and  once  again  he  depicts,  in  majestic 
imagery,  the  progress  of  Jehovah  through  the  earth,  vv.  8-12. 
The  answer  to  the  inquiry  follows,  v.  13  f.  :  Jehovah's  appearance 
was  for  the  salvation  of  His  people,  to  annihilate  those  who 
sought  to  scatter  it,  and  whose  delight  it  was  to  destroy  insidi- 
ously the  helpless  people  of  God.  The  poet  closes,  vv.  16-19, 
by  describing  the  effect  which  the  contemplation  of  Jehovah's 
approaching  manifestation  produced  in  his  own  heart  :  suspense 
and  fear  on  the  one  side,  but  on  the  other  a  calm  and  joyous 
confidence  in  the  God  who,  he  is  persuaded,  will  ensure  His 
people's  salvation. 

The  precise  date  of  Habakkuk's  prophecy  is  difificult  to  fix. 
From  the  terms  of  the  description  in  i,  7-10.  15  f.  2,  6^  ff.,  he 
seems  to  be  writing  at  a  time  when  the  character  and  aims  of  the 
Chaldseans  were  becoming  patent,  and  conquests  (2,  8^)  had 
already  been  gained  by  them ;  but  before  their  movements  had 
created  alarm  in  Judah,  so  that  the  prophet's  first  declaration 
respecting  what  they  would  ultimately  achieve  was  one  calculated 
to  be  received  with  incredulity  (i,  5''  "I  work  a  work  in  your 
days,  which  ye  2vill  ?iot  believe  though  it  be  told  you ").  The 
prophecy  may  be  assigned  with  great  probability  to  the  reign  of 


3l8  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Jchoiakim  (b.c.  608-598),  though  we  are  not  sufficiently  ac- 
quainted with  particulars  as  to  the  movements  of  the  Chaldseans 
at  the  time,  or  the  attention  attracted  by  them  in  Judah,  to  say 
confidently  whether  it  was  written  before  or  after  the  victory 
over  the  Egyptians  at  Carchemish  in  604.  That  victory  marked 
out  the  Chalda;ans  as  destined  for  further  conquests  :  and  its 
crucial  significance  was  at  once  seized  by  Jeremiah  (p.  233). 
But  the  tone  of  i,  5''  and  the  terms  of  i,  6  ("Behold,  /  establish 
[D'PD],"  &c.)  appear  to  imply  that  this  decisive  moment  in  the 
progress  of  the  Chaldaean  arms  had  not  yet  arrived  :  so  that  the 
proj^hecy  belongs  probably  to  the  years  shortly  preceding  it, 
when  the  growing  power  of  Nabopolassar's  empire  was  beginning 
to  manifest  itself  in  the  overthrow  of  Nineveh  (accomplished  with 
the  assistance  of  the  Medes)  in  607,  and,  probably,  in  other 
successes. 

Delilzsch  formerly  {Hal>.  p.  xi.),  and  Keil,  arguing  that  I,  8  is  the  source 
of  Jer,  4,  13.  5,  6,  and  2,  20  of  Zeph.  I,  7  [cf.  Zech.  2,  13  (Heb.  17)], 
assigned  the  prophecy  of  Hab.  to  the  early  years  of  Josiah's  reign,  or  even  to 
that  of  Manasseh  :  but  the  grounds  for  either  of  these  dates  are  insufficient ; 
Hab.  may  with  equal  propriety  be  regarded  as  having  modelled  his  own 
phrases  on  those  of  Jer.  and  Zeph.  Ps.  77,  16-19  also  agrees  so  closely  with 
Hab.  3,  10-15,  that  one  of  the  two  must  be  dependent  upon  the  other  :  Del. 
(upon  internal  grounds)  seeks  to  establish  the  priority  of  the  Psalm  ;  but  it 
is  very  doubtful  if  his  argument  is  conclusive  (comp.  above,  p.  292). 

The  diflferent  point  of  view  in  Hab,,  as  compared  with  Jeremiah,  should 
be  observed.  "Jeremiah  emphasizes  throughout  his  people's  sin,  and  con- 
sequently regards  the  Chalda^ans  almost  exclusively  as  the  instrument  of 
punishment  :  Habakkuk,  though  not  blind  to  Judah's  transgressions  (i,  2-4), 
is  more  deeply  impressed  by  the  violence  and  tyranny  of  the  Chaldceans, 
and  hence  treats  their  chastisement  as  the  first  claim  on  Jehovah's  righteous- 
ness" (Kuen.  §  'jy.  8.     Comp.  C\\cyr\Q,  Jeremiah,  p.  133  ;  Farrar,  p.  161  ff.)- 

Jeremiah  teaches  that  wickedness  in  God's  own  people  is  doomed : 
Habakkuk  declares  that  wickedness  in  the  Chaldseans  is  doomed  likewise. 

§  9.  Zephaniah. 

Respecting  Zephaniah's  personality,  nothing  is  known  beyond 
what  is  recorded  in  the  title  to  his  book.  He  is  there  described 
as  the  descendant,  in  the  fourth  generation,  of  "  Hezekiah,"  and 
as  having  prophesied  during  the  reign  of  Josiah.  Hezekiah  is 
not  a  very  common  Israelitish  name ;  and  it  is  supposed  by 
some  that  the  Hezekiah  meant  is  the  king  of  that  name,  so  that 
the  ])ropliet  would  l)c  great-grnndson  of  a  brother  of  Manasseh. 


ZEPHANIAH.  319 

From  the  allusions  to  the  condition  of  morals  and  religion  in 
Judah  in  i,  4-6.  8.  9.  12.  3,  1-3.  7,  it  may  be  inferred  with 
tolerable  certainty  that  the  period  of  Josiah's  reign  during  which 
Zephaniah  wrote  was  prior  to  the  great  reformation  of  his 
eighteenth  year  (b.c.  621),  in  which  the  idolatry  attacked  by  the 
prophet  was  swept  away  (comp.  e.g.  i,  4.  5  with  2  Ki.  23,  4. 
5-  12). 

From  the  fact  that  he  speaks  of  a  ^^  remnant  of  Baal"  I,  4  (which  implies 
that  in  part  the  Baal  worship  had  already  been  destroyed),  it  has  been 
inferred  further  that  he  wrote  after  Josiah's  12th  year,  in  which,  according 
to  2  Ch.  34,  3,  the  king's  measures  of  reform  were  first  commenced.  The 
LXX,  however,  for  "iXD'  remnant  read  Xl^  name  (cf.  Hos.  2,  17  [H.  19], 
Zech.  13,  2);  so  that,  if  their  reading  be  correct,  this  inference  will  fall  to 
the  ground. 

Zephaniah's  prophecy  may  be  divided  into  three  parts :  I.  the 
menace,  c.  i ;  II.  the  admonition,  2,  i — 3,  7 ;  III.  the  promise, 
3,  8-20. 

I.  C.  I.  Zephaniah  opens  his  prophecy  with  an  announcement 
of  destruction,  conceived  apparently — to  judge  from  the  univer- 
sality of  its  terms — as  embracing  the  entire  earth,  v.  2  f.,  but 
directed  in  particular  against  the  idolaters  and  apostates  in 
Judah  and  Jerusalem,  vv.  4-6.  Let  the  earth  be  silent !  for  a 
"Day  of  Jehovah"  (p.  197)  is  at  hand,  a  day  of  sacrifice,  in 
which  the  victims  are  the  Jewish  people,  and  those  invited  to 
partake  in  the  offering  are  the  heathen  nations  "  sanctified  "  (see 
I  Sa.  16,  5)  for  the  occasion,  v.  7.  Three  classes  are  named  as 
those  upon  whom  the  judgment  will  light  with  greatest  severity, 
court  officials,  who  either  aped  foreign  fashions  or  were  foreigners 
themselves,  and  who  were  addicted  to  corruption  and  intrigue ; 
the  merchants  resident  in  Jerusalem  ;  and  Jews  sunk  in  irreligious 
indifferentism,  vv.  8-13.  Vv.  14-18  the  prophet  develops  the 
figure  of  the  "  Day  of  Jehovah,"  describing  the  darkness  and 
terror  which  are  to  accompany  it,  and  the  fruitlessness  of  the 
efforts  made  to  escape  from  it. 

II.  2,  I — 3,  7.  Here  Zephaniah  urges  his  people  to  repent,  vv. 
1-3,  and  thus  to  escape  the  threatened  doom,  which  will  engulph, 
he  declares,  in  succession  the  Philistines,  vv.  4-7,  Moab  and 
Ammon,  vv  8-1 1,  Ethiopia,  v.  12,  and  even  Nineveh,  the  proud 
Assyrian  capital,  itself,  vv.  13-15.  From  Nineveh  the  prophet 
turns  again  to  address  Jerusalem,  and  describes  afresh  the  sins 
rampant  in  her,  especially  the  sins  of  her  judges  and  great  men, 


320  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

and  her  refusal  to  take  warning  from  the  example  of  her  neigh- 
bours, 3,  1-7. 

III.  3,  8-20.  Let  the  faithful  in  Jerusalem,  then,  wait  patiently 
until  Jehovah's  approaching  interposition  is  accomplished,  v.  8, 
the  issue  of  which  will  be  that  all  nations  will  serve  Him  "wiih 
one  consent,"  and  that  the  purged  and  purified  "remnant  of 
Israel"  will  cleave  to  God  in  sincerity  of  heart,  and,  trustim;  in 
Him,  will  dwell  in  safety  upon  their  own  land,  vv.  9-13.  With 
his  eye  fixed  on  this  blissful  future,  the  prophet,  in  conclusion, 
bids  his  people  rejoice  thankfully  in  the  restoration  of  Jehovah's  ' 
favourable  presence  in  their  midst,  in  the  removal  of  the  reproach 
and  sorrow  at  present  resting  upon  them,  and  in  the  honourable 
position  which  they  will  then  hold  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  vv.  14-20. 

Though  Zephaniah  predicts  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  (2,  13-15).  he 
makes  no  allusion  to  the  agents  by  which  it  was  accomplished.  The  Chal- 
daeans,  who  indeed  at  the  time  when  the  prophet  wrote,  while  Asshurbanipal 
was  still  sitting  on  the  throne  of  Assyria,  or  had  but  recently  (626)  died,  had 
not  yet  appeared  as  an  independent  power.  The  early  years  of  the  reign  of 
Josiah  coincided,  however,  with  the  great  irruption  of  Scythian  hordes  into 
Asia  recorded  by  Herodotus  (above,  p.  237)  ;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the 
prophet's  language,  and  especially  his  description  of  the  approaching  Day  of 
Jehovah,  may  reflect  the  impression  which  the  news  of  these  formidable 
hosts,  advancing  in  the  distance  and  carrying  desolation  with  them,  j)ro- 
duced  in  Judah  (comp.  I,  2-3.  7^.  13.  16.  17b,  from  which  it  appears  tliat 
Zephaniah  pictures  some  invading  foe  as  the  agent  in  the  coming  disa>ter). 

Some  interesting  remarks  on  the  prophetic  representation  of  Zephaniah 
may  be  found  in  the  Encycl.  Brit.  s.v. 

§  10.  Haggai.    ■ 

Sixteen  years  had  elapsed  since  the  return  of  the  Jewish 
exiles  from  Babylon,  and  no  effort — or  at  least  no  successful 
effort — had  been  made  to  rebuild  the  national  sanctuary.  In  the 
second  year  of  Darius  (b.c.  520),  the  prophets  Haggai  and 
Zcchariah  (cf  Ezr.  4,  24.  5,  i.  2)  came  forward,  reproaching  the 
people  with  their  neglect,  and  exhorting  them  to  apply  them- 
selves in  earnest  to  the  task,  with  the  result  that  four  years 
afterwards  {ii>.  6,  14.  15)  the  work  was  completed. 

The  prophecy  of  Haggai  consists  of  four  sections,  arranged 
chronologically : — 

(i.)  C.  I.  In  the   2nd  year  of  Darius,  the  first  day  of  tlie  6th 


HAGGAI.  ^21 

month,  Haggai  appeals  publicly  to  the  people  no  longer  to  post- 
pone the  work  of  rebuilding  the  Temple :  their  neglect  was  not 
due  to  want  of  means,  for  they  had  built  ceiled  houses  for  them- 
selves, and  it  had  been  followed,  he  points  out,  by  failure  of 
crops  and  drought,  indicative  of  the  Divine  displeasure.  His 
words  produced  such  an  effect  upon  those  who  heard  them,  that 
on  the  24th  day  of  the  same  month  the  people,  headed  by 
Zerubbabel  and  the  high  priest  Joshua,  began  the  work. 

(2.)  2,  1-9.  On  the  2ist  day  of  the  7th  month,  the  prophet 
addresses  words  of  encouragement  to  those  who  might  have 
seen  the  Temple  of  Solomon,  and  compared  the  structure  now 
rising  from  the  ground  unfavourably  with  it :  the  later  glory  of 
the  Temple  will  exceed  its  former  glory,  by  reason,  viz.,  of  the 
munificence  of  the  Gentiles,  who  will  offer  of  their  costliest 
treasures  for  its  adornment  (v.  7  RV.  ;  cf.  Is.  60,  5^.  nb)  .  ^nd 
the  blessing  of  peace  is  solemnly  bestowed  upon  it. 

(3.)  2,  10-19.  On  the  24th  day  of  the  9th  month,  Haggai,  by 
means  of  replies  elicited  from  the  priests  on  two  questions 
respecting  ceremonial  uncleanness,i  teaches  the  people  that,  so 
long  as  the  Temple  continues  unbuilt,  they  are  as  men  who 
are  unclean  :  their  offerings  are  unacceptable;  and  hence  the  late 
unfruitful  seasons.  From  the  present  day,  however,  on  which 
the  foundation  of  the  Temple  was  laid  {v.  18  f),  Jehovah  pro- 
mises to  bless  them. 

(4.)  2,  20-23.  On  the  same  day,  Haggai  encourages  Zerubbabel, 
the  civil  head  of  the  restored  community,  and  representative 
of  David's  line  (i  Ch.  3,  19),  with  the  assurance  that  in  the 
approaching  overthrow  of  the  thrones  and  kingdoms  of  the 
heathen  (cf.  v.  6  f.),  he  will  receive  special  tokens  of  the  Divine 
favour  and  protection.^ 

The  style  of  Haggai,  though  not  devoid  of  force,  is,  compara- 
tively speaking,  simple  and  unornate.  His  aim  was  a  practical 
one,  and  he  goes  direcdy  to  the  point.  He  lacks  the  imagina- 
tion and  poetical  power  possessed  by  most  of  the  prophets ;  but 
his  style  is  not  that  of  pure  prose  :  his  thoughts,  for  instance, 
not  unfrequently  shape  themselves  into  parallel  clauses,  such  as 
are  usual  in  Hebrew  poetry. 

^  See  the  explanation  of  the  passage  in  Farrar,  p.  193. 
^  Sec  Jer.  22,  24  :  the  honourable  position  from  which  Jehoiachin    is  there 
degraded,  is  here  bestowed  afresh  upon  Zerubbabel. 

X 


322  LITERATURE  OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 


§  II.  Zechariah. 

The  Book  of  Zechariah  falls  into  two  parts,  clearly  distin- 
guished from  each  other  by  their  contents  and  character,  c.  i — 8 
and  c.  9 — 14.  There  is  no  question  that  c.  i — 8  are  the  work 
of  the  Zechariah  whose  name  they  bear ;  but  the  authorship  and 
date  of  c.  9 — 14  are  disputed,  and  will  be  considered  subse- 
quently. 

Zechariah,  the  son  of  Berechiah,  the  son  of  Iddo,  prophesied, 
according  to  i,  i.  7  and  7,  i,  in  the  2nd  and  4th  years  of 
Darius  Hystaspis  (b.c.  520  and  518).  He  was  thus  a  contem- 
porary of  Haggai's,  and  is  unquestionably  identical  with  the 
Zechariah,  son  of  Iddo,  who  is  named  in  Ezra  5,  i.  6,  14  as 
co-operating  with  Haggai  in  his  efforts  to  induce  the  people  to 
prosecute  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  Temple. 

I.  C.  I — 8.  This  part  of  the  book  consists  of  three  distinct 
prophecies:  (i)  i,  1-6,  introductory;  (2)  i,  7 — c.  6;  (3)  c.  7 — 8. 

(i.)  I,  1-6.  A  brief  but  earnest  exhortation  to  repent,  which 
Zechariah  is  directed  to  address  to  his  fellow-countrymen,  based 
upon  the  consequences  which  their  forefathers  had  experienced 
when  they  neglected  the  warnings  of  the  "former  prophets." 
The  8th  month  of  the  2nd  year  of  Darius  would  fall  between  the 
date  of  Hag.  2,  1-9  and  that  of  Hag.  2,  10-19. 

(2.)  1,  7 — 6,  8  (24th  day  of  the  nth  month  of  the  same  year), 
comprising  eig/it  symbolical  visions,  with  an  appendix,  6,  9-15, 
the  whole  being  designed  for  the  encouragement  of  the  Jews, 
and  esi)ecially  of  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua,  respectively  the  civil 
and  religious  heads  of  the  community,  in  the  work  of  rebuilding 
the  Temple.  The  significant  features  of  each  vision  are  pointed 
out  to  the  prophet  by  an  angel. 

(a)  I,  8-17.  The  Divine  chariots  and  horses,  which  are 
Jehovah's  messengers  upon  earth  (i,  10^;  cf.  Job  i,  7),  report 
that  there  is  no  movement  among  the  nations  (Hag.  2,  6  f.  21  f.), 
no  sign  of  the  approach  of  the  Messianic  crisis:  70  years  have 
passed  (b.c.  586-520),  and  still  Jerusalem  lies  under  the  Divine 
displeasure  !  Jehovah  replies  with  the  assurance  that  the  Temple 
shall  now  be  rebuilt,  and  the  prosperity  of  His  people  be  no 
longer  delayed. 

(/^)    I,    18-21    rHcl).    2,    1-4].    Four    horns,    symbolising    the 


ZECHARIAH.  323 

nations  opposed  to  Israel,  have  their  strength  broken  by  four 
smiths. 

(c)  C.  2.  x\n  angel  with  a  measuring  line  goes  forth  to  lay  out 
the  site  of  the  new  Jerusalem :  it  is  to  have  no  walls,  for  its 
population  will  be  unlimited,  and  Jehovah  will  be  its  defence. 
Judgment  is  about  to  break  upon  Babylon;  let  those  still  in 
exile,  then,  hasten  to  escape :  ere  long  many  nations  will  join 
themselves  to  Israel :  already  Jehovah  is  stirring  in  His  holy 
habitation.^ 

(d)  C.  3.  Joshua,  the  high  priest,  appears,  standing  before 
Jehovah,  laden  with  the  sins  of  the  people  :  he  is  accused  by 
Satan,  but  is  acquitted,  and  given  rule  over  the  Temple,  with  the 
right  of  priestly  access  to  Jehovah,  vv.  1-5.  After  this  he 
receives  the  further  promise  of  the  advent  of  the  Messiah  (v.  8^ : 
see  Jer.  23,  5.  33,  15),  and  the  restoration  of  national  felicity, 
vv.  6-10. 

(e)  C.  4.  The  vision  of  the  golden  candlestick  and  the  two 
olive-trees,  symbolising  the  restored  community  (the  candlestick), 
receiving  its  supply  of  Divine  grace  (the  oil)  through  the  two 
channels  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  power  (the  olive-branches, 
V.  12,  or  "sons  of  oil,"  i.e.  anointed  ones,  v.  14,  viz.  Joshua 
and  Zerubbabel),  vv.  1-5.  11-14.  Vv.  6-10  contain  an  encour- 
agement addressed  to  Zerubbabel,  who,  it  is  said,  will  find  the 
obstacles  before  him  disappear,  and,  in  spite  of  mockers  (v.  10), 
will  himself  finish  the  Temple  which  he  has  now  begun. 

(/)  5)  i~4-  -^  ^o^^>  inscribed  with  curses,  flies  over  the  Holy 
Land,  as  a  token  that  in  future  the  curse  for  crime  will  of  itself 
light  upon  the  criminal. 

(g)  5,  5-1  r.  Israel's  guilt,  personified  as  a  woman,  is  cast  into 
an  ephah-measure,  and,  covered  by  its  heavy  lid,  is  transported 
to  Babylonia,  where  for  the  future  it  is  to  remain. 

(k)  6,  1-8.  Four  chariots,  with  variously  coloured  horses, 
appear,  for  the  purpose  of  executing  God's  judgments  in  different 
quarters  of  the  earth.  That  which  goes  northwards  is  charged 
in  particular  to  "quiet  His  spirit"  (i.e.  to  satisfy  His  anger:  cf. 
Ez.  5,  13.  16,  42)  on  the  north  country,  i.e.  on  Babylonia. 

^  Former  prophecies  are  here  reaffirmed  :  see  Is.  54,  2  f.  60,  I8^  19.  14,  2, 
Ez.  43,  9.  Is.  14,  I.  66,  6.  Similarly  with  I,  16.  17,  cf.  Is.  52,  8'\  9^ 
58,  12;  with  8,  4,  Is.  65,  20;  with  8,  7  f.,  Is.  43,  5.  Ez.  36,  24.  28? 
with  8,  22  f.,  Is.  45,  14  &c. 


324  LITERATURE  OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

6,  9-15  (historical  appendix).  The  prophet  is  commanded  to 
take  of  the  gold  and  silver  which  some  of  the  exiles  had  sent 
as  offerings  for  the  Temple,  and  to  make  therewith  crowns  for 
the  high  priest  Joshua :  at  the  same  time,  he  repeats  (3,  8)  the 
promise  of  the  Messiah,  who  will  rule  successfully,  and  complete 
the  building  of  the  Temple. 

l^'v.  12-13  are  in  parts  obscure,  and  it  is  possible  that  in  z;.  II  the  words 
"  upon  the  head  of  Zerubbabel,  and  "  have  fallen  out  afier  "  set  them,"  and 
that  "  him  "  in  2:  12  should  be  "them"  (Ew.  Hitz.  Wellh.):  notice  the  plural 
"crowns"  in  v.  1 1,  and  also  "between  ///rw  dof/i  "  in  v.  13,  which,  as  it 
.stands,  can  be  only  very  artificially  explained.  Fv.  I2''-I3*  will  then  relate  to 
Zerubbabel  as  a  type  of  the  Messiah  (with  13''  comp.  the  promise  in  4,  9)  ; 
and  z>.  13"^  "and  he  shall  be  (or  as  RV.  marg.  there  shall  be)  a  priest  upon 
his  throne"  to  Joshua.  For  the  co-ordination  of  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
powers  in  the  theocracy,  comp.  4,  14  ;  and  for  a  promise  addressed  'ointly 
to  both,  Jer.  33,  17-26. 

(3.)  C.  7 — 8  (4th  day  of  the  9th  month  of  the  4th  year  of 
Darius).  C.  7.  Zechariah,  in  answer  to  an  inquiry  put  to  him 
by  tlie  men  of  Beth-el,  whether  the  fast  of  the  5th  month 
(which  had  been  kept  during  the  exile  in  memory  of  the  destruc- 
tion o[  the  Temple,  Jer.  52,  12-14)  should  still  be  observed, 
declares  that  Jehovah  demands  no  fasts,  but  only  the  observance 
of  His  moral  commands,  which  their  forefathers,  to  their  cost, 
had  neglected  (cf.  Isa.  58,  3-12).  In  c.  8  he  draws  a  picture  of 
the  Messianic  future,  when  the  nation  will  be  prosperous  and 
the  land  yield  its  fruit,  when  the  fast  days  ^  will  become  seasons 
of  gladness,  and  the  heathen  will  press  forward  to  share  the 
blessings  of  the  Jews. 

II.  C.  9 — 14.  These  chapters  contain  twa  distinct  prophecies  : 
(i)  c.  9 — II,  with  which,  as  seems  probable,  13,  7-9  should  be 
connected  ;  (2)  12,  i — 13,  6.  c.  14. 

(i.)  In  c.  9  the  prophet  announces  a  judgment  about  to  fall 
upon-  Damascus,  Hamath,  Tyre,  and  Sidon,  and  upon  the  chief 
cities  of  the  Philistines  in  the  South  ;  a  remnant  of  the  Philis- 
tines is  converted,  and  Jehovah  encamps  about  His  sanctuary  as 
a  i)rotector,  vv.  i-3.  The  advent  of  the  Messiah,  as  prince  of 
peace,  follows,  iru.  9-10;  the  Israelites  in  captivity  are  restored 
to  their  own  country,  where  Jehovah,  after  having  enabled  them 
to  contend  successfully  with  their  foes  (the  Greeks,  7'.  13),  will 
further  bless  and  defend  them,  vv.  T1-17. 

1  K  19:  see  Jer.  52,  6  f .  12-14.  4L  ij-  5^.  4- 


ZECIIARIAir. 


325 


C.  10.  The  people  are  earnestly  exhorted  by  the  prophet  to 
trust  in  Jehovah,  not  in  teraphim  and  diviners,  through  whose 
baleful  influence  it  is  that  they  fall  a  prey  to  unworthy  rulers,^ 
V.  I  f.  But  Jehovah  will  remove  these  unworthy  rulers ;  and 
Judah,  under  new  leaders,  and  in  union  with  Ephraim,  will  gain 
a  decisive  victory  over  its  foes,  vv.  3-7  ;  the  banished  Ephraimites 
will  return;  and  Egypt  and  Assyria  will  both  be  humiliated, 
vv.  8-12. 

C.  II.  A  storm  of  war  bursts  over  the  North  and  East  of  the 
land,  filling  the  people's  unworthy  leaders  with  consternation, 
vv.  1-3.  An  allegory  follows,  in  which  the  prophet,  represent- 
ing Jehovah,  takes  charge  of  the  people,  whom  their  own  selfish 
and  grasping  rulers  had  neglected  and  betrayed;  but  they 
resent  his  authority,  so  he  casts  them  off  in  disdain,  vv.  8-10: 
when  he  proceeds  to  demand  the  wages  for  his  services,  they 
offer  him  a  paltry  sum — the  price  of  an  ordinary  slave  (Ex.  21, 
32),  which  he  flings  contemptuously  into  the  treasury  (RV. 
7?iarg.),  after  which  he  declares  symbolically  that  the  brother 
hood  between  Judah  and  Israel  is  at  an  end,  v.  14. 

The  people  having  thus  openly  rejected  the  Divine  guidance, 
the  prophet  now  assumes  the  garb  and  character  of  a  "  foolish 
shepherd,"  to  represent  the  manner  in  which  Jehovah  will  permit 
them  to  be  treated  by  their  next  ruler,  v.  15  f.,  whose  power, 
however,  will  not  be  of  long  duration,  v.  17.  The  (unworthy) 
shepherd  will  be  smitten  by  the  sword,  and  his  flock  will  be 
dispersed  :  two-thirds  will  perish  immediately ;  the  remainder, 
purified  by  further  trial,  will  constitute  the  faithful  people  of 
God,  13,  7-9. 

The  section,  13,  7-9,  where  it  stands,  is  disconnected  both  with  what  pre- 
cedes and  with  what  follows:  with  c.  II  it  is  evidently  connected  by  the 
similarity  of  the  figure;  and,  containing  as  it  does  a  promise,  it  forms  a  suit- 
able sequel  to  ii,  15-17.  The  suggestion  that  it  forms  the  conclusion  to 
c.  II  is  due  to  Ewald,  and  has  bten  treated  as  probable  by  many  critics 
(Reuss,  Wellh. ,  Stade,  Cheyne,  Kuenen). 

The  date  of  this  prophecy  is  extremely  difficult  to  determine ; 
and,  in  fact,  the  internal  evidence  points  in  different  directions. 
On  the  one  hand,  there  are  indications  which  seem  clearly  to 
show  that  the  prophecy  is  p7'e-exilic.  The  kingdom  of  the  ten 
tribes  is  spoken  of  in  terms  implying  that  it  still  exists  (9,  10. 
^  P'igured  as  "shepherds  :  "  see  p.  327,  no'e  2,  at  the  end. 


326  LITERATURE   OF   THE    OLD   TESTAMENT. 

II,  14) ;  Assyria  and  Egypt  are  mentioned  side  by  side  (to,  10. 
11),  just  as  in  Hosea  (Hos.  7,  11.  9,  3.  11,  11.  12,  i) ;  the  tera- 
pliim  and  diviners  in  10,  i  f.  point  to  a  date  prior  to  the  exile  rather 
than  to  one  after  it ;  the  nations  threatened  in  9,  1-7  are  those 
prominent  at  the  same  time  (cf.  Am,  i,  3.  6.  9).  The  period  to 
which,  by  those  who  acknowledge  the  force  of  these  arguments, 
c.  9  is  assigned,  is  towards  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  IL, 
prior  to  the  anarchy  which  broke  out  after  his  death,  and  to 
Tiglath-Pileser's  conquest  of  Damascus  in  B.C.  732,  C.  10  is 
placed  somewhat  later :  v.  10  presupposes — not,  indeed,  the  exile 
of  the  ten  tribes  in  722,  but — tlie  deportation  of  the  inhabitants 
of  N.  and  N.E.  Israel  by  Tiglath-Pileser  in  734  (2  Ki.  15,  29 — 
observe  that  the  districts  to  be  repeopled  are  Leba7ion  and 
Gilead) ;  11,  1-3  (somewhat  earlier  than  c.  10)  is  a  prediction  of 
the  same  invasion  of  the  x'Xssyrian  king;  11,  4-17  is  understood 
as  a  symbolical  description  of  the  rejection  of  Jehovah  by  the 
kingdom  of  the  ten  tribes  in  the  troubles  which  followed  the 
death  of  Jeroboam  11.,^  and  of  His  consequent  abandonment  of 
them  {p.  10;  cf.  2  Ki.  15,  19.  20.  29),  vv.  14-17  being  aimed  at 
the  existing  king  of  Ephraim,  probably  Pekah,  under  whom  the 
previously  amicable  relations  between  Israel  and  Judah  ceased. 
Upon  this  view,  the  author  is  an  early  contemporary  of  Isaiah, 
and  probably  a  native  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah. ^ 

On  the  other  hand,  the  prophecy  also  contains  passages  which 
appear  to  imply  a  post-exilic  date  ;  9,  11  f.  and  10,  6-9  seem  to 
presuppose  the  captivity  at  least  of  Ephraim  (notice  especially 
"cast  them  off"  in  10,  6) ;  and  in  9,  13  the  Greeks  are  mentioned, 
not  as  a  distant,  unimportant  people,  such  as  they  would  be  in 
the  8th  century  b.c,  and  even  in  the  days  of  Zechariah  (c.  520), 
but  as  a  world-])o\se\\  and  as  Israel's  most  formidable  antagonist, 
the  victory  over  whom  (which  is  only  achieved  by  special  Divine 
aid)  •  inaugurates  the  Messianic  age.  This  position,  however, 
was  only  attained  by  the  Greeks  after  the  conquest  of  Palestine 
by  Alexander  the  Great,  B.C.  332. 

^  The  "  three  shepherds"  of  v.  8  are  supposed  to  be  Zechariah,  Shallum, 
who  reigned  for  one  month,  and  some  usurper  who  attempted  to  succeed 
Shallum,  but  who  in  the  brief  narrative  of  2  Kings  is  unnoticed. 

^  So  Abp.  Newcome  and  others,  Ewald,  Bleek,  Hitzig  (slightly  earlier), 
Reuss,  Orclli,  Brigg^  {Afess.  Proph.  p.  183  fif.),  H.  Schultz  {AT.  Theol.  1889^ 
p.  64),  Kichm  (Eiiil.  ii.  p.  i5Cf.). 


ZECHARIAII.  327 

The  double  nature  of  the  allusions  in  this  prophecy  has  greatly 
perplexed  commentators,  and  obliged  them  to  resort  sometimes 
to  forced  interpretations.  This  is  more  particularly  the  case 
with  those  who  adopt  the  post-exilic  date  of  the  prophecy. 

Thus  Keil  is  obliged  to  assume— against  analogy— that  Egypt  and  Assyria 
in  10,  II  are  named  typically;   Stade  (who  places  the  prophecy  c.  300  B.C.). 
that  Egypt  is  the  Egypt  of  the  Ptolemies,  and  Assyria  the  "Syria"  of  the 
Seleucid^,  which,  though  (possibly)  to  be   assumed   for  Ps.   83,   9,   is  not 
probable  here  by  the  side  of  the  mention  of  Ephraim,  and  the   (pre-exilic) 
teraphitn  (10,  2).     Both  Keil  and  Stade  again  {ZATIV.    1881,  pp.  27,  71) 
suppose  that  "  the  three  shepherds"  cut  off  "in  one  month"  (n,  8)  are  the 
three  world-empires  (or  their  rulers)  which  had  successively  oppressed  Israel 
(Babylonian,     Persian,     and    Macedonian,    or    Assyrian,    Babylonian,    and 
Persian) ;  but  this  would  be  a  highly  unnatural  application  of  the  term  s/iep- 
herd;  and  the  "one  month"  Stade  owns  that  he  cannot  explain,  while  Keil 
offers  only  an  artificial  and  improbable  explanation.     On  the  other  hand,  if 
the   reference   were   to   some  of  the   short-lived   kings   who   reigned   over 
Ephraim  after  Jeroboam  II.,  the  figure  used  (which  is  applied  often  in  the  OT. 
to  the  native  rulers  of  Israel)  would  be  a  natural  one,  and  the  "  month,"  even 
though  it  should  have  to  be  taken  not  literally,  could  still  be  understood  of  some 
short"  space  of  time,   in  a  manner  that  would   be  quite  intelligible.     And 
although  other  prophets,  writing  after  the  exile  of  the  ten  tribes,  pictured 
them  as  sharing  in  the  blessings  of  the  restoration  {e.g.  Jer.  31,  4ff.),  yet 
passages  such  as  9,  10  ("I  will  cut  off  the  chariot  from  Ephraim,  and  the 
horse  from  Jerusalem"),  ii,  14  (where  the  ''brotherhood"  between  Judah 
and  Israel,  existing  at  the  time,  is  broken),  especially  the  latter,  are  very 
difficult  of  explanation  if  the  prophecy  be  of  post-exilic  date.^ 

The  passages  adduced  by  Hengstenberg,  Stade,  and  others  to  show  the 
prophet's  acquaintance  with  earlier  prophecies  (esp.  those  of  Jeremiah  and 
Ezekiel)  ^  are  of  doubtful  cogency  ;  in  some  cases  the  expressions  quoted  as 
parallel  are  not  so  similar,  or  of  such  an  exceptional  character,  that  one  must 
necessarily  have  been  borrowed  from  the  other  ;  in  others  (if  there  be  depend- 


1  "Ephraim "  must  in  this  case  be  used  emblematically  (Del.),  or  archaisti- 
cally  (Wellh.  Enc.  Brit.  s.v.).  Whether  the  Messianic  passage,  9,  9  f-.  ^e 
really /r/^r  to  Isaiah,  and  not  rather  a  reaffirmation  of  Isaiah's  prophecies, 
may  be  questioned  :  the  portrait  of  the  Messianic  King  seems  to  be  original 

in  Isaiah. 

2  Comp.  9.  2M-  Ez.  28,  3.  4.  8^-9,  5-  Zeph.  2,  4- -9,  5  -7-  Am.  i, 
7_S._9,  10.  Mic.  5,  iof.-i2\  Is.  61,  7.~io.  3-  Jer-  23,  2\  Ez.  34,  17 
(the  he-goats).— 10,  5\  Mic.  7,  10.— 10,  Senders  on  horses).  Ez.  38,  15.— 
10,  8\  Jer.  23,  3^-IO,  9^  J^r.  3h  27.-10^  Hos.  11,  ii--io'-  M^^-  7> 
14b  _ii,  3a.  Jer.  25,  36.— 3^  Jer.  12,  5  (the  "pride  of  Jordan  ).— 4'.  Jer. 
12,  3  ("flock  .  .  .  slaughter  ").-5^  Jer.  50,  7'.-ii,  9-  16.  Ez.  34,  4- 
For  the  figure  of  the  shepherd  and  the  sheep,  see  also  p.  257,  No.  i,  Mic 
5,  6.  Zeph.  3,  19.  Ez.  34  {passim),  and  Is.  56,  11. 


328  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

ence  on  one  side  or  the  other)  it  is  not  clear  that  the  similarities  are  not  due 
to  the  dependence  of  the  prophecies  referred  to  upon  this  prophecy  (comp. 
the  remark  on  p.  292). 

On  the  other  hand,  the  only  grave  obstacle  to  a  date  before 
B.C.  722  is  the  manner  in  which  the  Greeks  are  mentioned  in 
9,  I.-?  :  9,  II  f.  and  10,  6-9,  in  the  h'ght  of  Hos.  i,  11.  11,  10.  11. 
Am.  9,  14  can  hardly  be  said  to  be  absolutely  incompatible  with 
such  a  date.  T\\t  predo?ninant  character  of  the  allusions  in  the 
prophecy  appears  thus  to  be  pre-exilic.  Perhaps,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, we  may  be  justified  in  concluding  (with  Prof.  Cheyne 
and  Kuenen)  that  the  prophecy  as  a  whole  dates  from  the  8th 
century  B.C.,  but  that  it  was  modified  in  details,  and  accom- 
modated to  a  later  situation,  by  a  prophet  living  in  thp  post-exilic 
period,  when  the  Greeks  had  become  formidable  to  the  Jews,  and 
many  Jews  had  been  exiled  among  them.^ 

The  writer  is  as  conscious  of  the  difficulties  of  this  prophecy  as  any  of  those 
who  have  discussed  it  before  him,  and  is  only  tempted  to  adopt  this  view  of  it 
as  the  one  which  on  the  whole  seems  to  accord  best  with  the  phenomena  which 
it  presents.  Of  il,  8  it  must  be  admitted  that  no  interpretation  has  been 
proposed  which  is  not  more  or  less  arbitrary.  Delitzsch  {Afess.  IVeiss. 
p.  149  ff.),  who  considers  the  prophecy,  like  Is.  24—27,  to  be  apocalyptic, 
and  views  its  seemingly  pre-exilic  traits  as  the  symbolic  imagery  in  which 
the  post -exilic  author  clothes  his  eschatological  thought,  regards  "the 
three  shepherds"  as  three  representative  figures,  impersonating  the  three 
classes  of  prophets,  priests,  and  princes.  But  this  interpretation  is  forced 
and  contrary  to  analogy,  besides  leaving  the  "month"  unexplained.  The 
application  of  the  prophecy  to  the  rejection  of  Christ  by  the  leaders  of  the 
Jews  does  not  relieve  its  difficulty  ;  the  correspondence  with  the  supposed 
fulfilment  remains  imperfect  ;  and  had  the  simultaneous  destruction  of  *'  the 
three  shepherds"  been  intended  by  the  prophet,  the  idiom  "in  one  day" 
(i  Sa.  2,  34.  Is.  10,  17,  al.)  rather  than  "  in  one  month"  would  have  been 
the  one  naturally  employed.  The  view  which  appears  to  present  the  least 
difficulty,  and  which  may  claim  at  least  X\\e  presumptive  support  of  the  narrative 
form  of  the  propl.ecy,  is  that  it  is  (until  v.  15  f.)  a  symbolical  description  of 
events  which  had  already  taken  place,  the  significance  of  which  the  prophet 
by  his  allegory  points  out,  but  respecting  which  the  historical  sources  at  our 
disposal  are  partially,  perhaps  even  wholly,  silent. 

(2.)  12,  I — 13,  6.  In  c.  12  the  prophet  sees  an  assembly  of 
nations,  including y/^-^tz/z,  advancing  against  Jerusalem,  12,  1-3; 
but  their  forces  arc  smitten  with  a  sudden  panic,  v.  4,  and  the 

^  Josephus  speaks  of  many  Judahitcs  taken  captive  to  Egypt  in  320  by 
Ptolemy  Lagi  ;  and  Palestine  shortly  afterwards  experienced  several  invasions, 
viz.  at  the  hands  of  Eumenes  in  318,  Antigonus  in  315-314,  Seleucus  in  301 
and  295,  and  Antiochus  in  281. 


ZECHARIAH.  329 

chieftains  of  Judah,  perceiving  that  Jehovah  fights  for  Jerusalem,, 
turn  their  arms  against  the  other  nations,  v.  5  t ;  Jehovah,  how- 
ever, saves  Judah  first,  in  order  that  the  capital,  elated  by  deliver- 
ance, may  not  triumph  over  it,  tjv.  7-9.  After  this,  Jehovah  pours 
upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  (who  seem  to  be  represented 
as  guilty  of  some  murder)  a  "spirit  of  grace  and  supplication;" 
they  mourn  in  consequence  long  and  bitterly,  expressing  thereby 
their  penitence,  vv.  10-14.  Henceforth  a  fountain  of  purification 
from  sin  is  permanently  opened  (see  the  Heb.)  in  Jerusalem ; 
idols  are  cut  off;  and  prophets  (who  appear  to  be  represented 
in  an  unfavourable  light)  cease,  either  being  repudiated  by  their 
friends  or  disowning  their  vocation,  13,  1-6. 

C.  14.  Another  assault  upon  Jerusalem  is  here  described. 
The  nations  this  time  capture  the  city,  and  half  of  its  population 
is  taken  into  captivity,  v.  i  f ;  Jehovah  next  appears  in  order  to 
rescue  the  remainder;  He  stands  upon  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
which  is  rent  in  sunder  beneath  Him,  and  through  the  chasm  the 
fugitives  escape,  vv.  3-5.  Thereupon  the  Messianic  age  com- 
mences :  two  streams  issue  forth  from  Jerusalem,  E.  and  W.,  to 
water  the  land,  which  becomes  a  plain,  with  the  exception  of 
Jerusalem  (cf.  Is.  2,  2),  which  is  rebuilt  to  its  former  limits 
(cf  Jer.  31,  3811),  vv.  8-1 1.  Vv.  12-15  the  prophet  reverts  to 
the  period  of  v.  3  in  order  to  describe  more  fully  the  dispersion 
of  the  invaders,  in  which  Judah  is  specially  named  as  taking  part 
(?'.  14  RV.  j/iarg.).  The  nations  who  escape  do  homage  to 
Israel's  God,  and  come  annually  to  worship  Him  at  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles  ;  if  they  neglect  to  do  this,  Jehovah  withholds  from 
them  their  rain,  while  the  Egyptians  (whose  country  was  not 
dependent  upon  rain  for  its  fertility)  are  punished  in  another 
manner,  vv.  16-19;  and  all  Jerusalem  is  consecrated  to  His 
service,  e^.  20  f. 

By  many  critics^  this  prophecy  has  been  assigned  to  a  prophet  living 
shortly  before  the  close  of  the  kin<;dum  of  Judah,  under  cither  Jehoiakim, 
Jehoiachin,  or  Zedekiah.  That  the  Norihern  kingdom  no  longer  existed  may 
be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  though  the  subject  of  the  prophecy  is  said 
(12,  i)  to  be  Tsrael,  Judah  alone  is  mentioned,  and  is  regarded  as  constitut- 
ing the  entire  people  of  God  ;  the  promise,  too,  in  14,  10,  includes  Geba,  the 
most  northernly  border  town  of  Judah,  but  takes  no  notice  of  the  territory  of 
the  ten  tribes.     That,  further,  it  was  written  sub.-equenlly  to  the  death  of  King 

^  Abp.  Newcome,  Knobel,  Schradcr,  Bleek,  Ewald,  Riehm,  Orelli. 


^$0  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Josiah  at  Megiddo  (B.C.  609),  appears  from  12,  1 1,  if  it  may  be  assumed  (as 
is  commonly  done)  that  by  the  "mourning  of  Hadadrimmon  in  the  valley  of 
Megiddo  "  is  meant  the  lamentation  over  the  death  of  that  king,  alluded  to 
in  2  Ki.  23,  29  f  2  Ch.  35,  22-25.  And  the  mention  of  the  "  House  of 
David"  (12,  7.  10.  12.  13,  i)  appears  to  indicate  a  time  when  Judah  was 
still  ruled  by  kings.  The  idolatry  noticed  in  13,  2,  and  the  description  of 
the  prophets  in  13,  2-6,  would  agree  with  the  same  date  (Jer.  23,  9  ff . 
&c.).  The  references  in  12,  2  ff.  14,  i  ff.  are  supposed  accordingly  to 
be  to  the  approaching  attack  of  the  Chaldasans,  to  their  capture  of  Jeru- 
salem in  586,  and  to  the  escape,  after  severe  trials,  of  a  fraction  of  the 
inhabitants. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  these  reasons  are  conclusive.  The 
prophecy  is  very  different  in  character  from  the  contemporary 
prophecies  of  Zephaniah  and  Jeremiah  (see  esp.  14,  1-5);  and 
the  passages  quoted,  though  sufficient  to  make  it  probable  that 
it  was  written  a//er  the  end  of  the  Northern  kingdom  in  722  and 
the  death  of  Josiah  in  609,  do  not  show  with  equal  clearness  that 
it  was  written  de/ore  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586.  The 
lamentation  for  Josiah  remained,  as  2  Ch.  35,  22-25  shows,  in 
the  memory  of  the  people,  long  after  the  generation  which 
witnessed  it  had  died  out.  The  terms  in  which  the  "  House  of 
David"  is  alluded  to  do  not  necessarily  imply  that  it  was  the 
ruling  family,  though  it  is  true  that  a  pre-eminence  is  attached  to 
it  (12,  7.  8.  13,  i):  it  is  mentioned  side  by  side  with  other 
families  (12,  12-14);  ^"^^  from  i  Ch.  3,  17-24.  Ezr.  8,  2  we 
know  that  the  descendants  of  David  were  reckoned  as  a  distinct 
family  as  late  as  the  time  of  the  Chronicler.  Other  indications 
favour  the  post-exilic  date.  The  independent  position  assigned 
to  the  "  House  of  Levi,"  as  a  whole,  beside  the  ''  House  of 
David,"  is  unlike  the  representations  of  the  earlier  period  {e.g. 
those  of  Jeremiah,  who  only  names  the  priests  as  a  class,  and 
ranks  them  after  the  king's  "princes,"  i,  18.  2,  26.  4,  9.  8,  i.  13, 
13  &c.);  on  the  other  hand,  it  would  harmonise  with  post-exilic 
relations,  when  the  family  of  David  was  reduced  in  prestige, 
and  the  tribe  of  Levi  was  consolidated.  The  allusions  in  13, 
2-6  are  obscure  ;  but  prophets  generally  (not  false  prophets  only) 
seem  to  be  regarded  with  disfavour,  and  we  are  reminded  of  the 
age  in  which  Shemaiah,  Noadiah,  and  "  the  rest  of  the  prophets," 
conspired  against  Nchemiah  (Neh.  6,  10-14).  Sorcerers  are 
alluded  to  in  Mai.  3,  5.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  features 
in  the  prophecy  is  the  opj^osition  between  Judah  and  Jerusalem 


ZECHARIAH. 


331 


(12,  7,  cf.  14,  14^),  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in  pre-exilic 
writings,  but  which  might  arise  in  later  times,  when  the  central 
importance  of  the  Temple  had  increased,  when  Jews  of  the 
Diaspora  would  turn  their  eyes  naturally  to  Jerusalem,  so  that 
in  comparison  with  it  the  country  districts  might  be  depreciated, 
and  might  readily  be  looked  down  upon  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  capital.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  "House  of  David" 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  are  repeatedly  spoken  of  as 
associated  together  (12,  7.  8.  13,  i). 

As  regards  the  occasion  of  the  prophecy  it  is  impossible  to  do  more  than 
speculate.  It  is  conceivable  that  in  the  post-exilic  period  where  our  history 
is  a  blank  (b.c.  518-458  ;  432-300),  the  family  of  David  assumed  importance 
in  Jerusalem,  and  supplied  some  of  the  kading  judges  and  administrators, 
and  that  they  had  been  implicated  with  the  people  of  the  capital  in  some 
deed  of  blood  (12,  10-14),  on  the  ground  of  which  the  prophet  depicts 
Jehovah's  appearance  in  judgment.  In  the  heathen  invaders  of  12,  2  ff.  14,  2  f. 
he  perhaps  has  not  in  view  any  actual  expected  io&,  but  pictures  an  imaginaiy 
assault  of  nations,  like  Ezekiel  (c.  38—39-),  from  which  he  represents 
Jerusalem,  though  not  without  severe  losses,  as  delivered.  In  other 
features  also  the  prophecy  appears  to  be  one  of  those  (cf.  Is.  24-27)  in  which 
not  merely  the  figurative,  but  the  imaginative  element  is  larger  than  is 
generally  the  case,  especially  in  the  pre-exilic  prophets.  But  even  when 
allowance  has  been  made  for  this,  many  details  in  the  prophecy  remain 
perplexing ;  and  probably  no  entirely  satisfactory  explanation  of  it  is  now 
attainable.' 

That  the  author  of  Zech.  i — 8  should  be  also  the  author  of 
either  c.  9 — 11  or  c.  11 — 14  is  hardly  possible.  Zechariah  uses  a 
different  phraseology,  evinces  different  interests,  and  moves  in  a 
different  circle  of  ideas  from  those  which  prevail  in  c.  9 — 14. 

Thus  Zech.  is  peculiarly  fond  of  the  confirmatory  formula,  "Thus  saith  the 
Lord"  (i,  3.  4.  14.  16.  17.  2,  8.  3,  7.  6,  12  &c.);  "came  the  word  of  ihe 
Lord  unto  ..."  i,  7.  4,  8.  6,  9.  7,  i.  4.  8.  8,  l.  18 ;  in  c.  9 — 14  we  have 
the  former  only  in  ii,  4,  the  latter  not  at  all:  the  parenthetic  "Saith  the 

^  In  12,  2  it  may  be  assumed  that  Judah  fights  against  Jerusalem  by  com- 
pulsion ;  cf.  vv.  4^  5.  6. 

^Traits  suggested  by  earlier  prophecies  are  perhaps:  12,  i.  Is.  ^i,  13. — 
2  (the  cup  of  reeling).  Is.  51,  22. — 4.  Dt.  28,  28.— 6^  14,  ii\  Joel  3,  20. — 
9.  Ez.  39,  4-24. — 13,  I.  Ez.  36,  25. — 2.  Hos.  2,  17. — 14,  5.  Am.  i,  i. — 6. 
7.  9.  Is.  24,  23.-8.  Ez.  47,  I  ff.  Joel  3,  I8^— 10.  Jer.  31,  38f.— ii.  Jer.  25, 
9.  Is.  43,  28  (the  herem  or  "ban  ").— 12.  13.  Ez.  38,  21.  22^  — 16.  Is.  66,  23. 
— 2of.  Jer.  31,  40.  Joel  3,  17. 

3  The  post-exilic  date  of  c.  12 — 14  is  accepted  by  most  critics,  except  those 
named  p.  329,  note. 


332  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Lord,"  is  also  much  more  frequent  in  c.  I — 8  than  in  c.  9 — 14  ;  on  the  other 
hand,  "in  that  day,"  which  is  specially  frequent  in  c.  12 — 14(12,  3.  4.  6. 
8  his.  9.  II.  13,  I.  2.  4  bis.  14,  4.  6.  8.  9.  13.  20.  21),  occurs  thrice  only  in 
c.  I — 8  (2,  II.  3,  10.  6,  10),  and  only  twice  in  c.  9 — ii  (9,  16.  ii,  ii).  In 
c.  9 — 14  (except  in  the  narrative  part  of  c.  Ii)  poetic  imagery  and  form 
prevail  (the  verses,  as  in  the  prophets  generally,  being  composed  largely  of 
paraUjl  clauses) :  in  c.  I — 8  the  style  is  unpoetical,  and  parallelism  is  un- 
common. 

That  c.  I — 8  consists  largely  of  visions,  of  which  there  are 
none  in  c.  9 — 14,  might  not  itself  be  incompatible  with  identity  , 
of  author  (cf.  Am.  i — 7  and  8 — 9)  ;  but  the  dominant  ideas  and 
representations  of  c.  i — 8  are  very  different  from  those  of  either 
c.  9 — II  or  c.  12 — 14.  In  c.  i — 8,  the  lifetime  of  the  author 
and  the  objects  of  his  interest — the  Temple  and  the  affairs  of 
the  restored  community — are  very  manifest ;  but  the  circum- 
stances and  interests  of  the  author,  whether  of  c.  9 — 11  or  of  c. 
12 — 14,  whatever  obscurity  may  hang  over  particular  passages, 
are  certainly  very  different.  Zechariah's  pictures  of  the  Messiah 
and  the  Messianic  age  are  coloured  quite  differently  from  those 
of  c.  9 — II  or  c.  12 — 14  (contrast  3,  8.  6,  12  f.  with  9,  9  f,  and 
c.  8  with  the  representation  in  c.  14) :  the  prospects  of  the  nation 
are  also  represented  differently  (contrast  i,  21.  2,  8-1 1.  8,  7  f  with 

12,  2  ff.  14,  2  f . ;  and  observe  that  in  c.  12 — 14  the  return  of 
Jewish  exiles  is  not  one  of  the  events  which  the  prophet  looks 
forward  to). 

Similarities  between  c.  i — 8  and  c.  9 — 14  are  few,  and  insignificant  as 
compared  with  the  features  of  difference.  The  only  noteworthy  one  is  the 
phrase  Q^J^^i  nnVO,  7,  H-  9,  8  (but  see  Ez.  35,  7).;  -i^3yn  =  /^  remove  3,  4. 

13,  2  (in  different  connexions)  occurs  too  often  to  be  characteristic  of  a 
single  writer  (2  Sa.  12,  13.  24,  10.  Job  7,  21  :  i  Ki.  15.  12.  2  Ch.  15,  8.  Eccl. 
II,  10)  ;  **  daughter  of  Zion,"  2,  10.  9,  9,  is  used  constantly  by  the  prophets  ; 
and  when  Keil  remarks  that  the  designation  of  the  theocracy  as  the  house  of 
ju(la]i  and  Israel  (or  Ephraim  or  Joseph)  occurs  both  in  i,  12.  19.  2,  12.  8, 
13  and  in  9,  13.  lO,  6.  11,  14,  he  omits  to  point  out  that  "I'^phraim"  and 
"Joseph"  do  not  occur  at  all  in  c.  i — 8,  that  in  i,  12.  2,  12  only  fudah  and 
Terusalem  are  named  ;  and  that  in  I,  19.  8,  13  the  allusion  is  to  Israel 
scattered  among  the  nations,  not  as  in  9,  10.  II,  14  to  a  still  existing 
kingdom. 

The  position  of  c.  9 — 11.  12 — 14  is  probably  to  be  attributed 
to  the  compiler  who  united  the  writings  of  the  "  Minor  Prophets' 
into  a  volume. 


MALACHI. 


333 


This  appears  to  follow  from  a  comparison  of  the  titles  to  Zech.  9 — 11, 
12 — 14  and  Malachi.     We  have,  namely — 

Zech.  9, 1  inn  pNn  mn^  -im  nb^d 
12, 1     bx1:^•^  bv  r\^r]>  im  nsj'd 

Mai.      I,  I      ^i^i^>  bfc<  mn>  "im  &<B>D 

As  the  combination  nin*'  ")D1  KC'^D  is  a  little  remarkable,  and  does  not 
occur  besides,  it  is  natural  to  seek  some  common  explanation  for  the  similarity 
of  the  three  titles.  In  9,  i,  now,  these  words  form  an  integral  part  of  the 
sentence  that  follows  ;  in  the  other  two  cases  they  belong  entirely  to  the 
title.  It  is  a  plausible  conjecture  therefore  that  the  three  prophecies  now 
known  as  "Zech."  9 — il.  12 — 14  and  "Malachi"  coming  to  the  compiler's 
hands  with  no  authors'  names  prefixed,  he  attached  the  first  of  these  at  the 
point  which  his  volume  had  reached,  viz.  the  end  of  Zech.  8,  arranging  the 
other  two  so  as  to  follow  this,  and  framing  titles  for  them  (Zech.  12,  I  and 
Mai.  I,  i)  on  the  model  of  the  opening  words  of  Zech.  9,  i. 


§  12.  Malachi. 

The  prophecy  of  Malachi  may  be  divided  for  convenience  into 
six  parts  or  paragraphs. 

(i.)  I,  2-5  (Exordium).  The  love  of  Jehovah  towards  Israel 
(which  was  questioned  by  some  of  Malachi's  contemporaries)  is 
manifest  in  the  contrasted  lots  of  Israel  and  Edom  :  in  vain  may 
Esau's  descendants  expect  a  restoration  of  their  ruined  country. 

(2.)  I,  6 — 2,  9.  Israel,  however,  is  unmindful  of  this  love,  and 
does  not  render  to  Jehovah  the  honour  and  reverence  which  are 
His  due.  Especially  the  priests  are  neglectful  of  their  duties, 
allowing  inferior  or  unclean  offerings  to  be  presented  upon  the 
altar :  the  service  of  Jehovah  is  in  consequence  brought  into 
contempt,  for  which  they  are  threatened,  2,  1-9,  with  condign 
punishment :  Jehovah  will  send  a  curse  upon  them,  and  make 
them  contemptible  before  all  the  people. 

(3.)  2,  10-16.  A  denunciation  of  those  who  had  divorced  their 
own  wives  and  contracted  marriages  with  foreign  women. 

(4.)  2,  17 — 3,  6.  To  those  who  questioned  the  Divine  govern- 
ment of  the  world,  and  argued  that  righteousness  secured  no 
greater  favour  in  God's  sight  than  unrighteousness,  the  prophet 
announces  the  approach  of  a  day  of  judgment,  when  Jehovah 
will  appear  "suddenly"  for  the  purpose  of  purifying  His  un- 
worthy priests,  besides  declaring  Himself  as  a  "  swift  witness " 
against  the  guilty  members  of  His  nation  generally. 


334  LITERATURE    OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT, 

(5.)  3,  7-12.  The  neglect  of  the  people  in  paying  tithes  and 
other  dues  has  been  visited  by  Jehovah  with  drought,  locusts, 
and  failure  of  crops;  but  a  blessing  is  promised  upon  the  land 
if  in  the  future  these  obligations  are  conscientiously  discharged. 

(6.)  3,  13 — 4,  6.  The  people  complain  that  "it  is  vain  to  serve 
God ; "  no  distinction  is  made  between  the  evil  and  the  good  : 
the  day  is  coming,  replies  the  prophet,  when  Jehovah  will  own 
those  that  are  His,  and  silence  the  murmurers,  3,  13-18  :  the 
workers  of  wickedness  will  be  punished,  and  the  righteous 
triumph  over  their  fall,  4,  1-3.  The  prophecy  concludes  with  ' 
an  exhortation  to  obey  the  requirements  of  the  Mosaic  Law,  and 
with  a  promise  of  the  advent  of  Elijah  the  prophet,  to  move 
the  people  to  repentance  against  the  day  of  Jehovah,  and  thus 
to  avert,  or  mitigate,  the  curse  which  otherwise  must  smite  the 
earth,  4,  4-6. 

Respecting  the  person  of  Malachi  nothing  is  known.  The  name  does  not 
occur  elsewhere  ;  and  it  has  even  been  questioned  whether  it  be  the  personal 
name  of  the  prophet.  Already  the  LXX  have  strangely,  in  i,  i,  iv  x,-'fi  uyyiXou 
avrov{i.e.  13i<?D  for  ""^N^D)  5  and  the  Targum  has,  "by  the  hand  of  Malachi 
[or,  of  my  messenger],  7uhose  natne  is  called  Ezra  the  scribed  The  same 
tradition  is  mentioned  by  Jerome  (who  accepts  it)  and  other  writers  But  had 
Ezra  been  the  author  of  the  prophecy,  it  is  difficult  to  think  that  his  author- 
ship would  have  been  thus  concealed.  From  the  similarity  of  the  title,  in 
form,  to  Zech.  9,  i.  12,  i,  it  is  probable  (p.  -^n)  that  it  was  framed  by  the 
compiler  of  the  volume  of  the  twelve  prophets  ;  and  this,  taken  in  conjunction 
with  the  somewhat  prominent  recurrence  of  the  same  word  in  3,  I,  has  led 
some  modern  scholars  to  the  conjecture  that  the  prophecy,, when  it  came  to  the 
compiler's  hands,  had  no  author's  name  prefixed,  and  that  he  derived  the  name 
from  3,  I,  "»2xbo  being  there  understood  by  him. either  as  an  actual  designa- 
tion of  the  author,  or  as  a  term  descriptive  of  his  office,  and  so  capable  of 
being  applied  to  him  symbolically  (Ewald,  Kuenen,  Reuss,  Stade). 

It  is  evident  that  the  prophecy  of  Malachi  belongs  to  the 
period  after  the  Captivity,  when  Judah  was  a  Persian  province 
("thy  governor'' '\T\r\t^  i,  8:  cf.  Hag.  i,  i.  Neh.  5,  14.  12,  16 
&c.),  when  the  Temple  had  been  rebuilt  (i,  to.  3,  i),  and  public 
worship  was  again  carried  on  in  it.  The  three  abuses  which 
he  mainly  attacks  are  the  degeneracy  of  the  priesthood,  inter- 
marriage with  foreign  women,  and  the  remissness  of  the  people 
in  the  payment  of  sacred  dues.  These  abuses,  especially  the 
second  and  third,  are  mentioned  prominently  in  the  memoirs  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah,   and   are   what  those  reformers  set  them- 


MALACHI.  335 

selves  strenuously  to  correct  (see  Ezra  9,  2.  10,  3.  16-44.  Neh. 
10,  30.  32  ff.  13,  4  ff.  15  ff-  23  ff-  28  f.).  It  may  reasonably  be 
inferred  therefore  that  the  prophecy  dates  from  the  age  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah. 

The  only  question  open  is  whether  its  author  wrote  before  the  arrival  of 
Ezra  in  Judah,  B.C.  458  (Herzfeld,  Bleek,  Reuss,  Slade),  or  somewhat  later, 
viz  either  shortly  before  or  during  Nehemiah's  second  visit  there  (Neh  13, 
6ff.)  B.C.  432  (Schrader,  Kohler,  Keil,  Orelli,  Kuenen).  On  the  whole, 
thep'eriod  of  Nehemiah's  absence  at  the  Persian  Court  is  the  most  probable  : 
the  terms  of  i ,  8  make  it  a  little  unlikely  that  Nehemiah  himself  was  gover- 
nor "  at  the  time  when  Malachi  wrote. 

The  situation  in  Judah  at  the  time  when  Malachi  prophesied 
was  one  of  depression  and  discontent.     The  expectations  which 
earlier  prophets  had  aroused  had  not  been  fulfilled;  the  restora- 
tion from  Babylon  had  brought  with  it  none  of  the  ideal  glories 
promised  by  the  second  Isaiah  :  bad  harvests  increased  the  dis- 
appointment:  hence  many  among  the   people   began  to  doubt 
the  Divine  justice  ;  Jehovah,  they  argued,  could  no  longer  be  the 
Holy  God    for  He  was  heedless  of  His  people's  necessity,  and 
permitted  sin  to  continue  unpunished ;  to  what  purpose,  there- 
fore, should  they  concern  themselves  with  His  service  ?     A  spirit 
of  religious  indifference  and  moral  laxity  began  thus  to  prevail 
amon-  the  people.     The  same  temper  appears  even  among  the 
priests-   they  perform  their  offices   perfunctorily;   they  express 
L  their  actions,  if  not  by  their  words,  their  contempt  for  the 
service  in  which  they  are  engaged.     And  the  mixed  marriages 
which  were  now  the  fashion  threatened  to  obliterate  altogether 
the  distinctive  character  of  the  nation.     Malachi  seeks  to  recall 
his  people  to  religious  and  moral  earnestness :  he  msists  on  the 
importance  of  maintaining  the  purity  of  the  public  worship  of 
God,  and  the  distinctive  character  of  the  nation.     His  book  is 
remarkable  among  the  writings  of  the  prophets  on  account  of  the 
interest  which  it  evinces  in  ritual  observances,  and  the  grave  light 
in  which  it  views  ritual  laxity.     The  explanation  is  to  be  found 
m  tne  circumstances  of  the  time.     Israel's  preservation  as  the 
people   of  God   could  only  be  effectually  secured  by   a  strict 
observance  of  the  ceremonial  obligations  laid  upon  it,  and  by  its 
holding  firmly  aloof  from  the  disintegrating  influences  to  which 
unrestricted   intercourse   with   its   neighbours    would    inevitably 
expose  it.     Malachi  judged  the  times  as  the  reformers  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah   judged  them.     But   he   is    no   formalist;   his   book 


336  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

breathes  the  genuine  prophetic  spirit :  ceremonial  observances 
are  of  value  in  his  eyes  only  as  securing  spiritual  service ;  moral 
offences  are  warmly  reprobated  by  him  (3,  5) ;  and  from  the 
thought  of  the  brotherhood  of  all  Israelites,  under  one  Father, 
he  deduces  the  social  duties  which  they  owe  to  one  another,  and 
the  wrongfulness  of  the  selfish  system  of  divorce  prevalent  in 
his  day. 

The  style  of  Malachi  is  more  prosaic  than  that  of  the  prophets 
generally :  he  has  several  peculiarities  of  expression  (Kohler,  p. 
26);  and  his  diction  betrays  marks  of  lateness,  though  not  so 
numerous  or  pronounced  as  Esther,  Chronicles,  and  Ecclesiastes.^ 
He  adopts  also  a  novel  literary  form  :  first  he  states  briefly  the 
truth  which  he  desires  to  enforce,  then  follows  the  contradiction 
or  objection  which  it  is  supposed  to  provoke,  finally  there  comes 
the  prophet's  reply,  reasserting  and  substantiating  his  original 
proposition  (i,  2  f.  6  ff.  2,  13  f.  17.  3,  7.  8.  13  ff.).  Thus  "in 
place  of  the  rhetorical  development  of  a  subject,  usual  with  the 
earlier  prophets,  there  appears  in  Malachi  a  dialectic  treatment 
by  means  of  question  and  answer.  We  have  here  the  first 
traces  of  that  method  of  exposition  which,  in  the  schools  that 
arose  about  this  time,  became  ultimately  the  prevalent  one  " 
(Kohler,  p.  26,  after  Ewald). 

^  Eg.  ^j<i  to  defile,  I,  7.  12  ;  -)^»x  133  2,  9  ;  and  the  inelegant  syntax  of 
2,  13,  which  is  quite  in  the  style  of  the  Chronicler. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  PSALMS, 

Literature.— H.  Ewald  in   the  Dkhter  des  AB.s  (ed.   2),  1866  (trans- 
lated);  Justus  Olshausen  (in  the  Kgf,  Exeg.  Handb.),  1853;  H.   Hupfeld, 
Die  Pss.  ilbers.  u.  ausgclegt,  1855-62,  ed.  3,  revised  by  W.   Nowack,   1888  ; 
F    Hitzig,  Die  Pss.  ilbers.  u.   ansgelegt,   1863,   1865  ;   F.   Dehtzsch  (in  the 
Bibl.    Commentar),    1867,   (ed.  4)  1883  (translated  :    Hodder  &  Stoughton, 
1887-9) ;  J.  J.  S.  Perowne,  The  Book  of  Psalms:  a  nexv  transl.  with  Introd,  and 
Notes,  1864-68,  (ed.  6)  1886  ;  W.  Kay,  The  Psalms  with  Notes,  ed.  2,  1874  ; 
R.  W.   Church  (Dean  of  St.  Paul's)  in   The  Gifts  of  Civilisation,   18S0,  p. 
391  ff.;  H.  Gratz,  Kritischer  Komm.  zu  den  Psalmen,  1 882-3  (alters  the  text 
much  too  freely) ;   T.    K.    Cheyne,    The  Book  of  Psalms  (translation,   with 
short  notes),  in  the  '*  Parchment  Library,"  1884  ;   The  Book  of  Psalms,  or  th 
Braises  of  Israel:  a  new  translation  with  Commentary,  1 888  (on  the  text,  see 
esp.  pp.  369-406,  with  the  references) ;    The  Historical  Origin  and  Religious 
Ideas  of  the  Psalter  (being  the  "  Bampton  Lectures"  for  1889),  1891  ;  and  m 
the  Expositor,  Aug.  1889-Jari.  1890  (Ps.  8.  16.  86.  87.  24.  26  and  28),  1890 
March  (Ps.    113-118),   July  (Ps.   63),   Sept.    (Ps.  68).      See  also  Lagarde, 
Orientalia,  ii.  (1880)  p.    13  ff.  ;  W.   R.   Smith,   O'JJC,   Lect.  vn.„  and  art. 
"  Psalms"  in  the  EncycL  Brit.  (1886) ;  M.  Kopf.tein,  Die  Asaph-Pss.  unter- 
sucht,    1881  ;  A.   Neubauer,    On  the   Titles  of  the  Psalms  according  to  early 
Jewish  Authorities,  in  Studia  Biblica,  ii.  p.  i  ff.  (Oxford  1890). 

The  Book  of  Psalms  (in  most  German  MSS.,i  which  are  fol- 
lowed in  the  printed  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Bible)  opens  the 
third  division  of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  the  D^a^n3,  or  writings 
(also  sometimes  V:;'\^T\  '•3113,  'Ayioypa(/)a). 

Hebreiv  i^^^/r)^2_Hebrew   poetry  reaches  back   to  the  most 

1  In  Spanish  MSS.,  as  in  Massoretic  lists,  it  is  preceded  by  Chronicles. 

2  See  Rob  Lowth,  De  sacra  poesi  Helmtorum prdlectiones  academzue  (Oxon. 
1753  ;  transl.  by  G.  Gregory  1847)  ;  J-  G.  von  Herder,  VomCdstder  Ebr, 
Ai.  i782-3;ed.  3,  by  K.  W.  Justi,  1835;  H.  Ewald,  ^e  Duhter  dcs 
ABs  i  I  ("Allgemeines  iiber  die  hebr.  Dichtkunst,  und  uber  das 
Psaimenbuch;"  only  pp.  239-292,  209-233  translated  in  the  t-nslat  j  of 
the  Psa'ms  i-  P-  i  ff-,  i^-  P-  328ff.) ;  Kuenen,  Onderzoek  (ed.  i),  1865,  vol.  111. 
p.  iff.,  with  the  references. 

Y 


338  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

ancient  recollections  of  the  Israelites  (Gen.  49.  Nu.  21,  17  f. 
27-30.  Jud.  5  &c.)  ;  probably,  as  with  other  nations,  it  was  the 
form  in  which  their  earliest  literary  efforts  found  expression. 
Many  poetical  pieces  are  preserved  in  the  historical  books  ;  and 
the  Books  of  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job  (the  Dialogue),  Song  of 
Songs,  and  Lamentations  are  entirely  poetical.  The  line  between 
poetry  and  elevated  prose  being,  moreover,  less  sharply  drawn 
in  Hebrew  than  in  Western  languages,  the  prophets  not  un- 
frequently  rise  into  a  lyric  or  elegiac  strain ;  and  even  the  author 
of  Ecclesiastes  is  led  sometimes,  by  the  moralizing  character  of 
his  discourse,  to  cast  his  thoughts  into  the  form  of  gnomic  poetry. 

Of  the  two  forms  of  poetry  in  which  the  greatest  masterpieces 
of  the  Aryan  races  have  been  cast,  the  epos  and  the  drama,  the 
former  is  entirely  unrepresented  in  Hebrew  literature,  the  latter 
is  represented  only  in  a  rudimentary  and  imperfect  form.  As 
will  be  shown  in  its  proper  place,  the  Song  of  Songs  is  of  the 
nature  of  a  drama ;  and  the  Book  of  Job  may  be  styled  a  dramatic 
poem.  But  the  genius  of  the  ancient  Israelite  was  pre-eminently 
subjective;  the  Hebrew  poet  did  not  readily  accommodate  him- 
self to  the  exhibition,  in  a  poetical  form,  of  the  thoughts  and 
emotions  of  others,  such  as  the  epos  and  the  drama  both  require  ; 
it  was  his  own  thoughts  and  emotions  for  which  he  sought 
spontaneously  to  find  forms  of  expression.  Hence  Hebrew 
poetty  is  almost  exclusively  lyric  and  gnomic. 

In  lyric  poetry,  the  poet  gives  vent  to  his  personal  emotions  or 
experiences — his  joys  or  sorrows,  his  cares  or  complaints,  his 
aspirations  or  his  despair ;  or  he  reproduces  in  words  the  impres- 
sions which  nature  or  history  may  have  made  upon  him.  The 
character  of  lyric  poetry,  it  is  evident,  may  vary  widely  according 
to  the  subject,  and  according  to  the  circumstances  and  mood  of 
the  poet  himself.  Gnomic  poetry  consists  of  observations  on 
human  life  and  society,  or  generalizations  respecting  conduct  and 
character.  But  the  line  between  these  two  forms  cannot  always 
be  drawn  strictly :  lyric  poetry,  for  instance,  may  assume  a 
parenetic  tone,  giving  rise  to  an  intermediate  form  which  may  be 
called  didactic  {e.g.  Ps.  15.  25.  37  ;  Pr.  i — 9);  or  again,  a  poem 
which  is,  on  the  whole,  didactic  may  rise  in  parts  into  a  lyric 
strain  (Job  29 — 31.  38 — 39;  Pr.  8,  12  ff.). 

Most  of  the  Hebrew  poetry  that  has  been  preserved  is  of  a  religious  type : 
but  poetry  is  the  expression  of  a   national  character  ;  and  no  doubt  olher 


HEBREW   POETRY.  339 

sides  of  the  national  life — e.g.  deeds  of  warriors,  incidents  of  domestic  interest, 
love,  wine,  marriages,  and  deaths— were  fully  represented  in  it.  Examples 
of  poems,  or  poetic  sayings,  in  the  OT.  of  a  purely  secular  character  are 
Gen.  4,  23  f.  (Lamech's  song  of  triumph  over  the  invention  of  metal 
weapons).  Nu.  21,  17  f.  27-30.  Jud.  15,  16.  i  Sa.  18,  7,  and  even  David's 
two  elegies,  2  Sa.  i,  19-27.  3,  33  f.  Allusions  to  songs  accompanying 
banquets  or  other  festal  occasions  occur  in  Gen.  31,  27.  2  Sa.  19,  35.  Am. 
6,  5.  Is.  5,  12.  16,  10.  24,  9.  Job  21,  12.  Ps.  69,  12  (cf.  Job  30,  9.  Lam. 
3,  14.  62,).  78,  63.  Lam.  5,  14.  Eccl.  2,  8 :  cf.  also  Is.  23,  16,  Jer.  :^?>,  22*>. 

Poetry  is  distinguished  from  prose  partly  by  the  character  of 
the  thoughts  of  which  it  is  the  exponent, — which  in  Hebrew 
poetry,  as  a  rule,  either  express  or  spring  out  of  an  emotion, — 
partly  by  its  diction  (the  choice  and  order  of  words),  but  especi- 
ally by  its  rhyth?n.  The  onward  movement  of  emotion  is  not 
entirely  irregular  or  unrestrained ;  it  is  checked,  or  interrupted,  at 
particular  intervals  ;  and  the  flow  of  thought  has  to  accommodate 
itself  in  a  certain  degree  to  these  recurring  interruptions ;  in  other 
words,  it  is  divided  into  li7tes.  In  most  Western  poetry  these 
lines  have  a  definite  metre  or  measure :  they  consist,  viz., 
of  a  fixed  number  of  syllables  (or  of  "feet"):  in  some  cases 
all  the  lines  of  a  poem  being  of  the  same  length,  in  other 
cases  lines  of  different  length  alternating,  according  to  certain 
prescribed  rules.  To  the  modern  ear,  also,  the  satisfaction  which 
the  recurrence  of  lines  of  equable  length  produces,  is  often 
enhanced  by  that  assonance  of  the  corresponding  lines  which 
we  term  rhyme.  But  in  ancient  Hebrew  poetry,  though  there 
was  always  rhyth??t,  there  was  (so  far  as  has  yet  been  discovered) 
no  metre  ^  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term ;  and  rhyme  appears 

^  On  the  attempts  that  have  been  made  to  discover  metre  (strictly  so  called) 
in  the  OT.,  see  the  study  of  C.  Budde  in  the  Sited,  u.  Krit.  1874,  p.  747  ff., 
and  in  the  Theol.  Litzt.  1888,  col.  3.  The  cleverest  of  these  attempts  is  that 
of  G.  Bickell  in  his  Carmina  Vet.  Test.  w^/rzV^  (1882),  where  the  poems  of 
the  OT.  are  transliterated  in  metrical  forms  analogous  to  those  used  by  the 
Syriac  poets  (Ephrgm,  &c. ).  But  the  alterations  in  the  text,  and  the  metrical 
licences,  which  are  necessary  for  Bickell's  system,  form  a  serious  objection  to  it. 
At  the  same  time,  it  is  probable  that  in  his  search  for  a  metre  he  has  in 
reality  been  guided  by  a  sense  of  rhythm^  which  has  enabled  him  to  discover 
imperfections  due  to  corruption  of  the  text.  Prof.  Briggs'  system  {Biblical 
Study ^  p.  279  ff.;  Hebraica,  1887,  p.  161  ff.,  1888,  p.  201  ff.;  comp.  Fr. 
'^xo'wvi,  Journ.  of  Bibl.  Lit.  1890,  p.  71  fr.)isnot  one  of  strict  metre,  but 
of  measurement  hy  accents  or  rhythmical  beats,  the  "foot"  not  necessarily 
consisting  of  the  same  number  of  syllables.  The  principle  of  Jul.  Ley, 
Leitfadeii  der  Metrik  der  Heb.    Poesie  (18S7),  is  similar.     Apart  from  con- 


340  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

to  have  been  as  accidental  as  it  was  with  the  classical  Latin 
poets.  The  poetical  instincts  of  the  Hebrews  appear  to  have 
been  satisfied  by  the  adoption  of  lines  of  app?-oxiinately  the 
same  length,^  which  were  combined,  as  a  rule,  into  groups  of 
two,  tliree,  or  four  lines,  constituting  verses^  the  verses  marking 
usually  more  distinct  pauses  in  the  progress  of  the  thought 
than  the  separate  lines.  The  fundamental  (and  predominant) 
form  of  the  Hebrew  verse  is  the  couplet  of  two  lines,  the  second 
line  either  repeating,  or  in  some  other  way  reinforcing  or  com- 
pleting, the  thought  of  the  first.  In  the  verse  of  two  lines  is 
exempHfied  also  the  principle  which  most  widely  regulates  the 
form  of  Hebrew  poetry,  the  parallelismus  membrorum  —  the 
parallelism  of  two  clauses  of  approximately  the  same  length,  the 
second  clause  answering,  or  otherwise  completing,  the  thought  oi 
the  first.  The  Hebrew  verse  does  not,  however,  consist  uniformly 
of  two  lines  ;  the  addition  of  a  third  line  is  apt  especially  to 
introduce  an  element  of  irregularity  :  so  that  the  parallelismus 
7nevibroru??i,  though  an  important  canon  of  Hebrew  poetry,  is 
not  the  sole  principle  by  which  its  form  is  determined. 

The  significance  in  Hebrew  poetry  of  the  parallelism  of  clauses 
was  first  perceived  by  Rob.  Lowth,  who  thus  distinguished  its 
principal  varieties  : — 

I.  Synonymous  parallelism.  In  this  kind  (which  is  the  most  frequent)  the 
second  line  enforces  the  thought  of  the  first  by  repeating,  and,  as  it  were, 
echoing  it  in  a  varied  form,  producing  an  effect  at  once  grateful  to  the  ear 
and  satisfying  to  the  mind  :  as — 

Nu.  23,  8  How  shall  I  curse,  whom  God  hath  not  cursed  ? 

And  how  shall  I  defy,  whom  the  Lord  hath  not  defied  ? 

Or  the  second  line  expresses  a  thought  not  indeed  identical  with  that  of  the 
first,  but  parallel  and  similar  to  it — 

Josh.  ID,  12  Sun,  stand  thou  still  upon  Gibeon  ; 

And  thou.  Moon,  upon  the  valley  of  Aijalon. 

jecture,  metre  is  only  known  to  have  been  introduced  into  Hebrew  poetry 
by  the  Jewish  p^ets  of  the  Middle  Ages,  in  imitation  of  Arabic  poetry. 
(Bickell's  Carmina  should  be  supplemented  by  his  short  papers  in  the 
Innsbruck  Z.  fiir  Kathol.  Theol.  1885,  p.  717  ff.  ;  1886,  p.  205  ff.,  355  ff., 
546fr.,56ofr.). 

^  And  approximately,  also,  each  complete  in  itself,  or  coinciding  with  a 
pause  in  the  thought, — another  point  of  difference  from  Western  po6try,  in 
which  the  thought  may  generally  move  on  continuously  through  two  or  more 


HEBREW   POETRY.  34 1 

2.  Antithetic  parallelism.  Here  the  thought  of  the  first  line  is  emphasized, 
or  confirmed,  by  a  contrasted  thought  expressed  in  the  second.     Thus — 

Pr.  10,  I  A  wise  son  maketh  a  glad  father, 

But  a  foolish  son  is  the  heaviness  of  his  mother. 
Ps.  I,  6  For  the  Lord  knoweih  the  way  of  the  righteous  ; 
But  the  way  of  the  wicked  shall  perish. 

This  kind  of  parallelism  is  most  frequent  in  gnomic  poetry,  where,  from  the 
nature  of  the  subject-matter,  antithetic  truths  are  often  contrasted. 

3.  Synthetic  or  constructive  parallelism.  Plere  the  second  bne  contains 
neither  a  repetition  nor  a  contrast  to  the  thought  of  the  first,  but  in  different 
ways  supplements  or  completes  it.     The  parallelism,  therefore,  is  merely  of 

forniy  and  does  not  extend  to  the  thought  at  all.     E.g, — 

Ps.  2,  6  Yet  I  have  set  my  king 
Upon  Zion,  my  holy  hill. 
Pr.  15,  17  Better  is  a  dinner  of  herbs  where  love  is, 
Than  a  stalled  ox  and  hatred  therewith. 

26,  4  Answer  not  a  fool  according  to  his  folly, 

Lest  thou  also  be  like  unto  him. 

27,  8  As  a  bird  that  wandereth  from  her  nest, 

So  is  a  man  that  wandereth  from  his  place. 

A  comparison,  a  reason,  a  consequence,  a  motive,  often  constitutes  one  of  the 
lines  in  a  synthetic  parallelism. 

4.  A  fourth  kind  of  parallelism,  though  of  rare  occurrence,  is  still  suffici- 
ently marked  to  be  noticed  by  the  side  of  those  described  by  Lowih,  viz. 
climactic  parallelism  (sometimes  called  "ascending  rhythm").  Here  the  first 
line  is  itself  incomplete,  and  the  second  line  takes  up  words  from  it  and 
completes  them — 

Ps.  29,  I  Give  unto  the  Lord,  O  ye  sons  of  the  mighty, 
Give  unto  the  Lord  glory  and  strength. 
8  The  voice  of  the  Lord  shaketh  the  wilderness ; 
The  Lord  shaketh  the  wilderness  of  Kadesh. 
Ex.  15,  16''  Till  thy  people  pass  over,  O  Lord, 

Till  the  people  pass  over,  ivhich  thou  hast  purchased. 

This  kind  of  rhythm  is  all  but  peculiar  to  the  most  elevated  poetry :  see 
Jud.  5,  4^  7.  19*.  23''.  Ps.  29,  5.  96,  13.  Is.  24,  15  (Cheyne).  There  is 
something  analogous  to  it,  though  much  less  forcible  and  distinct,  in  some  of 
the  "Songs  of  Ascents  "  (Ps.  121-134),  where  a  somewhat  emphatic  word  is 
repeated  from  one  verse  (or  line)  in  the  next,  as  Ps.  121,  i''.  2"  (help)  ;  3^ 
4;  4^  5";  7.  8^  122,  2^  3^&c. 

By  far  the  greater  number  of  verses  in  the  poetry  of  the  OT. 
consist  of  distichs  of  one  or  other  of  the  types  that  have  been 
illustrated ;  though  naturally  every  individual  line  is  not  con- 
structed with   the  regularity  of  the  examples  selected  (which, 


342  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT, 

indeed,  especially  in  a  long  poem,  would  tend  to  monotony). 
The  following  are  the  other  principal  forms  of  the  Hebrew 
verse : — 

1.  Single  lines,  or  moiiostichs.  These  are  found  but  rarely,  being  gener- 
ally used  to  express  a  thought  with  some  emphasis  at  the  beginning,  or 
occaMonally  at  the  end,  of  a  poem  :  Ps.  i6,  i.  i8,  i.  23,  i.  66,  i  ;  Ex. 
I5>  18. 

2.  Verses  of  three  lines,  or  in'siichs.  Here  different  types  arise,  according 
to  the  relation  in  which  the  several  lines  stand  to  one  another.  Sometimes, 
for  instance,  the  three  lines  are  synonymous,  as — 

Ps.  5,  II  But  let  all  those  that  put  their  trust  in  thee  rejoice. 

Let  them  ever  shout  for  joy,  because  thou  defendest  them  : 
And  let  them  that  love  thy  name  be  joyful  in  thee. 

Sometimes  a  and  b  are  parallel  in  thought,  and  c  completes  it — 

Ps.  2,  2  The  kings  of  the  earth  set  themselves, 
And  the  rulers  take  counsel  together, 

Against  Jehovah,  and  against  his  anointed. 

Or  b  and  c  are  parallel — 

Ps.  3,  7  Arise,  Jehovah  ;  save  me,  O  my  God  • 

For  thou  hast  smitten  all  mine  enemies  upon  the  cheek-bone; 
Thou  hast  broken  the  teeth  of  the  wicked. 

Or  a  and  c  may  be  parallel,  and  b  be  of  the  nature  of  a  parenthesis — 

Ps.  4,  2  Answer  me,  when  I  call,  O  God  of  my  righteousness  ; 
Thou  hast  set  me  at  large  when  I  was  in  distress : 
Have  mercy  upon  me,  and  hear  my  prayer. 

3.  Tdrastichs.  Here  generally  a  is  parallel  to  b,  and  c  is  parallel  to  d; 
but  the  thought  is  only  complete  when  the  two  couplets  are  combined  ;  thus — 

Gen.  49,  7  Cursed  be  their  anger,  for  it  was  fierce ; 
And  their  wrath,  for  it  was  cruel : 
I  will  divide  them  in  Jacob, 
And  scatter  them  rn  Israel. 

So  Dt.  32,  21.  30.  38.  41.  Is.  49,  4.  59,  3.  4  &c. 
Sometimes,  however,  a  is  parallel  to  r,  and  b  to  d — 

Ps.  55,  21  His  mouth  was  smooth  as  butter, 
But  his  heart  was  war  ; 
His  words  were  softer  than  oil, 
Yet  were  they  drawn  swords. 

So  Ps.  40,  14.  127,  I.  Dt.  32,  42.  Is.  30,  16.  44,  5.  49,  2. 

Occasionally  a  corresponds  to  d,  and  b  to  c ;  this  is  called  technically 
"zWrc^^r/cjaf  parallelism,"  but  is  of  rare  occurrence  ;  see  Pr.  23,  15  f  Is.  ii,  13 
(Cheyne).  59,  8. 


HEBREW   POETRY.  343 

Or  a,  6,  c  are  parallel,  but  d  is  more  or  less  independent — 

Ps.  I,  3  And  he  is  as  a  tree  planted  by  streams  of  water, 
That  bringeth  forth  its  fruit  in  its  season, 
And  whose  leaf  doth  not  wither  : 
And  whatsoever  he  doeth  he  maketh  to  prosper. 

Or  a  is  independent,  and  d,  c,  d  are  parallel — 

Pr.  24,  12  If  thou  sayest,  Behold,  we  knew  not  this  ; 

Doth  not  he  that  weigheth  the  hearts  consider  it? 

And  he  that  keepeth  thy  soul,  doth  not  he  know  it  ? 

And  shall  not  he  render  to  every  man  according  to  his  work  ? 

Or  it  may  even  happen  that  the  four  members   stand   in  no  determinate 
relation  to  one  another  ;  see  e.g.  Ps.  40,  17. 

4.  and  5.  Verses  of  5  lines  {pentastichs)  occur  but  seldom  in  the  OT.,  and 
those  of  six  lines  [hexastichs)  are  still  rarer  ;  see  for  the  former,  Nu.  24,  8. 
Dt.  32,  14.  39.  I  Sa.  2,  10.  Ps.  39,  12.  Cant.  3,  4;  for  the  latter,  Nu.  24, 
17.  I  Sa.  2,  8.  Cant.  4,  8.  Hab.  3,  17  (three  distichs,  closely  united). 

The  finest  and  most  perfect  specimens  of  Hebrew  poetry 
are,  as  a  rule,  those  in  which  the  parallelism  is  most  complete 
(synonymous  distichs  and  tetrastichs),  varied  by  an  occasional 
tristich  {e.g.  Job  28.  29 — 31.  38 — 39.  Ps.  18.  29.  104.  Pr.  8, 
12  ff. ;  and  in  a  quieter  strain,  Ps.  51.  81.  91.  103  &c.). 

Upon  an  average^  the  lines  of  Hebrew  poetry  consist  of  7  or 
8  syllables  ;  but  (so  far  as  appears)  there  is  no  rule  on  the 
subject ;  lines  may  be  longer  or  shorter,  as  the  poet  may  desire ; 
nor  is  there  any  necessity  that  the  lines  composing  a  verse  should 
all  be  of  the  same  length. ^  In  Job  and  Proverbs  lines  of 
approximately  the  same  length  are  of  more  frequent  occurrence 
than  in  the  Psalms ;  and  the  didactic  and  historical  psalms  are 
more  regular  in  structure  than  those  which  are  of  a  more  emotional 
character.  Where  the  line  is  much  longer  than  7-8  syllables,  it 
is  commonly  divided  by  a  caesura  (comp.  Ps.  19,  7-9  ;  Ps.  119) : 
on  the  use  of  this  form  of  line  in  the  elegiac  poetry  of  the  Hebrews, 
see  below,  under  Lamentations. 

The  prophets,  though  their  diction  is  usually  an  elevated  prose, 
manifest  a  strong  tendency  to  enforce  and  emphasize  their 
thought  by  casting  it,  more  or  less  completely,  into  the  form 
of  parallel  clauses  {e.g.  Is.  i,  2.  3.  10.  18.  19.  20.  27.  29  &c.  ; 
13,  10.  II.  12.  13  &c. ;  Am.  6,  i.  2.  3.  4.  5.  6.  7  &c.). 
And  sometimes  they  adopt  a  distinctly  lyrical  strain,  as  Is.  42, 

1  Sometimes  an  exceptionally  ?hort  line  appears  to  be  chosen  for  emphasis, 

Job  14,  4''  (nnx  ^).  Ps.  49,  '5^  ("Jnp^  ^d).  99,  z""-  s'- 


344  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

10-12.  44,  23.  45,  8.  But  with  the  prophets  the  lines  are  very 
commonly  longer  than  is  the  case  in  poetry  (in  the  technical 
sense  of  the  word) ;  and  the  movement  is  less  bright  and  rapid 
than  that  of  the  true  lyrical  style. 

Strophes  or  stanzas.  By  the  strophe  of  the  ancient  Greek 
choral  ode,  as  by  the  stanza  of  modern  European  poetry,  is 
meant  a  group  of  lines,  each  line  possessing  a  determinate 
length  and  character,  recurring  regularly  in  the  course  of  the 
same  poem.  In  this  sense  there  are  no  strophes  or  stanzas  in 
Hebrew  poetry.  If,  however,  the  term  "  strophe  "  be  understood 
in  the  modified  sense  of  a  group  of  verses,  connected  together  by 
a  certain  unity  of  thought,  it  is  true  that  strophes  of  this  kind 
are  found  in  Hebrew  poetry.  For  that  the  Hebrew  poets,  at 
least  sometimes,  grouped  together  a  certain  number  of  verses, 
and  marked  consciously  the  close  of  such  a  group,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  refrains  which  appear  from  time  to  time  in  the 
Psalms.^  The  number  of  verses  closed  by  a  refrain  is  seldom, 
however,  more  than  approximately  uniform  in  the  same  poem  ; 
no  importance  therefore  appears  to  have  been  attached  to 
uniformity  in  the  length  of  the  Hebrew  "  strophe  ; "  the  poet 
placed  the  refrain  where  his  thought  came  to  a  natural  pause, 
without  being  anxious  to  secure  perfectly  regular  intervals.  It 
may  be  assumed  with  probability  that  in  other  cases,  especially  if 
the  poem  be  one  of  any  length,  the  poet  would  mark  the  progress 
of  his  thought  by /^//i'^j'  at  more  or  less  regular  intervals;  and 
the  sections  of  the  poem,  closed  by  these  supposed  pauses,  we 
may  term  "  strophes."  And  this  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the 
fact  that  many  of  the  Psalms  seem  naturally  to  fall,  logically  as 
well  as  poetically,  into  groups  of  verses,  two,  three,  or  more,  as 
the  case  may  be.^     But  often  the  divisions  are  less  regular  or 

^  See  Ps.  39,  5«.  11'';  42,  5.  11.43,  5  [the  two  Psalms  forming  originally  one]  ; 
46,  [3I.  7.  II  ;  49,  12.  20;  56,  4.  10  f.  ;  57,  5.  II  ;  59,  6.  14,  and  9.  17  ; 
62,  I  f.  5  f.  ;  67,  3.  5  ;  80,  3.  7.  19;  %-],  4c.  6";  99,  5.  9  ;  107,  6.  13.  19. 
28,  and  8.  15.  21.  30;  116,  I3''-I4.  i7''-i8;  136,  I^  2^  &c.  (26  times);  144, 
7<=-8.  J  I.  Comp.  Is.  9,  12''.  i7'>.  26''.  10,  4''.  These  refrains  are  not  always 
expresiied  in  quite  identical  terms  ;  in  one  or  two  cases  (Ps.  42,  5.  59,  9)  the 
variatioii  is  due  probably  to  textual  error ;  but  elsewhere  it  appears  to  be 
intentional. 

2  E.g.  i^s.  2,  1-3.  4-6.  7-9-  10-12  ;  3,  I  f.  3  f.  5  f.   7  f.  ;   13,   if.  3  f.  .5  f. 
68,  1-3.  4-6.  7-10.  11-14-  15-18.  19-23.  24-27.  28-31.  32-35;  114,  If.  3f, 
5f.  7f. 


THE   PSALMS.  345 

clearly  marked  ;  and  in  such  cases  the  question  arises  whether 
they  were  really  intended  by  the  poet,  and  whether  such  sub- 
divisions as  the  articulation  of  the  thought  may  appear  to  suggest 
are  not  to  be  regarded  as  logical  rather  than  as  poetical  units, 
and  as  not  properly  deserving — even  in  its  modified  sense — the 
name  of  "strophes." 

The  Hebrew  title  of  the  Book  of  Psalms  is  Q'^^nn,  ///.  "  praise- 
songs,"  a  w^ord  which  in  the  OT.  itself  occurs  only  in  the  forms  n^nn 
{sg.)  ni'pnri  (//.),  and  with  the  general  sense  oi  praise,  praises 
{e.g.  Ex.  15,  II.  Ps.  22,  4).  The  modern  term  "Psalms"  is 
derived  from  the  LXX  rendering  of  D"'^nn,  x^aXjxoL. 

In  the  Massoretic  text  the  Psahns  are  in  number  150;  but  Ps.  9  and 
10,  as  the  alphabetical  arrangement  shows  (see  below),  must  have  formed 
originally  a  single  whole  (as  they  do  still  in  the  LXX  and  Vulg. ) ;  the  same 
was  also  the  case  with  Ps.  42  and  43  (notice  the  refrain.,  42,  5.^  11.  43,  5), 
which  are  actually  united  in  36  Hebrew  MSS.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is 
reason  to  suppose  that  some  Psalms,  which  now  appear  as  one,  consi-.t  of 
elements  which  have  been  incorrectly  conjoined  ;  this  is  certainly  the  case 
with  Ps.  144  (where  v.  12  is  quite  unconnected  with  vv.  i-ii),  and  probably 
also  with  Ps.  19.  24.  27.  The  LXX  adds,  after  Ps.  150,  a  Psalm,  stated  in 
the  title  to  be  'i\u)  toZ  upi^f^oij,  and  ascribed  to  David,  on.  If-omfid^fifft  t* 
ToX/aS,  which  is  undoubtedly  spurious. 

In  the  Hebrew  Bible  (as  in  the  RV.)  the  Psalter  is  divided 
into  five  Books,  Ps.  i — 41  ;  42 — 72  ;  73 — 89;  90 — 106;  107 — 
150.  The  end  of  each  of  the  first  four  Books  is  marked  by  a 
doxology  (Ps.  41,  13  ;  72,  18  f. ;  89,  52  ;  106,  48),  in  accordance 
with  a  custom,  not  uncommon  in  Eastern  literature,  to  close  the 
composition  or  transcription  of  a  volun)e  with  a  brief  prayer  or 
word  of  praise ;  in  Book  5  the  place  of  such  a  doxology  appears 
to  have  been  taken  by  Ps.  150  itself.  The  second  Book  has  in 
addition  a  special  subscription  (Ps.  72,  20),  viz.  "The  prayers  of 
David,  the  son  of  Jesse,  are  ended."  The  division  into  five  Books 
is  older  than  the  LXX  translation,  in  which  the  doxologies  are 
already  found.  The  probable  explanation  of  the  division  will  be 
considered  subsequently. 

The  following  Psalms  are  alpJiahetical,  i.e.  successive  verses,  half-verses, 
or  groups  of  verses  begin  with  the  successive  le'ters  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet ; 
Ps.   9 — 10  (two  verses  to  each  letter,  the  scheme,  however,   being  incom- 

1  The  English  numeration  of  verses  has  been  followed  throughout. 


346  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

pletely  carried  through) ;  25  (one  verse  to  each  letter,  with  an  extra  verse  at 
the  end:  the  1  verse  missing);  34  (also  vi^ith  an  extra  verse ^);  37  (2  verses 
to  each  letter  :  the  ]}  verse  is  missing  through  a  corruption  in  7y.  28  ;  see  the 
commentators) ;  in  (a  half-verse  to  a  letter) ;  112  (do.) ;  119  (8  verses  to  a 
letter)  ;  145  (the  3  verse  missing), ^  The  alphabetical  order  appears  to  have 
been  s  metimes  adopted  by  poets  as  an  artificial  principle  of  arrangement, 
when  the  subject  was  one  of  a  general  character,  that  did  not  lend  itself 
readily  to  logical  development. 

The  Psalms,  speaking  generally,  consists  of  reflexions,  cast  into 
a  poetical  form,  upon  the  various  aspects  in  which  God  manifests 
Himself  either  in  nature,  or  towards  Israel,  or  the  individual 
soul,  accompanied  often — or,  indeed,  usually — by  an  outpour- 
ing of  the  emotions  and  affections  of  the  Psalmist,  prompted  by 
the  warmth  of  his  devotion  to  God,  though  varying  naturally  in 
character,  according  to  the  circumstances  in  which  he  is  placed. 
Thus,  in  some  Psalms  the  tone  is  that  of  praise  or  thanksgiving, 
in  others  it  is  one  of  penitence  or  supplication,  in  others  again 
it  is  micditative  or  didactic  :  not  unfrequently  also  a  Psalm  is  of 
mixed  character ;  it  begins,  perhaps,  in  a  strain  of  supplication, 
and  as  the  poet  proceeds  the  confidence  that  his  prayer  wall  be 
answered  grows  upon  him,  and  he  ends  in  a  tone  of  jubilant 
exultation  {e.g.  Ps.  6.  13.  22  (see  v.  22  ff.).  26.  31.  36.  64.  69. 
71).  In  the  Psalter  the  devotional  element  of  the  religious 
character  finds  its  completest  expression ;  and  the  soul  is  dis- 
played in  converse  with  God,  disclosing  to  Him  its  manifold 
emotions,  desires,  aspirations,  or  fears.  It  is  the  surprising 
variety  of  mood  and  subject  and  occasion  in  the  Psalms  which 
gives  them  their  catholicity,  and,  combined  with  their  deep 
spirituality,  fits  them  to  be  the  hymn-book,  not  only  of  the 
second  Temple,  but  of  the  Christian  Church. 

Individual  Psalms  often  present  a  mixed  character,  so  that  il  is  difficult  to 
classify  them  in  accordance  with  their  subject-matter;  but  the  following  out- 
line of  the  subjects  which  they  embrace  may  be  useful  (comp.  Iliipfeld, 
pp.  vii.-ix.)  : — I.  Meditations  on  different  aspects  of  God's  providence, 
as  manifested  in  creation,  history,  &c.  :  Ps.  8  (man,  how  small,  and  yet 
how  great  !).   19,   1-6  (God's  glory  in  the  heavens).  29  (Jehovah's  majesty 

^  The  D  verse  here  no  doubt  originally  stood  before  the  j;  verse  (giving  a 
subject  for  "cried  "  In  v.  18),  as  in  Lam.  2.  3.  4. 

-  The  other  alj^ihabetical  poems  in  the  OT.  are  Lam.  i.  2.  3.  4  ;  Prov. 
31,  10-31.  The  original  Hebrew  of  Sirach  51,  13-30,  also,  as  Bickell  has 
shown  (Z.  f,  Kathol.  Theol.  1882,  p.  326  ff.),  was  alphabetical. 


THE   PSALMS. 


347 


seen  in  the  thunderstorm).  33.  36.  65  (a  harvest-Psalm).  103  (the  merciful- 
ness of  God).  104  (the  poem  of  Creation).  107.  145—7  ;  and  with  invocations 
of  a  liturgical  character,  24,  7-10.  47.  67.  95—100.  in.  113.  115.  117. 
134—136.  148—150. 

2.  Reflexions  on  God's  moral  government  of  the  world  :  Ps.  I.  34.  75.  77. 
90.  92.  112;  and  of  a  directly  didactic  character,  Ps.  37.  49.  73  ;  or  on  the 
character  and  conduct  that  is  pleasing  in  Plis  eyes,  Ps.  15.  24,  1-6.  32.  40, 
1-12.  50. 

3.  Psalms  expressive  of  faith,  resignation,  joy  in  God's  presence,  Sec: 
Ps.  II.  16.  23.  26.  27.  42  f.  62.  63.  84.  91.  121,  127.  128.  130.  131.  133. 
139  (the  sense  of  God's  omnipresence)  ;  praise  of  the  law,  Ps.  19,  7-14.  1 19. 

4.  Psalms  with  a  more  distinct  reference  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
Psalmist  (including  sometimes  his  companions  or  co-religionists),  viz.  (a) 
petitions  for  help  in  sickness,  persecution,  or  other  trouble,  or  for  forgiveness 
of  sins  (often  accompanied  with  the  assurance  that  the  prayer  will  be 
answered):  Ps.  3—7.  9  f.  12.  13.  17.  22,  and  many  besides;  (d)  thanksgiv- 
ings, Ps.  30.  40,  1-12.  116.  138. 

5.  iVa/.w/a/ Psalms  :— consisting  of  (a)  complaints  of  national  oppression 
or  disaster  :  Ps.  14  (=  53).  44.  60.  74  and  79  (desolation  of  the  sanctuary).  80. 
82.  83.  85.  94.  102.  108.  123.  137;  (d)  thanksgivings  for  mercies  either 
already  received,  or  promised  for  the  future  :  Ps.  46.  47.  48.  66.  68.  76.  87 
(Zion,  the  future  spiritual  metropolis  of  the  world).  118.  122  (prayer  for  the 
welfare  of  Jerusalem).  124 — 6.  129.  144,  12-15. 

6.  The  historical  Psalms,  being  retrospects  of  the  national  history  with  refer- 
ence to  the  lessons  deducible  from  it :  Ps.  78.  81.  105.  106.  114. 

7.  Psalms  relating  to  the  king  {royal  Psalms),  being  thanksgivings,  good- 
wishes,  or  promises,  esp.  for  the  extension  of  his  dominion  :  Ps.  2.  18.  20. 
21.  45  (on  the  occasion  of  a  royal  wedding).  72.  89  (a  supplication  for  the 
humiliated  dynasty  of  David).  loi  (maxims  for  the  guidance  of  a  king). 
no.  132.     These  Psalms  have  often  a  Messianic  import. 

The  line  separating  4  and  5  is  not  always  clearly  drawn. 

Most  of  the  Psalms  are  provided  with  titles.  The  object  of 
the  titles  is  partly  to  define  the  character  of  a  Psalm,  partly  to 
state  the  name  of  the  author  to  whom  it  is  attributed,  and  some- 
times also  the  occasion  on  which  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 
composed,  partly  (as  it  seems)  to  notify  the  manner  in  which 
the  Psalms  were  performed  musically  in  the  public  services  of 
the  Temple.  The  terms  describing  the  character  and  the 
musical  accompaniment  of  a  Psalm  are  frequently  obscure :  for 
the  explanations  that  have  been  offered  of  them,  reference  must 
be  made  to  the  commentaries. 

As  authors  of  Psalms  are  named — 

1.  Moses,  "the  man  of  God  "  (Dt.  33,  i) :  Ps.  90. 

2.  David  :  in  Book  I.  37,  viz.  Ps,  3—9.  11—32.  34—41  ;  in  Book  II.  18, 
viz.  Ps.  51 — 65.  68 — 70;  in  Book  III.    i,  viz.   Ps.   86;  in  Book  IV.  2,  viz 


348  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Ps.  loi.  103;  in  Book  V.  15,  viz.   Ts.   loS— no.  122.  124.  131.   133.  138 — 
145,— in  all  72,. 

3.  Solomon  :  Ps.  72,  127. 

4.  AsTph  :  Ps.  50.  73—83, — in  all  12. 

5.  Heman  the  Ezrahite  :   Ps.  88  (one  of  two  titles). 

6.  Ethan  the  Ezrahite  :  Ps.  89. 

7.  The  sons  of  Korah  :  Ps.  42.  44 — 49.  84.  85,  87.  ^S, — in  all  II. 

Asaph,  Heman,  and  Ethan  are  the  names  of  the  three  chief 
singers  of  David,  often  mentioned  by  the  Chronicler,  and  referred 
by  him  to  the  three  Levitical  families  of  Gershonites,  Kohathiies, 
and  Merarites  respectively  (i  Ch.  6,  33-38.  39-43.  44-47; 
15,  17-18.  19).  They  were  regarded  as  the  founders  of  the 
families,  or  guilds,  of  singers,  who  assisted  in  the  public  worship 
of  the  second  Temple.^  The  "sons  of  Korah"  must  be  the 
descendants — actual  or  reputed — of  the  Korah,  son  of  Jizhar, 
son  of  Kohath,  son  of  Levi,  who  perished  in  the  wilderness 
(Nu.  16,  I  ff.),  but  whose  sons  are  stated  {ib.  26,  11)  to  have 
escaped,  who  are  also,  under  the  title  "  Korahites,"  described  by 
the  Chronicler  as  the  gate-keepers  of  the  Temple  (i  Ch.  9,  19. 
26,  1-19) ;  from  2  Ch.  20,  19  it  may  also  be  inferred  that,  if  not 
in  the  time  of  Jehoshaphat,  yet  in  the  Chronicler's  own  time, 
they  took  ]:)art  in  the  public  worship  of  the  Temple. 

The  following  Psalms  are  referred  by  iheir  titles — in  terms  borrowed  gener- 
ally, though  not  always,  and  sometimes  with  slight  variations  in  detail,  from 
the  historical  books — to  events  in  the  life  of  David  :  Ps.  3  (2  Sa.  15  &c.).  7 
(allusion  obscure).  18  (=2  Sa.  22).  34  (cf.  i  Sa.  21,  13).  51  (2  Sa.  12).  52 
(I  Sa.  22,  9).  54  (I  Sa.  23,  19).  56  (I  Sa.  21,  ii  [or  27,  2  f .  7-12?]).  57 
(i  Sa.  22,  I.  24,  3ff.).  59  (i  Sa.  19,  11).  60  (2  Sa.  8,  13  [cf.  v.  3  Zobah]. 
I  Ch.  18,  12).  63  (i  Sa.  23,  14  ff.  24,  1.  26,  2).  142  (i  Sa.  22,  i.  24,  3ff.). 
The  title  of  Ps.  30  "at  the  dedication  of  the  House  [or  Temple],"  alludes, 
not  to  any  event  in  the  life  of  David,  but  to  the  occasion  on  which  in  later 
days  the  Psilm  was  publicly  recited  (see  Soferim,  c.  18,  §  2),  viz.  on  the 
anniversary  of  the  Dedication  of  the  Temple  by  Judas  Maccabaeus,  I  Mace. 
4,  52  ff.  (t«  lyy.u'ivia.,  John  lo,  22);  the  title  of  Ps.  92  "For  the  Sabbath 
day,"  is  to  be  explained  similarly. 

In  the  LXX  there  are  some  additional  titles.  The  ant)nymous  Psalms 
33.  43.  67.  91.  93 — 99.  104  are  ascribed  to  David  ;  in  cod.  A  also  Ps.  42; 
and  in  a  few  MSS.  Ps.  i.  2  as  well.     The  title  to  Ps.  71   is  tZ  ^(tvzi^,  vluv 

'iwva^a/j    KXi    Tuv    'rpuiroov   ctl^fiaXuTitr^ivTuv  ;    tO    Ps.     138   (in    Cod.   A)  tZ  Aaun^ 


*  See  I  Ch.  25,  i  ff.  2  Ch.  5,  12.  29,  13  f.  35,  15  (where  it  is  generally 
allowed  that  Jeduthun  [cf.  Ps.  39.  62.  77  titles\  is  another  name  of  Ethan). 
*'  Sons  of  Asaph''^  (who  are  especially  prominent)  are  mentioned  also  2  Ch. 
20,  14.  Neh.  7,  44.  II,  22  al. 


THE   PSALMS.  349 

Za~;^apiov  ;    and  to   Ps.    139   (in   cod.    A)    tm   a.    Zx^apUv   (with   \v   7*1  ^laa-Topa 
on   the   marg.  and   in  cod.  T).       Ps.    146.    147,    i-ii.    147,    12-20  (for   the 
LXX  treat  this  Psalm  as  two).  148  have  each  the  title  \\yya.iou  r.a.\  Za.x,a.ptou. 
There   are   also   references — sometimes    obscire — to   the  occasion    of  the 

Psalm  :  Ps.  27  -f-  Tpo  toZ  x,fKT6nvoi.i  ;  Ps.  29  -|-  i^oh'tov  a-y.-zivyi?  ',  Ps.  31  -j-  sxcrra- 
ffiu?  [see  V.  23]  ;  Ps  66  -}-  avao-T-ao-Si-j;  ;  Ps.  70  -|-  u;  rn  (ru)iTa.t  [jLi  xvpiov  ;  Ps.  76 
-(-  u^h'/i  Tpo;  Tov  'Atrtrvpiov  ;  Ps.  80  -]-  -^^ccXfzh  v-Trlp  tov  Acra-upiov  ;  Ps.  93  ^'»  '''*"' 
rt/u.iptx.v  rov  •TjSaira/s/BaT^y,  on  Koi.ryoKi(TTot,i  h  yri,  a.iv9;  wO.,;  ru  A  ;  Ps.  <)6  on  0 
oTko;  oixo^o/:/.i7Ta,i  (jLira.  7->jy  al^f/.ccXMcr'ia.v,  Moh  raJ  A,  ;  Ps.  97  '^'J'  ^' >  *''■-  *>  7^  avrou 
KaSi>rrara.i  ;    Ps.    I43  -|-  on  avTov  0  vlo;  x,oe,Ta,dieux,it  ;    Ps.    I44  ~i~  "^fo?    tov    PoX/aB  ; 

as  well  as  notices  of  the  days  on  which  certain  Psalms  were  recited  in  public 

worship,  viz.  Ps.  24  tjjj  ^;aj  a'a.[lO>izTMV  ;  Ps.  38  '^ip^i  (Txfofisirov  ;  Ps.  48  ^ivnpa. 
ffa,(->(->oiTov  ;    Ps.  93  lU  Tnv  fifx,ip»v    rod   Tpo^afsficcTou  ;    Ps.  94   '^^'''po:^'    (Tccfofoa.'roov  (cf. 

Ps.  92  in  the  Hebrew).  So  far  as  regards  Ps.  24.  48.  92  (Heb.).  93.  94 
these  statements  agree  with  the  usage  of  the  second  Temple,  according  to 
which  the  Psalms  referred  to  were  sung,  on  the  days  mentioned,  during  the 
Drink-offering  that  accompanied  the  morning  Burnt-offering. ^ 

Arrangement  of  Fsa/ms,  and  gradual  formation  of  the  Psalter. 
That  the  Psalter  is  not  the  work  of  a  single  comi)iler,  but 
was  formed  gradually  out  of  pre-existing  smaller  collections  ot 
Psalms,  appears  from  many  indications.  More  than  one  Psalm 
occurs  in  a  double  recension,  the  two  forms  differing  so  slightly 
that  both  are  not  likely  to  have  been  incorporated  by  a  single 
hand:  thus  Ps.  53  =  Ps.  14;  Ps.  70  =  Ps;  40,  13-17  ;  Ps.  108 
=  Ps.  57,  7-1 1  +  60,  5-12.  The  manner  in  which  the  Psalms 
ascribed  to  the  same  author  are  often  distributed,  viz.  in  inde- 
pendent groups,  points  in  the  same  direction :  and  a  collector, 
knowing  that  there  were  still  18  Davidic  Psalms  to  follow,  would 
scarcely  have  closed  Book  11.  (72,  20)  with  the  words  "The 
prayers  of  David,  the  son  of  Jesse,  are  ended:'  The  same  con- 
clusion follows  from  the  remarkable  manner  in  which  the  use 
of  the  Divine  names  varies  in  the  different  parts  of  the  Psalter. 
In  Book  \\  Jehovah  occurs  272  times,  Elohim  (absolutely)  15  ; 
in  Book  II.  Jehovah  30  times,  Elohim  164  ;  in  Book  III.,  in 
Ps.  73 — Zt^^  Jehovah  13  times,  Elohim  36  times,  but  in  84 — 89, 
Jehovah  31  times,  Elohim  7;  in  Book  IV.  Jehovah  only;  in 
Book  V.  Jehovah  only,  except  in  Ps.  108,  1.  5.  7.  11.  13 
[repeated  from  Ps.  57.  60].  and  144,  9.  The  exceptional  pre- 
ponderance of  Elohim  over  Jehovah  in  Book  11.  (Ps.  42 — 72), 
and  in  Ps.  73—83,  cannot  be  attributed  to  a  preference  of  the 
authors  of  these  Psalms  for  the  former  name ;  for  not  only  is 
1  Del.  p.  26  f.  :  the  Psalms  for  the  3rd  and  5th  days  were  82  and  81. 


350  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

such  a  supposition  improbable  in  itself,  it  is  precluded  by  the 
occurrence  of  the  same  tivo  Psalms,  in  the  double  recension  just 
spoken  of,  once  \i\\\\  Jehovah  (Ps.  14;  40,  13-17)  and  once  with 
Elohim  (Ps.  53 ;  70) :  it  must  be  due  to  the  fact  that  Book  II. 
and  Ps.  73 — Z},  have  passed  through  the  hands  of  a  compiler, 
who  chajiged  "Jehovah"  of  the  original  authors  into  "Elohim."^ 
The  reason  of  this  change  probably  is  that  at  the  time  when  this 
compiler  lived  there  was  a  current  preference  for  the  latter  name 
(comp.  the  exclusive  use  of  the  same  name  in  Ecclesiastes,  and 
the  preference  shown  for  it  by  the  Chronicler). 

It  appears  then  that  Ps.  42  —  83  formed  once  a  separate  col- 
lection, arranged  by  a  special  compiler.  But  how  is  the  sub- 
scription 72,  20,  "the  prayers  of  David  are  ended,"  to  be 
accounted  for,  w^hen  Ps.  42 — 49  are  ascribed  to  the  sons  of  Korah, 
and  Ps.  50  to  Asaph?  A  conjecture  of  Ewald's,  which  has  been 
generally  accepted  by  subsequent  critics,  explains  this  plausibly. 
Ewald  supposed  that  a  transposition  of  the  original  order  had 
taken  place,  and  that  Ps.  42 — 50  once  stood  after  the  Psalm  now 
numbered  72.  If  this  conjecture  be  accepted,  the  arrangement 
of  the  Psalms  becomes  at  once  intelligible.  Book  I.  (Ps.  i — 41), 
consisting  almost  wholly  of  Psalms  ascribed  to  David,  was  \k\Q.  first 
collection;  the  second  collection  (Ps.  51 — 83)  comprised,  firstly, 
Ps.  51 — 72,  consisting  all  but  entirely  of  Davidic  Psalms,  with 
the  subscription,  72,  20  (which  is  now  in  an  appropriate  place); 
secondly,  Ps.  42 — 49  a  group  of  Korahite  Psalms ;  and  thirdly, 
Ps.  50.  73 — 83  a  group  of  xVsaph-Psalms  (which  now  stand  together, 
instead  of  being  separated  by  Ps.  51 — 72);  Ps.  84 — 89,  con- 
sisting of  four  additional  Korahite  Psalms,  one  ascribed  to  David 
and  one  to  Ethan,  form  an  appe7idix  to  the  previous  collection, 
added  to  it  by  a  different  hand  (for  had  Ps.  84 — 89  been  col- 
lected by  the  same  hand,  the  Korahite  and  Davidic  Psalms 
contained  in  it  would  not,  probably,  have  been  separated  from 
Ps.  42 — 49  and  Ps.  51 — 72  respectively,  nor  woxAd.  Jehovah  have 
suddenly  begun  again  to  preponderate  over  Elohim).  The  tldid 
collection  consists  of  Ps.  90 — 150.  This  differs  from  the  two 
preceding  collections  in  containing  a  far  larger  proportion  of 
Psalms  of  a  liturgical  character,  or  Psalms  composed  with  a  view 
to  use  in  the  public  worship  of  the  Temple.     It  must  have  been 

1  Hence  the  expression  "God,  my  (thy)  God"  (for  "Jehovah,  my  (thy) 
God")  peculiar  to  these  Psalms:  Ps.  43,  4.  45,  7.  50,  7. 


THE  PSALMS.  35  I 

formed  subsequently  to  the  collection  Ps.  42 — 83;  for  Ps.  108 
is  composed  of  two  Psalms  (57,  7-1 1.  60,  5-12)  with  Elohim,  in 
spite  of  the  marked  preference  shown  elsewhere  in  Ps.  90 — 150 
iox  Jehovah,  which  shows  that  they  must  have  been  derived  from 
a  collection  in  which  the  use  of  "  Elohim "  was  characteristic. 
Though  no  principle  of  arrangement  is  observed  consistently 
throughout,  this  third  collection  seems  in  several  parts  to  be 
based  upon  shorter,  independent  collections:  thus  Ps.  92 — 100 
form  a  group,  the  Psalms  in  which,  though  assigned  to  no 
particular  author,  show  much  similarity  in  both  subject-matter  and 
expression;  Ps.  in — 118  (containing  the  i7<7//^/-Psalms) ;  Ps. 
120 — 134  (the  15  "Songs  of  Ascents") ;  Ps.  135.  136;  146 — 150  ; 
and  the  two  groups  of  Psalms  ascribed  to  David,  Ps.  108 — no; 
Ps.  138 — 145, — form  respectively  collections  marked  either  by 
similarity  of  contents  or  by  community  of  title.  The  natural 
division  of  the  Psalter  appears  thus  to  be  into  three  parts,  Ps. 
I — 41.  Ps.  42 — 89.  Ps.  90 — 150:  the  division  \vXq  five  parts  is 
generally  supposed  to  have  been  accomplished  later,  in  imitation 
of  the  Pentateuch,  Ps.  42 — 89  being  broken  into  two  at  Ps.  72, 
the  subscription  to  which  would  form  a  natural  point  of  division, 
and  Ps.  90 — 150  being  divided  at  Ps.  106,  where  v.  48  was 
adapted  by  its  contents  to  mark  also  the  conclusion  of  a  Book. 

The  07'der  of  the  individual  Psalms  appears  often  to  have  been  determined 
by  accidental  causes  :  sometimes,  however,  the  juxtaposition  of  two  Psalms 
seems  to  be  due  to  community  of  subject  {e.g.  Ps.  20.  21,  both  royal  Psahiis  ; 
105  and  106,  both  historical  Psalms),  and  sometimes  also  to  the  occurrence  in 
them  of  some  more  or  less  noticeable  expression  {e.g.  I,  6''  and  2,  12*;  3,  5 
and  4,  8;  16,  II  and  17,  15  ;  32,  11  and  t,t,,  i  ;  34.  7  and  35,  5-6  [the  only 
places  in  the  Psalms  where  "  the  angel  of  J."  is  mentioned]  &c. ).  Delitzsch 
would  extend  this  principle  of  juxtaposition  to  the  entire  Psalter;  but  the 
expressions  to  which  he  points  are  often  so  insignificant  {e.g.  '^'O  in  14,  7  and 
15,  I )  that  it  is  not  likely  that  a  collector  would  have  been  guided  by  them. 

Authorship  oj  the  Psahns.  Were  the  titles — in  the  case  of  such 
Psalms  as  are  provided  with  them — added  by  the  authors  them- 
selves, or  do  they  at  least  record  authentic  traditions  respecting 
the  authorship,  or  not?  So  far  as  regards  the  musical  and 
liturgical  notices,  there  is  a  decided  presumption  that  their  origin 
dates  from  the  period  when  these  subjects  first  become  prominent 
in  the  OT.,  viz.  the  period  of  the  second  Temple:^  they  were 

'  The  principal  terms  used  occur  elsewhere  only  in  Is.  38,  20,  Hab.  3,  and 
I  Ch.  15,  17-21  ;  comp.  16,  41  f.  2  Ch.  5,  12  f.  7,  6  &c. 


352  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

added  probably  when  the  Psalms  came  generally  into  liturgical 
use.  And  the  strongest  reasons  exist  for  supposing  that  the 
historical  notices  are  of  late  origin  likewise,  and  though  they 
may  embody  trustworthy  information  respecting  the  source  or 
collection  whence  the  Psalms  were  derived  by  one  of  the  com- 
pilers of  the  Book,  that  they  contain  no  authentic  tradition 
respecting  the  authorship  of  the  Psalms,  or  the  occasions  on 
which  they  were  composed.  The  grounds  for  this  conclusion 
are  briefly  as  follows  : — 

1.  The  titles  are  suspicious,  from  the  circumstance  that  almost' 
the  only  names  of  authors  mentioned  are  David,  and  two  or 
three  prominent  singers  of  David's  age  :  except  in  the  case  of 
those  attributed  to  the  "  Sons  of  Korah,"  no  author  is  named  of 
a  date  later  than  that  of  Solomon.  But  (amongst  the  anonymous 
Psalms)  many,  by  common  consent,  are  much  later  than  the  age 
of  David  and  Solomon ;  how  comes  it  that  their  authors'  names 
are  not  recorded  ?  If  the  names  of  earlier  Psalmists  were  known, 
a  fortiori^  it  would  seem,  those  of  later  Psalmists  would  be  pre- 
served by  tradition. 

2.  The  titles  are  strongly  discredited  by  internal  evidence  ; 
again  and  again  the  title  is  contradicted  by  the  contents  of  the 
Psalm  to  which  it  is  prefixed.  Thus  of  the  73  ascribed  to 
David,  the  majority,  at  least,  cannot  be  his  ;  for  {a)  many  are  of 
unequal  poetical  merit,  and  instead  of  displaying  the  freshness 
and  originality  which  we  should  expect  in  the  founder  of  Hebrew 
Psalmody,  contain  frequent  conventional  phrases  {e.g.  Ps.  6.  31. 
35.  40,  13  ff.),  and  reminiscences  of  earlier  Psalms,^  which  betray 
the  poet  of  a  later  age.  {b)  Some  have  pronounced  Aramaisms, 
the  occurrence  of  which  in  an  early  poem  of  Jiidah  is  entirely 
without  analogy,  or  other  marks  of  lateness.-  {c)  Others  have 
stylistic  affinides  with  Psalms  which,  upon  independent  grounds, 
must  be  assigned  to  an  age  much  later  than  that  of  David  : 
though  the  alphabetical  arrangement  (Ps.  9 — 10.  25.  34.  37.  145), 

^  Ps.  86  is  composed  almost  entirely  of  such  reminiscences  ;  see  W.  R, 
Smith,  OTJC.  pp.  413-415.     Similarly  144,  i-ii. 

*  "'3-  in  the  suff.  of  2  ps.  fern.  103,  3.  4.  5  (as  in  116,  7.  12.  19.  135,  9)  j 
109,  8  the //«r.  CLDyO  (only  besides  Eccl.  5,  i);  122,  3.  4.  124,  i.  2.  6. 
I33»  2.  3.  144,  15  -\^  (for  Ti*>X);  139,  2y-|  thought,  3  y3"l  lying  do^vn,  8 
P^D,  19  !?t2p  (all  Aram.) ;  144,  7.  10.  iif  nVD  io  deliver [Axsim.),  13  Jt  (2  Ch. 
16,  14,  and  Aram.),  145,  14  f]pT  (Aram.). 


THE  PSALMS.  353 

for  instance,  cannot  be  proved  to  have  been  unused  as  early  as 
David's  day,  the  known  examples  of  it  are  much  later  (Lam.  i — 4. 
Pr.  31,  T0-31);  and  at  least  Ps.  25.  34.  37.  145  are  shown  by 
their  general  tone  and  style  to  belong  to  the  later  products  of 
Hebrew  poetry,  {d)  Many  are  unadapted  to  David's  situation 
or  character. 

Thus  some  imply  the  existence  of  the  Te?nple  (Ps.  5,  7*.  27,  4. 
28,  2  [see  I  Ki.  6,  5].  65,  4.  68,  29.  138,  2  i) ;  and  it  is  at  least  open 
to  question  whether  the  expression  God's  "holy  hill,"  applied  to 
Zion  (3,  4.  15,  I  ;  cf.  24,  3.  26,  8.  27,  4  f.),  would  have  come  into 
use  until  the  sanctuary  had  been  established  upon  it  for  a  con- 
siderable time.  Others  again,  when  we  proceed  to  reconstruct, 
from  the  allusions  contained  in  the  Psalm,  the  situation  in 
which  it  was  composed,  are  found  to  imply  that  the  Psalmist  is 
living  in  an  evil  time,  when  the  wicked  are  established  in  the 
land,  and  the  godly  are  oppressed,  and  suifer  in  silence  from  their 
tyranny  and  pride  (Ps.  9  f .  12?  14.^  35.  38  &c.), — a  condition  of 
things  entirely  out  of  harmony  with  the  picture  presented  to  us 
of  any  period  of  David's  life  in  i — 2  Samuel.  Often  also  the 
terms  used  do  not  suit  the  circumstances  of  David's  life :  let  the 
reader  examine  carefully,  for  example,  the  following  passages, 
and  ask  himself  whether  they  correspond  really  to  David's  situa- 
tion ;  whether  they  are  not,  in  fact,  the  words  of  a  man  (or  of 
men)  in  a  different  condition  of  life,  surrounded  by  different 
companions,  subject  to  different  temptations,  and  suffering  at  the 
hands  of  a  different  kind  of  foe  :  Ps.  5,  8-10.  6,  7  f .  12,  1-4.  17, 
9-14.  22,  11  fif.  26,  9  f.  27,  10  ("For  7ny  father  a?id  my  mother 
have  forsaken  me").  12.  28,  3-5.  35,  11-21.  38,  11-14.  41,  5-9. 
62,  3  f .  9f.  64,  2-6. 

To  take  some  further  illustrations  :  Ps.  1 1  is  referred,  by  those  who  defend 
the  title,  to  the  occasion  of  Absalom's  rebellion  ;  but  the  situation  which  it 
implies  is  really  very  different  :  it  implies  a  state  of  social  disorder  {v.  3), 
in  which  the  wicked  shoot  "  in  the  darkness  "  {v.  2)  at  the  upright  ;  tiie 
Psalmist  is  exhorted  by  his  desponding  companions  to  take  refuge  in  flight 

^  It  is  exceedingly  doubtful  whether,  as  Keil  and  others  contend,  the  term 
P^T!  {palace,  Is,  39,  7  ;  tejnple,  I  Ki.  6,  3.  5.  17,  and  often)  found  in  these 
passages  could  be  used  of  the  "tent"  spread  by  David  for  the  ark  (2  Sa.  7, 
2.  6).     The  b^NI  ^'^  Shiloh  had  folding-doors  and  door-posts  (i    Sa.    i,  9. 

3,15)- 

■•^  Implying  an  almost  national  defection.     With  12,  \  comp.  Jer.  5.  I.  9 

3-6.  Mic.  7,  2.  Is.  57,  I. 

Z 


354  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

{v.  i) ;  instead  of  complying,  he  asserts  his  unabated  confidence  in  God's 
justice  {z'v.  4-7).  Ps.  20  and  21  contain  good  wishes  for  a  king,  who  is 
either  addressed  in  the  2nd  pers.,  or  spoken  of  in  the  3rd  :  both  evidently 
spring  out  of  the  regard  which  was  entertained  towards  him  by  his  subjects  : 
to  suppose  that  David  wrote  for  the  people  the  words  in  which  ihey  should 
express  their  own  loyalty  towards  him,  is  in  the  highest  degree  unnatural  and 
inipro'jable.  A  similar  remark  may  be  made  with  reference  to  Ps.  61  (see 
V.  6  f.).  Ps.  55  is  generally  explained  as  referring  (cf.  z'v.  12-18)  to  David's 
treacherous  counsellor  Aliithophel  ;  but  the  situation  is  again  very  unlike  that 
of  David  during  Absalom's  rebellion  ;  the  Psalmist  lives  among  foes  in  a  city, 
whose  walls  they  occupy  with  their  patrols  :  from  the  violence  which  they 
exercise  within  it  he  would  gladly  escape  to  the  desert  [vz:  Q'^-ii  ;  G  f. )  ;  one 
who  had  been  his  associate  had  treacherously  abandoned  him,  for  which  he 
is  bitterly  reproached  by  the  poet.  The  situation  in  its  principal  features 
recalls  rather  that  in  which  Jeremiah  found  himself  (Jer.  6,  6  f .  9,  1-5,  11, 
18-21.  20,  10),  or  the  author  of  Mic.  7,  5.  Ps.  58  is  a  denunciation  oiitiijtist 
judges  ;  the  manner  in  which  they  are  addressed,  however,  is  not  that  of  a 
king,  who  could  remove  them  if  he  chose,  but  of  one  who  was  powerless  to 
take  action  himself,  though  he  desired  (and  expected)  that  retribution  should 
fall  upon  them  from  heaven.  In  Ps.  69.  86.  109,  the  singer  is  in  great 
affliction  and  trouble  ;  his  nearest  relations  and  friends  have  forsaken  him 
(69,  8)  ;  he  is  "poor  and  needy"  (86,  I.  109,  22),  and  is  cruelly  reproached 
(69,  7-9  [for  his  7r/4'w^].  19  f.  109,  1-5.  22-25), — traits  which  are  all  inap- 
plicable to  David,  and  most  insufficiently  explained  from  2  Sa.  16,  5  ff. 

The  titles  which  assign  Psalms  to  particular  occasions  of  David's  life  are 
not  more  probable  than  the  others.  Ps.  34  is  referred  to  the  time  when 
David  feigned  madness  at  the  court  of  Achish  (i  Sa.  21,  13);  but  there  is 
not  a  single  expression  in  the  Psalm  suggestive  of  that  occasion  ;  the  Psalm 
consists  of  religious  reflexions  and  moral  exhortations — much  in  the  manner 
of  Ps.  37 — of  a  perfectly  general  kind,  and  expressed  in  the  hortatory  style  of 
the  later  gnomic  poetry  {v.  \\  ;  comp.  Pr.  4,  I.  5,  7.  7,  24.  8,  32),  entirely 
out  of  relation  with  the  situation  supposed.  Ps.  52  is  stated  to  refer  to  Doeg. 
In  point  of  fact  it  speaks  of  some  rich  and  powerful  man,  a  persecutor  of  the 
righteous,  in  whose  fall  will  be  seen  exemplified  the  Nemesis  which  overtakes 
the  abuse  of  r/V/z^j  (z;.  7),  while  the  Psalmist  will  flourish  "like  a  spreading 
bay-tree  in  the  house  of  God."  Is  this  agreeable  either  to  the  picture  of 
Doeg  drawn  in  i  Sa.  21,  7.  22,  9  ff.,  or  to  David's  situation  at  the  time? 

The  occasions  to  which  Ps.  56.  57  are  referred  are  not  less  improbable. 
Ps.  59  is  stated  to  have  been  composed  by  David  when  his  house  was 
watched  by  Saul's  messengers  (i  Sa.  19,  11);  but  the  Psalm  shows  plainly 
that  the  poet  who  wrote  it  is  resident  in  a  city  attacked  by  heathen  or 
ungodly  foes,  whom,  he  prays  God  to  cast  down,  that  His  power  may  be 
m:\m{^%'i  to  the  aids  of  the  earth  {yu.  5-8.  II-13;  notice  esp.  the  ^^  nations'') 
-both  inconsistent  with  the  feelings  which  David  entertained  towards  Saul 
(i  Sa.  24,  6  &c.),  and  implying  relations  with  the  "nations"  which  did  not 
then  exist.  The  titles  in  all  these  cases  are  palpably  incongruous,  and 
appear  sometimes  to  have  been  merely  suggested  to  the  compiler  by  a  super- 
ficial view  of  particular  expressions  {e.g.  52,  2  supposed  to  point  to  Doeg; 


THE    PSALMS.  355 

54,  3  to  the  Ziphites  ;  56,  2  to  the  Philistines  ;  57,  3  to  Saul ;  59,  3  to  Saul's 
messengers:  so  63,  I''  to  the  wilderness  of  Judah).  But  the  situation  and 
circumstances  implied  by  the  Psalm,  as  a  7u/ioIe,  is  in  each  instance  different 
from  those  of  David. 

(e)  Not  unfrequently  also  the  Psalms  ascribed  to  David  seem 
to  presuppose  the  circumstances  or  character  of  a  later  age.  Ps. 
51,  18  f.  69,  35  f.  imply  an  approaching  restoratmt  of  Jerusalem 
and  Judah  ;!  Ps.  68,  4  ("make  a  highway  for  him  that  rideth 
through  the  dese7'ts^^)  points  to  the  same  historical  situation  as 
Is.  40,  3  :  Ps.  22,  27-30.  65,  2.  68,  31.  86,  9  presuppose  the 
prophetic  teaching  (Is.  2,  2-4  &c.)  of  the  acceptance  of  Israel's 
religion  by  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Many  also  of  the  same 
Psalms,  it  is  difficult  not  to  feel,  express  an  intensity  of  religious 
devotion,  a  depth  of  spiritual  insight,  and  a  maturity  of  theo- 
logical reflexion,  beyond  what  we  should  expect  from  David  or 
David's  age.  David  had  many  high  and  honourable  qualities  : 
Ke  was  loyal,  generous,  disinterested,  amiable,  a  faithful  friend,  a 
just  and  benevolent  ruler;  and  the  narrative  in  the  Books  of 
Samuel  shows  that  his  religion  elevated  and  ennobled  his  aims, 
and,  except  on  the  occasion  of  his  great  fall,  exerted  a  visible 
influence  upon  the  tenor  of  his  life.^  Still,  as  we  should  not 
gather  from  the  history  that  he  was  exposed  to  a  succession  of 
trials  and  afflictions  of  the  kind  represented  in  the  Psabiis  ascribed 
to  him,  so  we  should  not  gather  from  it  that  he  was  a  man  of 
the  deep  and  intense  spiritual  feeling  reflected  in  the  Psalms 
that  bear  his  name.  Every  indication  converges  to  the  same 
conclusion,  viz.  that  the  "Davidic"  Psalms  spring,  in  fact,  from 
many  different  periods  of  Israelitish  history,  from  the  time  of 
David  himself  downwards ;  and  that  in  the  varied  moods  which 
they  reflect — despondency,  trouble,  searchings  of  heart,  peni- 
tence, hope,  confidence,  thankfulness,  exultation  ;  or  the  various 
situations  which  they  shadow  forth — distress,  sickness,  oppres- 
sion or  persecution,  deliverance, — they  set  before  us  the  experi- 
ences of  many  men,  and  of  many  ages  of  the  national  life. 

The  majority  of  the  "Davidic"  Psalms  are  thus  certainly  not 
David's:  is  it  possible  to  determine  whether  any  are  his?     It 

1  Notice  also  the  "prisoners"  of  69,  23^  and  comp.  102,  16.  20.  28. 

2  Contrast  the  Assyrian  'kings  {Vd^xxziX,  MtJwr  Proph.  p.  14?  f-)  5  ^"^^  see 
the  EncycL  Brit.  s.v.  "David,"  p.  841.  (On  2  Sa.  12,  31,  comp.  RV. 
inar^.y  and  the  writer's  note  ad  loc.) 


356  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAINIENT. 

being  apparent,  in  many  instances,  that  the  titles  are  untrust- 
worthy, it  becomes  a  question  whether  they  are  more  trustworthy 
in  the  instances  which  remain,  whether,  in  fact,  they  record  in  any 
case  a  genuine  tradition,  or  do  more  than  reproduce  an  opinion 
which  existed  when  they  were  framed,  without  supplying  any 
guarantee  that  the  opinion  itself  was  well  founded.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  close  connexion  of  David  with  psalmody  is 
first  set  before  us  in  the  Chronicles.  All  that  we  learn  from  the 
pre -exilic  literature  respecting  David's  musical  and  poetical 
talents  is  that  he  was  a  skilful  player  on  the  harp  (i  Sa.  i6,  i8 
&c.),  and  probably  on  other  instruments  as  well  (Am.  6,  5) ;  that 
he  composed  a  beautiful  elegy  on  Saul  and  Jonathan  (2  Sa.  i, 
19  ff.),  and  a  shorter  one  on  Abner  {ib.  3,  -^-^  f ) ;  that  he  "danced 
nnd  leapt"  before  the  ark,  when  it  was  brought  up  into  Zion  {ib. 
6,  14.  16)  j  and  that  in  the  appendix  to  2  Sam,  (p.  173)  two 
sacred  poems  (c.  22.  23,  1-7)  are  attributed  to  him.  The  poem 
2  Sa.  I,  19  ff.,  however,  it  is  somewhat  remarkable,  possesses  no 
religious  character,  but  is  the  expression  of  a  purely  human  emo- 
tion :  and  in  Am.  6,  5  David  is  alluded  to,  not  as  an  author  of 
sacred  poetry,  but  as  the  inventor  of  musical  instruments  such  as 
were  used  by  the  luxurious  nobles  of  Samaria  at  their  banquets. 
The  Chronicler,  on  the  other  hand,  views  David  as  the  founder 
of  Temple  psalmody  (i  Ch.  23,  5.  25,  1-7.  2  Ch.  7,  6.  29^  26. 
27-  30-  35>  15-  Ezr.  3,  10.  Neh.  12,  36),  and  while  excerpting 
from  2  Sa.  6  the  narrative  of  the  transference  of  the  ark  to  Zion, 
takes  occasion  to  place  in  the  king's  mouth  a  Psalm  (i  Ch.  16, 
7-36),  which,  however,  so  far  from  being  an  original  work,  is 
composed  of  parts  of  three  exilic,  or  post-exilic.  Psalms,  pre- 
served still  in  the  Psalter  (Ps.  105,  1-15.  96,  1-13^  106,  i.  47. 
48) !  That  David,  skilled  as  he  was  in  music,  and  zealous  in  his 
devotion  to  Jehovah,  should  have  made  arrangements  for  some 
musical  services  in  connexion  with  the  ark,  is  far  from  improb- 
able; though  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  in  the  account 
which  the  Chronicler  has  given  of  them,  he  has  transferred  to 
David's  age  the  institutions  of  the  Temple  in  the  fully  developed 
form  in  wliich  they  existed  in  his  own  day.^     But  most  of  the 

^  If  the  Temple  psalmody  was  organised  in  the  age  of  David  and  Solomon 
as  the  Chronicler  represenis,  the  absence  of  all  allusion  to  it  in  ihe  descrip- 
tions of  Sacred  ceremonies  in  Sam.  Kings  is  very  singular.  2  Sa.  6,  5.  15. 
I  Ki.  I,  40  speak  of  the  people  singing,  but  not  of  the  authorised  "singers" 


THE   PSALMS.  357 

Psalms  ascribed  to  David  are  not  of  a  liturgical  character,  or 
adapted  (at  least  in  the  first  instance)  for  public  worship ;  they 
reflect  the  perso?ial  experiences  and  emotions  of  the  singer. 
Hence  David's  presumed  connexion  with  the  services  of  the 
sanctuary  would  not  account  for  his  authorship  of  more  than  a 
very  few  of  the  Psalms  ascribed  to  him  by  their  titles. 

We  are  thus  thrown  back  upon  internal  grounds  for  the  pur- 
pose of  determining  the  Psalms  which  may  be  David's.  Ewald, 
upon  (Esthetic  grounds,  referred  to  David  Ps.  3.  4,  7.  8.  11.  15. 
18.  19,  1-6.  24,  1-6.  24,  7-10.  29.  32.  loi  ;  and  the  follow- 
ing fragments,  embedded  in  later  Psalms :  Ps.  60,  6-9  [Heb. 
8-11].  68,  13-18  [Heb.  14-19].  144,  12-14:  these,  he  argues, 
display  an  originality,  dignit)',  and  unique  powder  which  could 
have  been  found  in  David,  and  in  David  alone.  In  particular, 
Ewald  points  to  the  noble  and  kingly  feelings  which  find  expres- 
sion in  these  Psalms, — the  sense  of  inward  dignity  (nns),  Ps.  3, 
3.  4,  2.  7,  5.  18,  43-48.  2  Sa.  23,  I,  the  innocence  and  Divine 
favour  of  which  the  singer  is  conscious,  4,  3.  18,  20-30  (cf.  2  Sa. 
6,  21),  the  kingly  thoughts  of  18,  43-45-  ioi»  i-^j  the  trust  in 
God,  the  clear  and  firm  sense  of  right,  and  the  iniiications  of  a 
brave  and  victorious  warrior,  who  had  near  at  heart  his  people's 
welfare,  contained  in  such  passages  as  3,  7.  8.  18,  34-42-  24,  8. 
29,  1 1.  2  Sa.  23,  6-7.^ 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Psalms  upon  which  Ewald's 
critical  tact  has  thus  fastened  are  marked  by  a  freshness  and 
poetic  force  and  feeling,  and  a  certain  brightness  of  language 
and  expression,  which  distinguish  them  from  most  of  the  others 
attributed  to  David ;  and  if  Davidic  Psalms  are  preserved  in  the 
Psalter,  we  may  say  safely  that  they  are  to  be  found  among 

(D''"ni5^?D),  so  frequently  mentioned  in  Ezr.  Neh.  Chr.  i  Ki.  8  makes  no 
mention  of  either  singing  or  music  (though  the  Chronicler,  in  his  account  of 
the  same  ceremony,  excerpted  by  him  from  Kings,  has  inserted  two  noticc-s 
respecting  both,  viz.  2  Ch.  5,  II^-IS^  and  7,  6)  :  the  allusion  in  I  Ki.  10,  12 
(DnC'*,  cf.  2  Sa.  19,  36  Heb.,  not  the  technical  Dn-l"l:^V3)  is  ambiguous.  On 
the  other  h  md,  that  there  was  some  organisation  for  music  and  song  in  the 
pre-exilic  Temple  may  be  justly  inferred  from  Neh.  7,  44  (=  Ezr.  2,  41), 
where  in  the  contemporary  register  of  those  who  returned  from  Babylon  in 
B.C.  536  are  included  148  (128)  "sons  of  Asaph,  singers''  (comp.  al^o  Jer. 

33.   II).  .  r  •  r 

I  The  peculiarities  of  expression  referred  to  by  Ewald,  m  confirmaliun  of 
his  view,  are  of  slight  weight. 


358  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

those  which  Ewald  has  selected.  At  the  same  time,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  Eesthetic  criterion  upon  which  Ewald  rehes  is 
a  subjective  one  :  we  have  no  standard  outside  the  Psalter  by 
which  to  determine  David's  poetical  style  except  2  Sa.  i,  19-27, 
3,  2,?i  ^-j  3.nd  (assuming  the  author  of  the  appendix  2  Sa.  21 — 24 
to  have  been  well  informed  i)  2  Sa.  22  (=  Ps.  18),  and  23,  1-7  ; 
nor  (in  our  ignorance  of  what  other  poets  might  have  achieved) 
are  we  entitled  to  declare  that  certain  Psalms  could  have  been 
composed  by  no  one  but  David  himself.  It  is  doubtful  also 
whether  some  of  the  Psalms  in  Ewald's  list  do  not  contain' 
expressions,  or  imply  a  situation,  not  consistent  with  David's  age. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  Deborah,  long  before  David's  time,  had 
"  sung  unto  Jehovah  "  (Jud.  5,  3),  there  can  be  no  a  priori  reason 
why  David  should  not  have  done  the  same;  and  2  Sa.  23,  i  the 
expression  "the  sweet  singer  of  Israel"  implies  that  David  was 
the  author  of  religious  songs. ^  On  the  whole,  a  non  liquet  must 
be  our  verdict :  it  is  possible  that  Ewald's  list  of  Davidic  Psalms 
is  too  large,  but  it  is  not  clear  that  none  of  the  Psalms  con- 
tained in  it  are  of  David's  composition. 

The  titles  assigning  Psalms  to  other  authors  are  often  not  more  trust- 
worthy than  those  assigning  Psalms  to  David.  Ps.  90  in  dignity  and  deep 
religious  feeling  is  second  to  none  in  the  Psalter  :  but  it  may  be  questioned 
whether  it  does  not  presuppose  conditions  different  from  those  of  Moses'  age ; 
and  had  Moses  been  the  author,  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  it  would  have 
been  more  archaic  in  style  than  it  actually  is.  The  Psalms  assigned  to  Asaph, 
Heman,  Ethan,  and  Solomon  show,  almost  without  exception,  marks  of  a 
far  later  age  than  that  of  David  and  his  successor  :  Ps.  74  and  79  are 
late  in  tone,  and  allude  to  the  desolation  of  the  sanctuary  and  of  the  city  in 
terms  certainly  inapplicable  to  the  plundering  of  .Shishak  (i  Ki.  14,  25  f.),  to 
which  they  have  strangely  been  supposed  to  refer  :  Ps.  76  might  be  plausibly 
referred  to  the  destruction  of  Sennacherib's  army  B.C.  701  ;  the  style  and 
manner  of  Ps.  72.  78  indicate  that  they  are  not  early  ones  :  ^  Ps.  89  is 
clearly  not  earlier  than  the  closing  years  of  the  monarchy. 

1  The  terms  of  2  Sa.  22,  i  are  geiiei-al,  and  do  not,  like  2  Sa.  i,  17  f ,  for 
instance,  refer  the  Ps.  to  any  special  occasion. 

'  niT'DT,  properly  "songs  oi praise;''  see  Is.  24,  16.  Job  35,  10.  Ps.  95,  2; 
and  comp.  the  verb  in  Jud.  5,  3.  Is.  12,  5  &c.,  and  ni^T  in  Ex.  15,  2  (=  Is. 

12,  2  =  Ps.  118,  14), 

^  Ps.  72  is  probably  ascribed  to  Solomon  on  account  of  the  general  resem- 
blance of  the  picture  of  impeiial  sway  which  the  Ps.  presents  with  that  of 
Solomon's  empire  in  I  Ki.  3-10;  Ps.  127  on  account  of  a  supposed  allusion 
in  V.  2  ("his  behmeiV  lin'')  to  2  Sa.  12,  25  (Hnn*). 


THE    PSALMS.  359 

The  origin  of  the  titles  must  remain  matter  of  speculation. 
It  is  even  possible  that  the  sense  in  which  the  titles  are  now 
understood  is  not  their  primary  meaning,  but  may  be  due  to  a 
misapprehension.  The  Psalms  ascribed  to  the  sons  of  Korah 
were  derived,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  from  a  collection  of 
Psalms  in  the  possession  of  the  Levitical  family,  or  guild,  of  that 
name,  in  the  time  of  the  Second  Temple.  Those  ascribed  to 
Asaph,  Heman,  and  Ethan  may  have  a  similar  origin  :  they  may 
be  taken  from  collections  not  necessarily  composed  by  these  three 
singers  respectively,  but  in  the  possession  of  families  or  guilds 
claiming  descent  from  them  :  the  title  5]Dsb,  for  instance,  pre- 
fixed by  a  compiler  to  the  Psalms  extracted  from  one  of  these 
collections,  as  an  indication  of  the  soiwce  whence  it  was  taken, 
and  meant  by  him  to  signify  belo?iging  to  Asaph,  would  be 
ambiguous,  and  would  readily  lend  itself  to  be  understood  m  the 
sense  of  written  by  Asaph.  The  explanation  of  T)"I?  may  be 
similar.  It  is  far  from  impossible  that  there  may  have  been  a 
collection  known  as  "  David's,"  the  beginnings  of  which  may 
date  from  early  pre -exilic  times,  but  wliich  afterwards  was 
augmented  by  the  addition  of  Psalms  composed  subsequently  : 
either  the  collection  itself  came  ultimately  to  be  regarded  as 
Davidic,  or  a  compiler  excerpting  from  it  prefixed  ^nb  ^s  an 
indication  of  the  source  whence  a  Psalm  was  taken,  which  was 
afterwards  misunderstood  as  denoting  its  author :  in  either  case 
the  incorrect  attribution  of  Psalms  to  David  upon  a  large  scale 
becomes  intelligible.  In  some  instances,  also  (Ps.  51.  52  (Sec), 
attempts  were  even  made  to  fix  the  occasion  of  his  life  to  which 
a  Psalm  belonged.  Of  course,  in  particular  cases  the  title  ^r\h 
may  be  due  to  independent  tradition,  or  to  conjectures  of  readers 
or  compilers.  The  musical  and  liturgical  notices  combine  with 
other  indications  to  show  that  the  titles  were  only  finally  fixed 
when  the  Psalter  came  into  general  use  in  the  Temple  services 
during  the  period  that  began  with  the  return  from  Babylon. 

Is  it  possible,  upon  independent  grounds,  to  fix  the  dates  or 
occasions  of  any  of  the  Psalms?  The  full  discussion  of  this 
subject  would  occupy  more  space  than  can  here  be  given  to  it : 
a  brief  notice  of  its  more  general  aspects  must  therefore  suffice. 
As  a  rule,  the  dates  of  the  Psalms  cannot  be  fixed  otherwise 
than  approximately.  The  only  criteria  which  we  possess  are  (i) 
the  historical  allusions;  (2)  the  style;  (3)  the  relation  to  other 


360  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

writers  whose  dates  are  known  ;  (4)  the  character  of  the  religious 
ideas  expressed. 

(i.)  The  historical  allusions  are  seldom  definite  enough  to  do 
more  than  fix  the  general  period — with  tolerably  wide  limits — to 
which  a  Psalm  belongs  :  for  instance,  some  Psalms  allude  to  the 
king  in  terms  which  imply  that  the  monarchy  is  still  in  existence, 
and  are  therefore  presumably  pre-exilic  ;  ^  others  appear  to  con^ 
tain  allusions  to  the  condition  of  the  people  during  the  Exile  ; 
others  again  imply  that  the  Exile  is  past,  though  to  what  part  of 
the  post-exilic  period  such  Psalms  are  to  be  referred,  the  allusions' 
contained  in  them  often  do  not  declare.  The  historical  allusions, 
which  seem  to  be  more  precise,  are  often  not  conclusive.  Thus 
Ps.  46.  48.  76  have  been  referred  plauif'.bly  to  the  period  of  the 
overthrow  of  Sennacherib's  army  in  B.C.  701  ;  but  the  language 
used  in  these  Psalms,  though  it  is  not  unfavourable  to  such  a 
reference,  can  hardly  be  said  to  require  it.  In  Ps.  74.  79  it  is 
disputed  whether  the  desolation  alluded  to  is  that  effected  by  the 
Chaldseans  in  586,  or  that  wrought  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  in 
B.C.  i6g-8.  Nor  is  it  by  any  means  certain  what  the  national 
disfiSters  or  dangers  alluded  to  in  Ps.  60.  83  are.  Ps.  118  has 
been  referred  to  the  occasions  described  in  Ezr.  3,  1-4  (Ewald) ; 
3,  10  f.  (Hengstenberg) ;  6,  16  ff.  (Delitzsch) ;  Neh.  8,  16-18 
(Perowne) ;  i  Mace.  4,  52-56,  B.C.  165  (Cheyne). 

To  determine  the  author  is  impossible ;  for  the  necessary 
standards  of  comparison  fail  us.  The  only  author,  known  to  us 
by  name,  with  whose  writings  some  of  the  Psalms  display  marked 
similarities,  is  Jeremiah  (Ps.  31.  35.  69;  comp.  also  Ps.  79,  6. 
Jer.  10,  25) :  but  when  we  bear  in  mind  how  apt  Hebrew  writers 
are  to  borrow  expressions  from  their  predecessors,  we  cannot  feel 
the  requisite  assurance  that  these  similarities  are  due  to  identity 
of  authorship ;  a  later  writer  may  have  cast  his  thoughts  into 
phraseology  suggested  by  his  acquaintance  with  the  prophecies 
of  Jeremiah.  Ps.  46  is  worthy  of  Isaiah  ;  but  this  is  not  sufficient 
to  prove  that  he  was  its  author.  (The  Davidic  Psalms  have  been 
considered  above.) 

(2.)  As  regards  the  criterion  of  style,  the  judgment  of  Hupfeld, 
endorsed  by  his  editor,  Nowack,  is  sound  (i.  p.  xlii.) :  "From 

^  Unless,  indeed  (as  some  suppose),  they  can  in  some  cases  be  reg-arded 
as  dating  from  the  revival  of  the  monarchy  under  the  Maccabees  (i  Mace.  14, 
41-3  &c.). 


THE   PSALMS.  36 1 

the  linguistic  and  poetical  character  of  the  Psalms,  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  do  more  than  distinguish  in  general  older  Psalms  from 
later,  or  those  that  are  original  from  those  that  show  marks  ot 
imitation  :  .  .  .  such  as  are  hard,  bold,  original,  are,  as  a  rule, 
the  older;  those  of  which  the  style  is  easy  and  flowing,  and  which 
are  marked  by  the  presence  of  conventional  thoughts  and  expres- 
sions, are  later.  For  older  poets  had  to  strike  out  their  own 
paths,  and  thus  appear  often  contending  with  language  and 
thought :  later  poets,  on  the  contrary,  moved,  as  it  were,  upon 
accustomed  tracks,  and  frequently  found  thoughts,  figures,  and 
language  ready  for  their  use;  hence  their  compositions  generally 
contain  many  reminiscences  and  standing  phrases,  and  may  even 
sometimes  almost  entirely  consist  of  them.  Such  reminiscences 
and  conventional  phrases  are  most  frequent  in  the  Psalms  of 
complaint,  the  alphabetical  Psalms,  and  the  doxological  or  liturgi- 
cal Psalms.  Aramaisms  and  non-classical  idioms  are  likewise 
marks  of  a  late  age.  But  we  cannot  with  equal  confidence,  from 
the  poetical  power  or  purity  of  diction  which  a  Psalm  may  display, 
infer  conversely  that  it  is  ancient,  since  Psalms  that  are  unques- 
tionably late  have  in  these  respects  not  unfrequently  equalled 
the  more  ancient  models."^ 

(3.)  This  criterion  seldom  carries  us  very  far.  In  the  case  of 
two  similar  passages,  the  difficulty  of  determining  which  is  the 
one  that  is  dependent  on  the  other,  whe7i  we  have  110  other  due 
to  guide  us,  is  practically  insuperable  (comp.  p.  292).  Ps.  93. 
96 — TOO  appear  to  presuppose  Is.  40 — 66  ;  and  from  the  use 
made  of  Ps.  96.  105.  106.  130.  132  in  i  Ch.  16,  8-36.  2  Ch.  6, 
40.  41-2,  they  seem  clearly  to  be  earlier  than  the  age  of  the 
Chronicler  (b.c.  300) :  Ps.  93.  97 — 100,  moreover,  are  so  similar 
in  character  to  Ps.  96  that  they  can  hardly  belong  to  a  different 
period.  We  thus  obtain  a  group  of  six  Psalms  which  may  be 
assigned  plausibly  to  b.c.  538-300  ;  but  even  here  the  limits  are 
sufhciendy  wide.  And  of  other  Psalms  still  less  (on  this  ground) 
can  be  affirmed  with  certainty. 

(4.)  This  criterion  cannot  be  altogether  repudiated,  though  it 
is  to  be  applied  with  caution.  There  is  undoubtedly  a  progress, 
both  in  the  revelation  contained  in  the  OT.,  and  also  in  the 

1  On  the  language  of  the  Psalms,  see  App.  11.  in  Prof.  Cheyne's  "  Bampton 
Lectures."  Giesebrecht's  essay  on  this  subject  {ZATW.  18S1,  p.  276  ff.) 
contains  much  that  is  superficial  and  crude. 


362  LITERATURE   OE   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

feelings  with  which  sacred  things  are  viewed :  prophets,  for 
instance,  arose,  introducing  new  ideas  as  the  centuries  passed  on; 
rehgious  problems  were  more  deeply  and  more  frequently  re- 
flected upon ;  after  the  Temple  was  established,  a  growing 
attachment  to  it,  as  a  centre  of  religious  worship  and  of  religious 
sentiment,  would  naturally  form  itself;  and  there  was  undeniably, 
especially  in  later  times,  an  increasing  devotion  to  the  law.  It 
is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Hebrew  psalmody  would  stand  in 
some  sort  of  correlation  with  the  phases  of  this  progress  under 
its  various  aspects.  And  when  the  Psalms  are  compared  with  ' 
the  prophets,  the  latter  seem  to  show,  on  the  whole,  the  greater 
originality ;  the  psalmists,  in  other  words,  follow  the  prophets, 
appropriating  and  applying  the  truths  which  the  prophets  pro- 
claimed, and  bearing  witness  to  the  effects  which  their  teaching 
exerted  upon  those  who  came  within  range  of  its  influence.  The 
Psalms  which  presuppose  a  wide  religious  experience,  and  display 
a  marked  spirituality  of  tone,  will  hardly  be  among  the  earliest ; 
while  those  in  which  liturgical  interests  are  most  prominent  are 
probably  among  the  latest. 

Il  must  be  owned  that  these  criteria  are  less  definite  than 
might  be  desired,  and  that  when  applied  by  difterent  hands  they 
do  not  lead  always  to  identical  results.  Nevertheless  some  con- 
clusions may  be  fairly  drawn  from  them.  It  may  be  affirmed, 
for  instance,  w^ith  tolerable  confidence  that  very  few  of  the 
Psalms  are  earlier  than  the  yth  cent.  B.C.  Of  many  Psalms  the 
exilic  or  post-exilic  date  is  manifest,  and  is  not  disputed  :  of 
others,  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  they  are  pre-  or  post-exilic. 
Approximately  the  Psalms  may  be  dated  somewhat  as  follows  : — 
In   Books  IV.   and   V.    (Ps.   90 — 150)   Ps.    101.    110,1   perhaps 

^  This  Psalm,  thougli  it  may  be  ancient,  can  hardly  have  been  composed 
by  David.  If  read  \^\\\\ii\xl praejudicium,  it  produces  the  irresistible  impres- 
sion of  having  been  wricten,  not  by  a  king  with  reference  to  an  invisible, 
spiritual  Being,  standing  above  him  as  his  superior,  but  by  a  prophet  with 
reference  to  the  theocratic  king,     (i)  The  title  "  My  lord"  (''Jli^),  v.  \f\%  the 

one  habitually  used  in  addressing  the  Israelitish  king  [e.g.  i  Ki.  i — 2  passim) ; 
(2)  Messianic  prophecies  have  regularly  as  their  point  of  departure  some 
institution  of  the  Jewish  theocracy — the  king,  the  prophet,  the  people  (Is.  42, 
I  &c.),  the  high  priest,  the  Temple  (Is.  28,  16)  :  the  supposition  that  David 
is  here  speaking  and  addressing  a  superior,  who  stands  in  no  relation  with 
existing  instilutions,  is — not,  indeed,  impossible  (for  we  have  not  the  right  to 
limit  al)Solutely  the  range  of  prophetic  vision),  but — contrary  to  the  analogy 


THE   PSALMS. 


363 


also  Ps.  90.  91,  may  be  presumed  to  be  pre-exilic;  Ps.  102 
(see  vv.  13-16)  will  be  exilic;  Ps.  93.  96—99  (the  keynote 
of  which  is  struck  by  Is.  52,  7  end)  may  be  contemporary 
with  the  close  of  the  exile,  but  they  may  also  be  later :  the 
rest  in  these  two  books  will  be  post-exilic,  some,  perhaps, 
late    in    the    post -exilic    period  —  especially   those    Psalms   in 

which  Aramaisms,  &c.,  are  marked.     In  Book  III.  (Ps.  73 89) 

Ps.  76  may  date  from  b.c.  701,  Ps.  89  from  the  closing  years 
of  the  monarchy;  Ps.  77.  78.  80.  81.  85.  Z(i.  87  ajDpear  to  be 
post-exilic;  Ps.  74.  79,  and  perhaps  83,  belong  (as  it  seems)  to 
the  period  of  the  Maccabees;  the  date  of  Ps.  73.  75.  82.  84.  88 
must  remain  undecided,  but  they  will  not  be  earlier  than  the  age 
of  Jeremiah.  In  Books  I.  and  II.  (Ps.  i — 72),  even  though 
Ewald's  list  of  Davidic  Psalms  be  not  accepted  in  its  entirety, 
it  may  include  several  that  are  ancient ;  the  Psalms  alluding  to 
the  king  (Ps.  2.  20.  21.  28.  61.  63.  72)  will  presumably  be  pre- 
exilic,  Ps.  72  (from  its  general  style)  being  the  latest ;  Ps.  46.  48 
may  date  from  b.c.  701 ;  Ps.  47  is  related  closely  to  the  group 
93.  96 — 99  ;  of  the  devotional  and  didactic  Psalms  (such  as  Ps. 
I.  8.  15.  19,  I — 6.  24,  1-6.  42  f.),  and  those  describing  the  suffer- 
ings or  persecutions  of  the  writers  (which  are  numerous  in  these 
two  books),  it  is  difficult  to  say  when  they  were  written  :  a  i^w 
may  be  early  in  the  pre-exilic  period,  but  most,  it  is  probable 
(especially  the  Psalms  of  complaint),  were  written  by  a  contem- 
porary or  companion  of  Jeremiah,  or  possibly,  in   some  cases, 

of  prophecy  ;  (3)  the  justice  of  this  reasoning  is  strongly  confirmed  by  w.  3. 
5-7,  where  the  subject  of  the  Psalm  is  actually  depicted,  not  as  such  a 
spiritual  superior,  but  as  a  victorious  Israelitish  monarch,  triumphing  through 
Jehovah's  help  over  earthly  foes.  The  Psalm  is  Messianic  in  the  same  sense 
that  Ps.  2  is  :  it  depict-  the  ideal  glory  of  the  theocratic  king,  who  receives 
from  a  prophet  {v.  I  niH"'  QXJ)  ihe  twofold  solemn  promise  (i)  of  victory 
over  his  foes;  (2)  of  a  perpetual  priesthood  (cf.  Jer.  30,  21'':  see  p.  136). 
These  are  the  reasons  (and  the  only  ones)  by  which  the  present  writer  is 
influenced  in  his  judgment  on  the  Psalm.  In  the  question  addressed  by  our 
Lord  to  the  Jews  (Mt.  22,  41-46;  Mk.  12,  35-37;  Luke  20,  41-44)  His 
object,  it  is  evident,  is  not  to  instruct  them  on  the  authorship  of  the  Psalm, 
but  to  argue  from  its  contents :  and  though  He  assumes  the  Davidic  author- 
ship, accepted  generally  at  the  time,  yet  the  cogency  of  His  argument  is  un- 
impaired, so  long  as  it  is  recognised  that  the  Psalm  is  a  Messianic  one,  and 
that  the  august  language  used  in  it  of  the  Messiah  is  not  compatible  with  the 
position  of  one  who  was  mere  human  son  of  David.  Conip.  Orelli,  OT. 
Prophecy,  pp.  1 53-7. 


364  LITERATURE   OF  THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

spring  from  the  earlier  part  of  the  Persian  period  (b.c.  536-^.  400). 
To  the  exile,  or  somewhat  later,  belong,  probably,  Ps.  22.  51. 
66 — 70;  Ps.  19,  7-14.  25.  33.  34.  37  will  also  be  late  ones.  It 
is  possible  that  the  considerations  likely  to  be  advanced  by  Prof. 
Cheyne  in  his  expected  [Nov.  1890]  volume,  and  other  future 
investigations,  may  tend  to  reduce  these  somewhat  wide  limits  ; 
for  the  present,  the  writer's  judgment  on  the  data  at  his  disposal 
does  not  enable  him  to  speak  more  definitely. 

The  psalms  attributed  to  Asaph  and  the  sons  of  Korah  respectively,  in 
many  cases  (though  not  in  all)  have  points  of  contact  with  one  another  which* 
will  hardly  all  be  accidental.  In  the  Asaph- Psalms  God  is  often  represented 
a.s  Jtidire  (Ps.  50.  75.  76.  82),  and  introduced  as  speaking  (Ps.  50.  75.  81. 
82) ;  He  is  more  constantly  than  elsewhere  called  pj>^  and  ptpj; ;  He  is  com- 
pared to  a  shepherd  (74,  l.^  77,  20.  78,  52.  79,  13.1  80,  i)  ;  Joseph  or 
Ephraijfi  is  alluded  to  {"JJ,  15.  80,  I.  81,  4.  5);  the  peculiar  word  1^]  occurs 
only  Ps.  50,  II.  80,  13.  In  the  Korahite  Psalms  God  is  often  represented  as 
King  {Vs.  44,  4.  47,  2.  6.  7,  84,  3  [but  also  elsewhere,  as  5,  2.  68,  24.  74,  12. 
89,  18.  149,  2] ),  and  a  warm  affection  is  evinced  towards  the  holy  city  or  the 
Temple  (Ps  46.  47.  48.  87  ;  42—43.  84).  In  one  or  two  instances,  the 
Psalms  with  these  peculiarities  may  have  been  the  work  of  the  same  author  ; 
but  this  cannot  be  the  case  with  most  ;  and  the  similarities  are  perhaps  to  be 
accounted  for  by  the  P.>alms  having  been  composed  by  members  of  the  same 
family,  or  guild,  in  which  a  type  of  representation,  once  set,  may  have  been 
followed  by  the  poets  of  successive  generations. 

On  two  questions  connected  with  the  Psalms  the  writer  is 
obliged  to  touch  more  briefly  than  he  had  hoped  to  be  able 
to  do. 

(i.)  Do  any  of  the  Psalms  date  from  the  period  of  the  Mac- 
cabees (b.c.  168  ff.)  ?  Very  many  commentators — including  even 
Delitzsch  and  Perovvne — admit  (on  historical  grounds)  that  so?ne 
Psalms  belong  to  this  period  :  Ps.  44  (on  account  of  the  protesta- 
tion of  natiojial  innocence,  which  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with 
any  earlier  stage  of  the  nation's  history ).2  74  (on  account  of  z;.  8, 
which  appears  to  allude  to  synagogues,  and  v.  9  [cf.  i  Mace.  4, 
46.  9,  27.  14,  41]).  79  (similar  to  Ps.  74:  with  v.  2  cf  i  Mace. 
7,  17;  with  vv.  1-3.  74,  3-7,  I  Mace,   i,  30-32.  37-39-  46.  2,  7. 

1  Comp.  Ps.  95,  7.  100,  3.  Probably  dependent  on  Jer.  23,  I  [cf.  p.  257, 
No.  i].  Ez.  34,  31. 

2  Though  Ewald  thought  it  possil)le  to  refer  these  Psalms  (together  with 
Ps.  60.  80.  85.  89,  132)  to  the  period  shortly  before  Nehemiah,  the  terms  of 
Neh.  I,  3.  2,  3.  4,  2  seeming  to  him  to  point  to  sonie  recent  calamity  which 
had  befallen  Jerusalem  [Hist.  v.  119-121). 


THE   PSALMS.  365 

12.  3,  45.  51  f.  4,  38).  But  some  scholars,  especially  Olshausen 
(1853),  and  more  recently  Reuss  and  others,^  have  attributed  a 
much  larger  number  of  Psalms,  and  even  the  majority,  to  the 
same  period. 

These  scholars  point  to  the  frequency  with  which  in  the  Psalms  two  classes 
of  persons  are  opposed  to  one  another — Israel  and  the  nations  (heathen),  the 
godly  ("saints,"  ''the  righteous,"  "they  that  fear  Jehovah,"  "the  upright 
of  heart,"  &c.)  and  the  godless  ("the  wicked,"  "transgressors,"  "violent 
men,"  "workers  of  wickedness,"  &c.),  and  to  the  question  when  this  opposi- 
tion was  most  pronounced,  reply  :  in  the  times  that  began  with  the  persecu- 
tion of  the  Jews  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  when  the  loyal  servants  of  Jehovah 
— the  "meek"  or  the  "afflicted,"  as  they  are  termed — found  themselves 
engaged  in  a  struggle,  not  only  with  their  heathen  masters,  but  with  a 
powerful  party  composed  of  their  own  renegade  brethren.  The  phases  of 
this  struggle,  it  is  said,  are  echoed  in  the  Psalter:  in  Reuss'  words  (§  481), 
for  instance,  "The  breach  of  parties  in  the  nation  is  described  in  Ps.  55.  94. 
140  ;  the  varying  fortunes  of  the  war  are  reflected  in  songs  of  triumph  (Ps.  76. 
98.  116.  118.  138,  cf.  75.  96 — 100.  148.  149),  or  in  lamentations  for  defeats 
(Ps.  60.  89  &c. )  ;  the  dark  period  before  the  revolt  of  Judas  Maccabasus  is 
brought  before  us  (Ps.  54.  56 — 59.  62.  64.  71.  77.  86.  ^%.  90.  102.  142.  143)." 

It  is  true,  our  knowledge  of  the  circumstances  under  which 
either  the  Psalter  was  compiled,  or  the  Canon  of  the  OT.  was 
completed,  does  not  entitle  us  to  deny  peremptorily  the  pre- 
sence of  Maccabaean  Psalms  in  the  collection ;  and  if  it  be  the 
fact  that  Ps.  44.  74.  79  were  introduced  into  the  Psalter  in  (or 
after)  this  period,  it  is  difficult  to  argue  that  other  Psalms  may 
not  have  been  introduced  into  it  likewise.  But  there  is  no 
sufficient  reason  for  supposing  this  to  have  been  the  case  on  the 
scale  supposed  by  Olshausen  and  Reuss.  Had  so  many  Psalms 
dated  from  this  age,  it  is  difficult  not  to  think  that  they  would 
have  borne  more  prominent  marks  of  it  in  their  diction  and 
style.  Reuss'  exegesis  is  arbitrary  :  Jeremiah  is  witness  that 
the  loyal  worshippers  of  Jehovah  were  in  a  minority,  and  were 
often  exposed  to  persecution  and  reproach,  even  in  pre-exilic 
times  (cf.  Jer.  5,  i.  7,  9-11.  9,  2-6.  15,  15.  17,  15-1S.  20, 
7-ii).2 

(2.)   The  opinion  has    latterly  gained  ground    that    in    many 

'  Olsh.  Die  Psalmen,  p.  4fiF. ;  Reuss,  Les  Fsaumes  (in  his  translation  of 
the  entire  Bible),  p.  55  ff.;  or  Gesch.  der  Beil.  Schriften  A7\s,  §  481. 

-  The  existence  of  Maccabee  Psalms  is  upheld  in  this  country  by  Prof. 
Cheyne,  but  within  very  much  more  moderate  limits.  Pending  the  appear- 
ance of  his  volume,  any  judgment  upon  his  conclusions  would  be  premature. 


366  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Psalms  the  speaker,  who  uses  the  first  person  singular,  though 
apparently  an    individual,    is    in    reality   the   commutiity.       This 
opinion  is  no  new  one  :  it  was  held,  for  instance,  by  the  old  Pro- 
testant commentator  Rudinger  (i  580-1) ;  but  it  has  been  revived, 
and  defended  anew,  by  Olshausen,   Reuss  {Gesch.   §  478;  Les  , 
Fsaumes^  p.   56),  Stade  {Gesch.  ii.   214),  to  a  certain  degree  by 
Prof.   Cheyne,  and  especially  by  Rud.   Smend  in  the  ZATIV. 
1888,  pp.  49-147.     The  Psalter,  it  is  urged  by  these  writers,  was 
confessedly  the  hymn-book  of  a  community :  this  being  so,  it  is^ 
remarkable   that   so   many  of  the   Psalms  thus    used   in    public 
worship    should   have   a   strongly  marked    individual  character, 
and  owe  their  origin  to  individual  experiences ;   on   the  other 
hand,  these  experiences,  and  the  emotions  to  which  they  give 
rise,  are  much  more  significant  if  regarded  as  felt  and  expressed 
by  the  commwtify  as  such,  which  was  keenly  conscious  both  of 
the  close  relation  in  which  it  stood  to  its  God,  and  of  the  oppo- 
sition subsisting  between  it  and  the  heathen  nations  around,  or 
ungodly  members  within.     And  so,  it  is  argued,  we  hear  con- 
stantly  in    the  Psalter,    not    the   voices   of  individuals,    but   the 
voice   of  the  nation^   expressing   its   thankfulness,  its  needs,  its 
faith,  or  its  triumph.     This   is  the  main  argument;  for  others, 
the  writers  just  referred  to  must  be  consulted.     It  is  true,  this 
interpretation   of  the   "  I "  of  the  Psalms  is  legitimate  in  prin- 
ciple ;  for  there  is  undoubtedly  a  strong  tendency  in  the  O  r.  to 
treat  groups  of  men,  smaller  or  larger,  as  the  case  may  be,  and 
especially  peoples  or  nations,  as  units,  ap[)lying  to  them  the  first 
(or   second)    person  singular,  and   speaking  of  them    in  terms 
properly  applicable  only  to  an  individual.     This  custom  is  due, 
probably,  partly  to  a  sense  of  community  of  interests  and  sym- 
pathies pervading  the  entire  group,  partly  to  the  love  of  personifi- 
cation.     Examples:    Ex.    14,    25    "Let    ;//<?  flee"  (said   by  the 
P^gyptians).     Nu.  20,  18.  19  (sing,  and  plur.  interchanging).  Dt. 
2,  27-29.  Josh.  9,  7  (Hcb.).  17,  14  f  17  f.  Jud.  I,  3.  20,  23  (and 
elsewhere  1):  in  the  pro[>hcts,  Is.  12,  i.  2.  25,  i.  26,  9  (in  these 
passages,  as  the  context-  shows,   the  subject  that  speaks  is  the 
people).  Jer.   10,   19.  20.  24.   Mic.   7,  7-10.   Hab.  3,  14.  Lam.  i, 

^  As  Gen.  34,  30.  i  Sa.  5,  lo*'  (Heb.  tne,  my).  30,  22  (Pleb.  'cvilh  me). 
It  is  not,  however,  clear  that  these  are  all  cases  of  true  personification  :  in 
some,  the  individual  rather  speaks,  as  representUi^  his  companions  or  fellow^ 
cuuiiUymen. 


THE   PSALMS.  367 

ii^-i6.  18-22.  c.  3.1  Is.  61,  10  f.  (the  ransomed  nation,  or  the 
prophet  speaking  in  its  name).  63,  7.  15^.2  At  the  same  time, 
it  is  impossible  not  to  feel  that  the  applicability  of  the  principle 
to  the  Psalms  has  been  much  exaggerated,  especially  by  Smend. 
A  Psalm  having  a  special  origin  may  nevertheless  have  traits  fitting 
it  for  -liturgical  use  by  the  community,  or  may  even  have  been 
accommodated  to  general  use  by  slight  changes  in  the  phrase- 
ology. It  is,  however,  probable  that  many  Psalms  have  a  7'epre- 
sentative  character,  and  that  the  Psalmist  speaks  in  them,  not  on 
behalf  of  himself  alone,  but  on  behalf  of  his  co-religionists  as 
well.  And  doubtless  in  more  Psalms  than  is  commonly  perceived 
to  be  the  case  the  speaker  is  the  nation,  as  Ps.  44,  4.  6.  15.  60, 
9.  74,  12.  94,  16  ff.  102.  118;  probably  also  Ps.  dd,  13  ff.  (notice 
the  plural  in  vv.  9-12);  and  perhaps  in  Ps.  51.^  71  (cf.  v.  20 
"  us  "),  and  some  others. 

^  See  esp.  Lam.  i,  13.  14.  3,  4.  13.  16.  20.  48-54,  where  the  personifica- 
tion is  so  vivid  as  to  include  various  bodily  parts.  Elsewhere,  also,  the 
history  of  the  nation  is  viewed  as  that  of  an  individual,  as  Is.  46,  3  f.  Jer. 
2,  2.  3,  4.  24  f.  31,  19.  Hos.  II,  I.  Ps.  129,  1-3. 

^  Comp.  also  the  many  places  in  the  Pent.,  esp.  Ex.  (JE)  and  Dt.,  in 
which  Israel  is  addressed  in  the  2nd  pars.  sing. :  e.g  Ex.  23,  20  ff.  Dt.  28 : 
cf.  Ps.  50,  7  ft".  In  some  of  these  pas.^ages  the  thought  of  the  writer  glides 
from  the  whole  to  the  individual  members  in  consecutive  verses. 

^  A  confession  written  on  behalf  of  the  nation,  by  one  who  had  a  deep 
sense  of  his  people's  sin,  during  the  exile  (comp.,  from  a  prophetic  point  of 
view.  Is.  63,  7 — 64,  12).  That  the  title  cannot  be  correct  appears  especially 
from  the  inapplicability  of  z^.  4*  to  David's  situation  (for  however  great  David's 
sin  against  God,  he  had  done  Uriah  tiie  most  burning  wrong  that  could 
be  imagined  ;  and  an  injury  to  a  neighbour  is  in  the  OT.  a  "sin"  against 
him,  Gen.  20,  9.  Jud.  Ii,  27.  Jer.  37,  18  a/.);  and  the  assumption  that 
the  subject  is  the  nation,  is  the  only  one  which  neutralises  the  contradiction 
between  v.  16  and  v.  19  :  the  restoration  of  Jerusalem  would  be  the  sign 
chat  God  was  reconciled  to  His  people  (Is.  40,  2),  and  would  accept  the 
sacrifices,  in  which  now  He  had  no  pleasure.  Comp.  also  v.  3'  and  Is.  59, 
12;  V.  9**  and  Is.  43,  25.  44,  22;  v.  \i^  and  Is.  63,  10.  11"  ("his  holy 
spirit,"  likewise  of  the  nation,  An  expression  not  found  elsewhere  in  the  OT. : 
had  it  been  in  use  as  early  as  David's  time,  would  it  not  ha\e  been  met  with 
more  frequently?);  v.  17  and  Is.  57,  *5''.  61,  i".  66,  2^  Even  v.  5 
might  be  parallel,  as  in  thought  with  7s.  43,  27,  so  in  figtire  with  Is.  44,  2. 
24.  48,  8  ;  but  probably  it  is  better  to  suppose  the  Psalmist  to  be  speaking 
"ndividually  as  a  representative  Israelite.  See  further  W.  R.  Smith,  OT/C. 
p.  416  ff. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS, 

Literature. — H.  Ewald,  Die  Salomonischen  Schriften  ei-klart  (ed.  2),  1867 
pp.  1-266  ;  F.  Hitzig,  Die  Spruche  Salomd's  (1858)  ;  F.  Delitzsch,  Das  Salo- 
monische  Spruchbicch  (1873);  W.  Nowack,  Die  Spruche  Salomds  (in  the  Kgf. 
Ildb.),  1883;  A,  Kuenen,  Onderzoek,  iii.  (ed.  i)  1865,  pp.  57-1 10  (ed.  2  in 
preparation);  T.  K.  Chcyne,  Job  and  Sohmou  (iSSj),  pp.  1 17-178  (where, 
p.  178,  other  literature  is  mentioned)  ;  also  P.  de  Lagarde,  Aninerkungen 
zur  Griechischen  Uebersctzicng  dcr  Proverbien  (1863). 

The  Book  of  Proverbs  introduces  us  to  the  Chokhmah-  or 
Wisdom-literature  of  the  Hebrews.  Wisdom,  among  the  ancient 
Hebrews,  was  a  term  which  was  used  in  special  connexions,  and 
hence  acquired  a  special  limitation  of  meaning.  It  was  applied 
to  the  faculty  of  acute  observation,  shrewdness  in  discovery  or 
device,  cleverness  of  invention.  The  "wise"  woman  of  Tekoa 
came  before  David  (2  Sa.  14,  2  ff )  with  an  apologue  designed  to 
rouse  into  action  the  king's  longings  for  his  absent  son.^  The 
wisdom  of  Solomon  showed  itself  in  the  skill  with  which  he 
elicited  the  truth  in  his  judgment  on  the  two  infants  (i  Ki. 
3,  16-28),  and  in  the  answers  which  he  gave  to  the  "questions" 
— i.e.  no  doubt  riddles  {v.  i)  or  other  inquiries  designed  to  test 
the  king's  sagacity — put  to  him  by  the  Queen  of  Sheba  (i  Ki. 
10,  3  ff.).  Joseph's  skill  in  interpreting  dreams  entitles  him 
similarly  to  be  termed  "wise"  (Gen.  41,  39).  Of  the  nations 
around  Israel,  Edom  was  sjiecially  famed  for  "  wisdom  "  in  this 
sense  (Ob.  8.  Jer.  49,  7)  ;  Egypt^  and  the  "  children  of  the  East  " 
must  also  have  been  noted  in  the  same  way  (i  Ki.  4,  30).  Four 
celebrated  "  wise  men,"  whom  Solomon  is  stated  to  have  excelled, 
are  mentioned  in  i  Ki.  4,  31.  "Wise  men "  are  alluded  to  in 
the  OT.  in  terms  which   appear  to   show  that   they  must  have 

'  <"("  the  wise  woman  of  Abel-TvTeholah,  ib.  20,  16. 
'^  Cf.  Gen.  41,  S.  I^.   19,  ir.  12.  Ex.  7,  ii. 

:5(5S 


THE   PROVERBS.  369 

formed,  if  not  a  school,  yet  a  tolerably  prominent  class  in  ancient 
Israel  (cf.  Jer.  18,  18;  Pr.  i,  6.  22,  17.  24,  23.  Job  15,  18). 
The  interest  of  these  "  wise  men,"  however,  did  not  centre  in  the 
distinctively  national  elements  of  Israel's  character  or  Israel's 
faith ;  and  hence,  for  instance,  the  absence  in  the  Proverbs  of 
warnings  against  idolatry,  and  of  most  of  the  favourite  ideas  and 
phraseology  of  the  prophets  (as  "Israel,"  "Zion,"  "my  people," 
"saith  the  Lord,"  &c.).  The  wise  men  took  for  granted  the 
main  postulates  of  Israel's  creed,  and  applied  themselves  rather 
to  the  observation  of  human  character  as  such,  seeking  to  analyse 
conduct,  studying  action  in  its  consequences,  and  establishing 
morality,  upon  the  basis  of  principles  common  to  humanity  at 
large.  On  account  of  their  prevailing  disregard  of  national 
points  of  view,  and  their  tendency  to  characterise  and  estimate 
human  nature  under  its  most  general  aspects,  they  have  been 
termed,  not  inappropriately,  the  Hicmanists  of  Israel.^  Their 
teaching  had  a  practical  aim  :  not  only  do  they  formulate  maxims 
of  conduct,  but  they  appear  also  as  moral  advisers,  and  as  in- 
terested in  the  education  of  the  young  (Pr.  i — 9  ;  cf.  Ps.  34.  37). 2 
The  observation  of  human  nature,  however,  naturally  leads  on  to 
reflexion  on  the  problems  which  it  presents ;  hence  Job  and 
Ecclesiastes  form  part  of  the  Hebrew  C/z^/^//;//rt'/z-literature.  Nor 
is  the  observation  of  nature,  especially  in  so  far  as  it  affords 
evidence  of  providential  arrangements  or  design,  alien  to  the 
lines  of  thought  which  the  wise  men  of  Israel  pursued  :  comp.  lob 
38 — 41.  Pr.  30,  24  ff. ;  and  the  comparisons  instituted  between 
animal  and  human  life  in  Pr.  6,  6  ff.  and  elsewhere.  Solomon 
is  stated  (i  Ki.  4,  33)  to  have  "spoken"  of  all  known  depart- 
ments of  the  animal  and  vegetable  kingdoms,  presumably  with 
reference  to  the  instmcts  or  habits  displayed  in  them,  but  possibly 
also  in  fables,  or  apologues,  in  which  trees  (Jud,  9,  8-15  ;  2  Ki. 
14,  9)  or  animals  figured  characteristically.  From  the  considera- 
tion of  nature,  as  evincing  wise  dispositions  and  arrangements, 
and  of  human  society  as  benefited  by  the  wise  action  of  its 
individual  members,  would  arise  without  difficulty  the  conception 

^  Cf.  Delitzsch,  p.  34;  Cheyne,  p.  119. 

2  Hence  the  "utilitarianism"  of  the  Proverbs,  which  has  sometimes  been 
adversely  criticised.  The  profit  of  wisdom,  and  the  foolishness  of  folly,  can 
only  be  practically  demonstrated  by  pointing  to  the  consequences  to  which 
each  leads. 

2  A 


370  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

of  "wisdom  "  as  a  principle  disposing  the  one,  and  regulating  the 
other;  and  hence  the  step  was  not  a  far  one  to  lis persontjicatioji, 
on  the  one  hand,  as  a  "master  workman"  (Pr.  8,  30)  assisting 
the  Ahnighty  in  His  work  of  creation ;  on  the  other  hand,  as 
presiding  over  human  affairs  and  directing  men  in  the  choice  of 
means,  whether  to  secure  their  individual  happiness,  or  the  well- 
being  of  society  as  a  whole.  This  is  the  step  taken  in  Pr.  i — 9.^ 
The  Hebrew  term  for  "  proverb  "  is  mashal^  which,  as  Arabic 
seems  to  show,  denotes  properly  a  representation^  i.e.  a  statement 
not  relating  solely  to  a  single  fa.ct,  hut  standing  /or  or  representing 
other  similar  facts.  The  statement  constituting  the  nids/idl  may  be 
one  deduced  from  a  particular  instance,  but  capable  of  application 
to  other  instances  of  a  similar  kind,  or  it  may  be  a  generalisation 
from  experience,  such  as  in  the  nature  of  the  case  admits  of 
constantly  fresh  application.  The  vidshal  is  limited  by  usage 
almost  entirely  to  observations  relative  to  human  life  and 
character,  and  is  expressed  commonly  in  a  short,  pointed  form. 
Sometimes  the  ntashal  includes  a  comparison,  or  is  expressed  in 
figurative  or  enigmatic  language  (cf.  Pr.  1,6):  the  different  types 
preserved  in  the  Book  of  "  Proverbs  "  will  be  illustrated  below. 

'I'he  mdshdl  would  also  probably  include  fables,  snch  as  those  of  Jotham 
(Jud.  9,  8-15)  and  Joash  (2  Ki.  14,  9),  and  parables,  as  those  in  2  Sa.  12, 
1-6.  14,  5-7.  I  Ki.  20,  39  f.,  though  the  term  is  not  acuially  used  in 
these  instances  ;  but  similar  allegorical  representations  are  so  styled  in  Ez. 
17,  2  (see  vv.  3-10).  20,  49  (see  v.  47).  24,  3-5.  (For  certain  other,  secondary 
senses  of  ptJ'O,  see  the  Lexica. )  Examples  of  the  popular  "mashal"  are  : 
"Is  not  Saul  among  the  prophets?"  (i  Sa.  10,  12.  19,  24);  the  "proverb 
of  the  ancients,  '  Wickedness  proceedeth  from  the  wicked '  "  {ib.  24, 
23);  "The  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes,"  &c.  (Ez.  18,  2.  Jer.  31,  29); 
sec  also  Ez.  12,  23.  16,  44.  But  the  examples  contained  in  the  Book  of 
Proverbs  are  not  of  this  simple,  popular  kind  :  they  are,  at  least  mostly, 
"  works  of  art,"  and  bear  the  impress  of  the  skilled  hands  which  produced 
them. 

Cofitents  and  character  of  the  Book  of  Proverbs. — The  Book  of 
Proverbs  consists  of  eight  distinct  parts,  of  very  unecjual  length  and 
character,  and  for  the  most  part  marked  by  separate  titles  or 
introductions. 

(i.)   c.   1—9.   The    "Praise    of  Wisdom"   (Ewald,    Cheyne). 

^  See  more  fully  on  the  Hebrew  "wisdom,"  and  "  wise  men,"  Prof.  David- 
son's paper  in  the  Expositor,  May  1S80,  p.  321  ft'.,  and  his  art.  "  Proverbs"  in 
the  Encycl.  Bi  it. 


THE    PROVERBS.  37 1 

The  writer,  speaking  like  a  father  (i,  8  and  passim,  "  my  son") 
to  an  imagined  pupil  or  disciple,  warns  him  against  the  dangers 
and  temptations  to  which  he  is  most  likely  to  be  exposed,  invites 
him  affectionately  to  listen  to  his  precepts,  and  commends  to 
him  the  claims  of  Wisdom  to  be  his  guide  and  friend.  No 
definite  arrangement  can  be  traced  in  the  subjects  treated  ;  nor 
is  the  argument  logically  articulated  :  the  discourse  flows  on  till 
the  topic  in  hand  is  exhausted,  and  then  it  recommences  with 
another. 

I,  1-6  is  adapted  to  form  the  introduction  both  to  the  exhortations  which 
follow  and  to  the  "  Proverbs,"  properly  so  called,  contained  in  c.  lo  ff.,  the 
aim  and  value  of  which  it  points  out. 

The  exhortations  may  be  divided   for  convenience  (nearly  as  is  done  by 
Delitzsch)  into  15  paragraphs,  each,  in  the  main,  dealing  with  a  single  aspect 
of  the  writer's  theme,  viz.  (1)1,  7-19  a  warning  against  the  temptation  to 
commit  crimes  of  violence  ;  (2)  I,  20-33  Wisdom's  denunciation  of  those  who 
despise  her  ;  (3)  c.  2  the  pursuit  of  wisdom  as  the  road  to  virtue  and  the  fear 
of  God  ;  (4)  3,    1-20  the  blessings  which  attend  devotion  to  God,  and  the 
prize  which  Wisdom  proves  herself  to  be  to  those  who  frnd  her  ;  (5)  3,  21-26 
Wisdom  a  protection  to  those  who  possess  her  ;  (6)  3,  27-35  liberality  and 
integrity  commended  ;  (7)  4,   I— 5>  6  a  father's  counsels  to  his  son  ;  (8)  5, 
7-23  on  fidelity  to  the  marriage-tie;  (9)  6,  1-5  the  imprudence  of  becommg 
surety  for  another  ;  (10)  6,  6-1 1  advice  to  the  sluggard  ;  (n)  6,  12-19  warn- 
ing  against    different    evil    machinations;    (12)    6,    20-35    warmng   agamst 
adulte^'ry  ;  (13)  c  7  the  same  subject  continued,  the  warning  bemg  pointed  by 
an  illu'^tr'ation  ;  (14)  c.  8  Wisdom  speaks,  proclaiming  her  august  nature,  and 
the  gifts  which  she  is  ready  to  bestow  upon  men  ;  (15)  c.  9  Wisdom  and 
Folly,  each  personified,  contrasted  with  each  other. 

The    form    is    throughout    poetical,   and    the    parallelism    of 
members  is,  as  a  rule,  carefully  observed.     The  style  is  flowing, 
forming  in  this  respect  as  strong  a  contrast  as  possible  to  that  of 
the  "proverbs"  which  follow  (10,  i  fl".) :  instead  of  a  series  of 
thoughts,  each   forcibly  expressed,   but   disconnected   with    one 
another,  a  thought  is  here  developed  at  length  and  presented 
from  different  points  of  view.     A  general  uniformity  of  tone  per- 
vades the  whole  discourse ;  and  the  same  idea  is  often  repeated 
with  but  sli-ht  variations  of  expression.     The  aim  of  the  writer 
evidently  was  to  provide  the  collection  of  proverbs,  10,  i  ff.,  with 
a  hortatory  introduction,  commending  the  wisdom  of  which  he 
viewed  them  as  the  expression  (cf  i,  1-6),  and  pointmg  to  the 
dangers,  prominent   in   his   day,   from   which  those  who   would 
listen  to  her  teachings  might  be  guarded.    It  is  doubtful  if  hlO 


372  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

writer  is  identical  with  the  compiler  of  the  collection  of  proverbs 
which  follows,  but  he  is  familiar  with  them,  and  adopts  several 
exi)ressions  from  them  into  his  vocabulary.  The  errors  to  which 
his  hearers  appear  to  be  specially  tempted  are  crimes  of  violence 
(i,  11-18.  4,  14-17),  and  unchastity  (2,  16.  5,  3-20.  6,  24-35.  7> 
5-27.  9,  13-18):  other  faults  are  warned  against  in  6,  12-19. 
The  imprudence  of  becoming  surety  for  a  friend  is  strongly 
insisted  on,  6,  1-5  ;  the  value  of  industry  is  exemplified,  6,  6-1 1. 
The  fine  personification  of  Wisdom  in  c.  8  and  9,  1-6  is  to 
be  c^ipecially  noticed.  The  unity  of  thought  and  efficiency  opera- 
tive in  the  world  is  here  abstracted  from  God,  the  actual  operator, 
and  presented  as  a  personal  agent,  the  first-born  child  of  the 
Creator,  standing  beside  Him  and  directing  Him  in  the  work  of 
creation,  afterwards,  in  history,  inspiring  kings  and  princes 
with  their  best  thoughts,  delighting  in  the  sons  of  men  {tj.  31), 
and  promising  abundant  reward  to  those  who  w^ll  commit 
themselves  to   her   guidance.      The    representation    in  3,   19  f. 

8,  22  ft",    is    the    prelude    of  the    later    doctrine    of  the    Adyog. 

9,  1-6  Wisdom  invites  men  to  accept  her  gifts ;  and  the  dis- 
course closes  with  the  picture  of  her  rival,  ''  Madam  Folly," 
sitting  at  the  door  of  her  house,  and  displaying  her  attrac- 
tions to  those  who  are  simple  enough  to  be  tempted  by  them 
(9,  i3ff-)- 

Delitzsch  has  remarked — and  other  critics  have  agreed  in  the  observation — 
on  the  similarity,  partly  in  tone  and  warmth  of  feeling,  and  partly  also  in 
ex]ircssion,  between  Pr.  i — 9  and  Deuteronomy.  "As  Dt.  would  have  the 
rising  generation  lay  to  heart  the  Mosaic  7 ordh,  so  here  the  author  would 
impress  upon  his  hearers  the  Tordh  of  wisdom."  In  particular,  with  Dt.  6, 
4  9  cf.  the  Hear  of  Pr.  I,  8.  4,  I.  10  &c.,  and  3,  3.  6,  2of.  7,  3  {Bind, 
IVri/c)  ;  with  8,  5,  cf  Pr.  3,  12  ;  and  with  4,  5-8,  Pr.  3,  9  f. 

(2.)  C.  10 — 22,  16,  with  the  title  "The  Proverbs  of  Solomon." 
This  division  of  the  Book  is  composed  of  proverbs,  strictly  so 
called.  The  proverbs  exhibit  great  regularity  of  form  :  each 
verse  contains  a  complete  proverb  ;  and  each  proverb  consists  of 
two  members  only  {i.e.  is  a  disiich\  each  member  containing, 
as  a  rule,  (in  the  Hebrew)  not  more  than  three  or  four  words. 
The  one  three-membered  proverb  which  this  division  of  the 
Book  contains  (19,  7)  is  undoubtedly  due  to  a  defective  text  {fL 
LXX,  and  the  commentators) ;  if  the  missing  clause  be  supplied, 
the  number  of  independent  proverbs  will  be  376.     The  proverbs 


THE  PROVERBS.  373 

are  arranged  in  no  particular  order,^  though  sometimes  two  or 
more  dealing  with  the  same  subject  (as  16,  10.  12-15  ^^  ^i"gS) 
1 8,  6  f .  on  the  fool),  or  containing  the  same  more  or  less  char- 
acteristic word  (as  10,  6  f.  f/ie  righteous^  1 1  f.  coveretli^  1 4  f. 
destruction,  16  f.,  18  f.,  12,  5-7,  15,  8  f.,  15,  33  —  16,  7.  9.  11 
Jehovah)  occur  in  juxtaposition. ^  The  two  members  stand 
usually,  and  in  c.  10 — 15  almost  exclusively,  in  antithetic  parallel- 
ism (p.  341),  the  second  confirming  or  enforcing  the  first  by 
declaring  some  contrasted  truth  which  forms,  as  it  were,  its 
counterpart.  Instances  of  syjtonymoiis  (11,  7.  14,  19  al.)  and 
"synthetic"  parallelism  (see  ibid.),  however,  also  occur. 

Thus  the  second  member  states  a  reason  (16,  12.  26)  ox  purpose  (13,  14. 

15,  24  al.);  elsewhere,  again,  the  thought  is  only  completed  by  the  second 
member,  as  when  this  commences  with  the  comparative  than  (JD),  12,  9.  15, 

16.  17,  16,  8.  19.  17,  10.  19,  I.  21,  19),  or  with  /wtv  much  more  [or  lcss\ 
C'D  f]J<),  II,  31.  15,  II-  i7j  7-  19,  T'  lo-  21,  27;  other  cases  in  which  the 
proverb  is  incomplete  without  the  second  clause  only  become  frequent  towards 
the  end  of  the  collection  (16,  7.  17,  13.  15.  18,  9.  13.  19,  26.  20,  7.  8.  10 
&c. ).  Of  proverbs  containing  a  comparison  ihtxe  are  only  two  examples  in 
this  collection,  viz.  10,  26.  11,  22. 

Both  in  this  and  in  the  subsequent  divisions  of  the  Book  there  occur 
several   cases  in  \Ahich   a   proverb,  entirely  or   in   part,  is  repeated.     Thus 

14,  12  =  16,  25  ;  and  with  but  slight  changes  of  expression,  the  following 
pairs  also  agree  :  10,  I.  15,  20  ;  10,  2.  il,  4  ;  16,  2.  21,  2  ;  19,  5.  9  ;  20,  10. 
23  ;  21,  9.  19.     In  the  following,  one  line  is  the  same,  or  nearly  the  same  : 

10,  6^  11'^ ;   10,  8"  and  10"  [but  cf.  LXX  Pesh.  RV.  marg.] ;  10,  15".  18,  ii=^ ; 

11,  I3\   20,  19'';  II,  2i».  16,  5**;  12,  I4».  13,  2\  18,  20";  14,  31*,   17,  5"; 

15,  T^T,^.  18,  12";    16,  18*.  18,  12";    19,  I2».  20,   2";    comp.  also  19,  12  with 

16,  I4».  15":  in  13,  14-  14,  27;  16,  28\  17,  9'';  17,  15"-  20,  loMhe  word- 
ing is  very  similar,  but  the  subject  of  the  proverb  is  different  :  notice  also  ilie 
variety  of  objects  which  are  described  as  ^fountain  or  tree  of  life  (10,  ii».  13, 
I4».  14,  27^  16,  22»  ;  II,  30».  13,  I2\  15,  4"),  or  7\.%  Jehovah' s  abomination 
(II,  I.  20.  12,  22.  15,  8.  9.  26.  16,  5.  17,  15.  20,  10.  23),  or  the  different 
persons  who  co77ie  only  to  want  (ii,  24.  14,  23.  21,  5.  22,  16). 

Where  the  contents  are  so  miscellaneous,  it  is  difficult  to  indi- 
cate their  characteristics,  except  in  very  general  terms.  But  of 
the  present  collection  it  may  be  said  that,  as  compared  with  the 

1  Ewald  supposed  that  the  collection  was  divided  into  five  parts  by  the 
recurrence  at  intervals  of  a  proverb  pointing  out  to  the  young  the  advantages 
of  wisdom  (10,  1.  13,  I.  15,  20.  17,  25.  19,  20);  but  this  is  probably  acci- 
dental. 

2  The  groups  1 1,  9-12.  20,  7-9.  20,  24-26.  22,  2-4  are  marked  by  the 
recurrence  of  the  same  initial  letter. 


374  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

subsequent  collections,  the  proverbs  are  usually  brighter  and  more 
cheerful  in  tone  :  if  good  and  bad,  rich  and  poor  meet  together  (as 
they  must  meet  in  every  society),  nevertheless  the  happier  aspects 
of  life  are  predominant :  prosperity  seems  to  prevail,  and  virtue 
is  uniformly  rewarded.  The  collection  includes  some  fine  and 
elevated  religious  proverbs ;  but  the  generalizations  are  mostly 
drawn  from  secular  life,  and  describe  the  fortune  which  may 
be  expected  to  attend  particular  lines  of  conduct  or  types  of 
character.  The  religious  proverbs  mainly  emphasize  Jehovah's 
sovereignty,  or  all-pervading  omniscience  ;  as  15,  3.  11.  16,  2.  4.  ' 
17,  3.  19,  21  ("Man  proposes,  but  God  disposes;"  cf.  16,  9). 
20,  12.  24.  21,  2.  30  f.  22,  2;  others  point  out  the  blessings 
which  flow  from  the  fear  of  Him  {e.g.  15,  16.  29),  or  describe 
who  are  His  "abomination"  (above,  p.  373);  the  prophetic 
teaching,  that  righteousness  is  more  acceptable  to  God  than  sacri- 
fice, appears  in  21,  3  (cf.  15,  8.  16,  6.  21,  27).  The  principle 
that  men  are  rewarded  (in  this  life)  according  to  their  works, 
pervades  the  entire  collection  (10,  2.  3.  6.  7.  25.  27.  30.  11,  4.  5. 
6,  and  repeatedly).  The  wise  and  fool,  their  different  aims,  and 
diff':rent  lots,  are  contrasted  with  great  frequency  :  other  char- 
acters often  mentioned  are  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  diligent 
and  the  slothful  (10,  4.  5.  12,  24.  27.  13,  4  &c.),  and  the  scorner 
(13,  I.  14,  6.  15,  12  &c.).  The  "fool"  is  the  man  who,  whether 
from  weakness  of  character  (the  ^•'ix)  or  from  obstinacy  (the 
^■•DD),  larks  the  perception  necessary  to  guide  him  aright  in  the 
affairs  of  life,  and  remains  consequently  an  object  of  satire  or 
contempt  to  his  fellow-men.  Wealth  is  spoken  of  as  an  advant- 
age to  its  owner  (10,  15.  13,  8.  14,  20.  24.  19,  4.  22,  7),  but  not 
if  amassed  in  unrighteousness  (10,  2),  or  if  made  the  object  of  a 
blind  confidence  (11,  28).  Pride  is  the  subject  ot  13,  10.  16, 
18  f.  21,  4  &c. ;  the  care  of  the  poor  is  commended  in  14,  31. 
17,  5.  19,  17.  A  remarkably  large  proportion  of  the  proverbs 
turn  on  the  right  use  of  the  lips  or  tongue.  The  imprudence  of 
becoming  a  surety  is  taught  in  11,  15,  20,  16.  A  good  wife  is 
described  as  God's  best  gift  (12,  4.  18,  22.  19,  14) ;  on  the  other 
hand,  an  injudicious  or  quarrelsome  woman  is  depicted  satirically 
(11,  22.  19,  13.  21,  9.  19).  The  value  of  parental  authority  is 
recognised  (13,  14.  19,  iS.  22,  6.  15);  and  a  want  of  respect  for 
either  parent  is  strongly  condemned  (13,  i.  15,  5.  19,  26.  20,  20). 
The  king  is  alluded  to  in  terms  of  admiration,  being  praised  for 


THE   PROVERBS.  375 

his  justice  and  love  of  righteousness  (14,  35.  16,  10.  12.  13.  20, 
8.  22,  11),  his  wisdom  (20,  26),  his  mercy  and  faithfulness  (20, 
28),  his  amenableness  to  the  Divine  guidance  (21,  i),  though 
naturally  regarded  personally  with  some  awe  and  deference  (16, 
14.  15.  19,  12.  20,  2);  but  his  nation's  prosperity  is  his  glory 
(14,  28),  and  that  prosperity  has  its  source  in  righteousness  (14, 
34).  The  associations  connected  with  the  king  in  this  collection 
are  bright  and  happy ;  no  dark  shadows  cross  the  picture  of  his 
character. 

(3.)  22,  17 — 24,  22.  Here  22,  17-21  forms  an  introduction, 
inviting  attention  to  the  admonitions  which  follow,  and  which 
are  described  as  "  words  of  the  wise." 

The  form  of  the  proverbs  contained  in  this  collection  is,  as  a  rule,  much 
freer  than  is  the  case  in  No.  2.  Distichs  are  exceptional  (22,  28.  23,  9.  24, 
7-10),  the  thought  generally  extending  over  four  members  (tetrastichs),  the 
second  distich  being  sometimes  synonymous  with  the  first,  sometimes  stating 
the  ground  or  purpose  of  it,  or  otherwise  supplementing  it  (22,  22  f.  24  f. 
26  f.  23,  I  of.  &c.).  A  tristich  (22,  29),  several  pentastichs  (23,  4  f.  24,  I3f. ), 
and  hexastichs  (23,  1-3.  12-14.  19-21.  26-28.  24,  ii  f.),  a  heptastich  (23, 
6-8),  and  an  octastich  (23,  22-25)  also  occur  ;  and  in  23,  29-35  i^^  wine- 
drinking)  the  thought  is  developed  into  a  short  poem ;  in  these  cases, 
though  the  individual  verses  are  usually  parallelislic,  the  terse,  compact  form 
of  the  original  mdshdl  is  entirely  surrendered. 

This  division  of  the  Book  is  less  a  collection  of  individual 
proverbs  (as  No.  2)  than  a  body  of  maxims,  in  which  proverbs 
are  interwoven,  addressed  with  a  practical  aim  to  an  individual 
(to  whom  the  expression  My  son'^  is  applied,  23,  15.  19.  26.  24, 
13.  21),  and  worked  up  usually  into  a  more  or  less  consecutive 
argument.  The  tone  is  hortatory,  like  that  of  No.  i ;  but  No.  3 
differs  from  No.  i,  in  that,  while  that  is  devoted  in  the  main  to  a 
single  subject,  the  commendation  of  wisdom,  the  advice  proffered 
here  relates  to  many  different  topics.  From  the  terms  of  22, 
i9f.  (notice  esp.  the  emphatic  thee  in  v.  19)  it  would  almost 
seem  to  have  been  addressed  originally  to  a  particular  indi- 
vidual :  the  2nd  pers.  in  c.  i — 9  seems  rather  to  be  a  poetic 
fiction.  The  maxims  are  mostly  of  a  very  practical  character; 
e.g.  against  becoming  surety  for  another,  22,  26  f.  (cf.  11,  15.  20, 
16),  against  indulging  to  excess  in  unwonted  dainties,  23,  1-3, 
against  the  undue  pursuit  of  riches,  23,  4  f.,  and  especially 
against  gluttony  and  drunkenness  (which,  it  is  rather  remarkable, 
^  As  in  No.  I  ;  in  No.  2,  only  once,  19,  27. 


3/6  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

is  only  commented  on  twice  in  the  numerous  proverbs  contained 
in  No.  2,  viz.  20,  i.  21,  17),  23,  20  f.  29-35. 

(4.)  24,  23-34,  with  the  title,  "These  also  are  sayings  of  the 
wise."  An  appendix  to  No.  3,  displaying  similar  variety  of  form  : 
a  hexastich  vv.  23^-25,  a  distich  v.  26,  a  tristich  tj.  2j,  a  tetra- 
stich V.  28  f.,  and  a  decastich  mi.  30-34.  In  the  decastich,  the 
slothful  man  (who  has  more  than  once  been  satirized  in  No.  2) 
is  made  the  subject  of  a  short  apologue,  drawn  professedly  from 
the  writer's  experience  (cf.  7,  6-23.  Ps.  37,  35  f.  Job  5,  3-5). 

In  Nos.  3  and  4,  24,  6*  is  very  similar  to  20,  18'' ;  24,  6''  has  occurred 
before  in  1 1,  14";  24,  20''  in  13,  g^  ;  and  24,  33  f.  is  all  but  identical  with 
6,  10  f.  In  the  collection  itself,  the  following  repetitions  occur  :  22,  28*.  23, 
io»;  22,  23\  23,  11'';  23,  3^  6"^;  23,  17^  24,  i**;  23,  18.  24,  I4''''=). 

(5.)  C.  25 — 29,  with  the  title,  "These  also  are  Proverbs  of 
Solomon,  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah  king  of  Judah  copied 
out."  An  appendix  to  No.  2.  In  this  collection,  distichs 
reappear,  though  not  with  the  same  regularity  as  in  No.  2,  being 
accompanied  by  tristichs  (25,  8.  13.  20.  27,  10.  22.  28,  10), 
tetrastichs  (25,  4  f.  9  f.  21  f.  &c.),  a  pentastich  (25,  6  f.),  and,  as 
in  Nos.  3  and  4,  a  short  poem  (on  the  value  of  industry  to  the 
farmer),  consisting  of  a  decastich  (27,  23-27).  The  proverbs 
appear  sometimes,  as  in  No.  2,  to  be  grouped  by  catch-words  (as 
25,  8  f .  debate ;  1 1  f .  gold ;  26,  if.  As  .  .  .  so)^  but  they  are  also, 
more  frequently  than  in  No.  2,  grouped  by  real  community  of 
subject,  as  25,  1-7  (on  kings).  26,  3-12  (where  each  verse  illus- 
trates some  aspect  of  the  character  of  the  "fool").  13-16  (on 
the  sluggard).  23-26.  28  (on  false  flattery).  Another  distinction 
between  this  collection  and  No.  2  is  that  while  in  No.  2  the  pre- 
dominant type  of  proverb  is  the  antithetic,  this  is  common  here 
only  in  c.  28 — 29,  while  in  c.  25 — 27  the  comparative  type  prevails. 
In  this  type  of  proverb  (which  occurs  but  twice  in  No.  2)  an 
object  is  illustrated  by  some  figure  derived  from  nature  or  human 
life,  the  comparison  being  sometimes  expressed  distinctly,^  some- 

^  26,  I  As  snow  in  .-.ummer,  and  as  rain  in  harvest  ; 

So  honour  is  not  seemly  for  a  fool. 
So  26,  2.  8.  18  f.  ;  27,  8  ;  and  before,  10,  26.     Without  so  25,  13.  26,  11. 
Or  with  the  particle  of  comparison  omitted — 

25,  12  An  earring  of  gold,  and  an  ornament  of  fine  gold. 
Is  a  wise  reprover  upon  an  obedient  ear. 
So  25,  II.  14.  18.  19.  26.  28.  26,  17.  23.  28,  3.  15;  and  before,  ii,  22. 


THE   PROVERBS.  377 

times  left  to  the  reader  to  be  inferred  from  the  mere  juxtaposition 
of  two  ideas. ^ 

The  proverbs  in  this  collection  differ  often  in  character  from 
those  in  No.   2,  though  not  so  widely  as  is  the  case  in  Nos. 
3  and  4.     The  proverbs  in  c.  28—29  bear  the  greatest  general 
resemblance  to  those  in  No.  2  ;  but,  on  the  whole,  the  proverbs 
in  c.  25 — 29  appear  to  si     ng  out  of  a  changed  state  of  society. 
The  king  is  not  presented  in  the  same  attractive  or  amiable  light. 
If  25,  2  represents  him  as  searching  out  a  matter  for  his  subjects' 
weal,  25,  3  associates  him  with  the  thought  of  what  is  arbitrary  and 
mysterious.     25,  4  f.  speak  of  the  removal  of  bad  ministers  before 
him,  28,  2  alludes  suggestively  to  calamities  which  rival  claimants 
for  a  throne  may  inflict  upon  a  land  ;  and  28,  12.  15  f.  28.  29,  2. 
4.  16  hint  at  sufferings  experienced  at  the  hands  of  unrighteous 
rulers.     25,  6f  29,  14  are  of  more  neutral  character:  one  con- 
tains a  maxim  for  behaviour  in  the  king's  presence ;  the  other 
promises  a  sure  throne  to  a  just  king.     27,  8  is  not  impossibly 
an  allusion  to  exile,  such  as  became  familiar  to  the  Israelites  from 
the  8th  cent.  B.C.     Religious  proverbs  are  rare  :  see,  however, 
29,  13  (cf.  22,  2).  25  f     The  importance  of  the  prophet,  as  an 
element  in  the  state,  is  significantly  expressed  in  29,  18.     The 
"  fool "  (i?"D3),  who  already  in  the  collection  No.  2  is  represented 
with  a  touch  of  satire,  is  here  the  subject  of  a  series  of  satirical 
attacks,  26,  I.  3-12,  cf.  27,  22.     In  26,  13-16  the  sluggard  is  held 
up  to  derision.     Agricultural  industry  is  inculcated  in  27,  23-27. 
Some  of  the  proverbs  are  maxims  for  conduct  (as  in  Nos.  3  and  4), 
e.g.  25,  6  f.  8.  9  f.  16  f.  21  f  (love  of  an  enemy) :  in  these  cases 
the  advice  is  sometimes  enforced  by  a  prudential  motive.     The 
address  Piy  son  occurs  once,  27,  it. 

No  5  is  remarkable  for  the  many  proverbs  identical,  or  nearly  so,  with 
proverbs  in  No.  2  :  thus  25,  24.  21,  9  ;  26,  3^  lo.  13"  ;  26,  13.  22,  13  ;  26,  15. 
19,  24 ;  26,  22.  18,  8;  27,  12.  22,  3 ;  27,  13.  20,  16  ;  27,  15.  i9,  13" ;  27,  21  . 
17,  3a  ;  28,  6.  19,  I  ;  28,  19.  12.  II  ;  29.  13-  22,  2  ;  29,  22».  15,  i^» ;  none  is 
repeated  from  No.  3,  and  only  one  is  substantially  identical  with  one  in  ^o.  4, 
viz  28  21=' ;  cf.  24,  2f.  In  No.  5  itself,  two  proverbs  occur,  worded  very  simi- 
larly, but  with  a  different  subject,  26,  12  and  29,  20  ;  comp.  also  28,  12"  and  28». 

1  25,  25  Cold  waters  to  a  fainting  soul, 

And  good  news  from  a  far  country.  . 

I.e.  the  two  resemble  one  another.  On  this  "  IFaw  of  equality,  whicl* 
occurs  also  in  Arabic,  see  Delitzsch,  p.  9,  «^^^-  So  25,  3-  20.  23.  26,  3-  7- 
9.  14.  21  ;  comp.  26,  20.  27,  3.  20. 


^y^  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

(6.)  C.  30.  "The  words  of  Agur,  the  son  of  Jakeh,  the 
oracle."  Vv.  t^-^  state,  as  it  seems,  the  conclusion  of  a  sceptic 
as  to  the  impossibility  of  knowing  God;^  vv.  5-6  the  poet  gives 
the  answer,  an  appeal  viz.  to  God's  revelation  of  Himself, 
followed,  vv.  7-9,  by  a  prayer  that  he  may  never  be  tempted  him- 
self, by  extremes  of  worldly  fortune,  to  abandon  or  dishonour 
God.  Vv.  10-33  consist  of  nine  groups  of  proverbs,  each  of 
which  describes  some  quality  or  character  in  terms  of  either 
warning  or  commendation,  and  in  most  of  which  the  number^ 
four  is  conspicuous:  viz.  v.  10  a  warning  against  slander; 
vv.  11-14  the  four  marks  of  an  evil  generation;  vv.  15-16  the 
four  insatiable  things;  v.  17  the  fate  of  the  disobedient  son; 
vv.  18-20  the  four  incomprehensible  things;  vv.  2  (-2;^  the  four 
intolerable  things;  vv.  24-28  the  four  wise  animals;  vv.  29-31 
the  four  things  comely  in  their  going;  vv.  32-33  a  warning 
against  strife.  The  form  in  which  most  of  these  proverbs  are 
cast  is  peculiar;  they  are  sometimes  called  "numerical"  pro- 
verbs; there  is  another  example  in  6,  16-19. 

30,  I  is  peculiar  and  enigmatic.  Neither  Agur  nor  Jakeh  is  named  else- 
where :  t^C'^n,  "the  oracle,"  is  introduced  abruptly,  and  the  term  is 
elsewhere  applied  to  prophetic  utterances  only  (Is.  13,  i  &c.):  Ithiel 
and  Ucal,  also,  as  proper  names,  are  very  strange.  In  ^^t^'?0^  there  is 
probably  an  error.  We  may  read  (with  Hitz.,  Muhlau,^  Del.,  Nowack,  RV. 
marg.)  '^'^^y^  of  Massa,  or  ''Xt;'?^!!  i^i^  Afassaiir,  in  which  case  Agur  would 

T     -     •  •     T      -     " 

be  described  as  belonging  to  the  Ishmaelite  tribe  of  Massa  (Gen.  25,  14), 
whose  home  was  probably  in  the  north  of  the  Arabian  Peninsula,  south-east 
of  Palestine;  or  (with  Gratz,  Cheyne)  pK'iSn  (Ez.    16,  44  al.)  the  proz'erb- 

writer :  31,  i  (see  below)  somewhat  supports  the  former  view.  V,  i^  is 
probably  to  be  read  ^3x1  i?X  ^TV^  ^N  Tl'^S^  (see  RV.  marg.),  and  treated 

.....  T  ••  •         •    T  "  •         •    T 

as  a  confession,  introductory  to  z'v.  2-4,  of  the  writer's  failure  in  his  effort  to 
reach  the  knowledge  of  the  Most  High.  If  the  reading  "of  Massa"  be 
correct,  c.  30  will  contain  specimens  of  foreign  "wisdom"  (which  may 
account  for  its  somewhat  peculiar  character  and   vocabulary^),  though  the 

1  Introduced,  v.  i^  with  some  solemnity,  as  an  oracular  declaration,  by 
"13jn   DXJ  (cf.  Nu.  24,  3.  15.  2  Sa.  23,  l,  and  the  common  nin''   UH^). 

^  De  Proverbiortim  (pics  dicuiittir  A^uri  et  Lemuelis  origuie  atqtie  indole 
(1869). 

'30,  15  npl^y  ;  pn  IIDS  S^  ;  17  ^^\>''  (also  Gen.  49,  10,  but  with  Arabic 
affinities) ;  27  |*vn  :  32  DlpbS  (^s  it  seems,  a  strong  Arabism  ;  Cheyne,  p. 
175). 


THE   PROVERBS.  379 

Israel itish  author  who  adopted  them  must  have  accommodated  them  to  the 
spirit  of  his  own  religion  (see  esp.  vv.  5-9).  As  regards  the  probable  date  of 
c.  30,  Prof.  Cheyne  (p.  152)  observes  justly  that  the  authors  of  both  vv.  i°-\ 
and  vv.  5-9  must  have  lived  in  an  age  of  advanced  religious  reflexion  and 
Scripture-study  :  the  one  is  rather  a  philosopher  (cf.  Job  and  Eccl.),  the  other 
a  Biblical  theologian  ;  but  both  would  be  at  home  only  in  the  exilic  or  post- 
exilic  period.  V.  5  is  based  upon  Ps.  18,  3o'''  ",  the  passage,  by  the  addi- 
tion of  "every,"  and  of  z'.  6  (from  Dt.  4,  I.  12,  32),  being  generalised  so  as 
to  designate  a  collected  body  of  revealed  truth. 

(7.)  31,  1-9.  "The  words  of  Lemuel,  a  king;  the  oracle 
which  his  mother  taught  him."  A  series  of  very  homely  maxims, 
addressed  to  king  Lemuel  by  the  queen-mother,  warning  him 
against  sensuality  and  immoderate  indulgence  in  wine,  and 
exhorting  him  to  relieve  the  necessities  and  defend  the  cause  of 
the  poor. 

31,  I.  Another  enigmatic  title.  The  combination  ']^?D  T'SIDP,  **  Lemuel,  a 
king,"  is  singular  :  we  should  expect  naturally  either  "  King  Lemuel "  ("JPOn 
^NID^,  or,  in  late  Hebrew,  "j^DH  bsi^!').  or  the  addition  of  the  country,  or 
people,  of  which  he  was  king.  ^>t^*C,  7i prophetic  utterance,  seems  also  to  be 
as  unsuitable  here  as  in  30,  I.  Both  these  anomalies  are,  however,  removed 
together,  if  we  simply  connect  ^?t^*Q  "p'O,  and  construe  as  in  RV.  tnarg., 
"The  words  of  Lemuel,  king  of  Massa,  which,"  &c.  (so  Hitz.,  Miihlau,  Del., 
Nowack).  Here  also,  as  in  c.  30,  some  unusual  expressions  occur  {v.  2  the 
strong  Aramaism  13,  son  (thrice) ;  3  the  Aram.  plur.  pDPD  ;  TTintD ",  8  Cll^n)- 

(8.)  31,  10-31.  The  description  of  a  virtuous  woman,  without 
any  title,  the  verses  of  which  are  arranged  alphabetically. 

The  literary  style  of  the  Proverbs  has  some  peculiarities  of  its 

own.     Not  only,  especially  in  the  principal  collection  (No.  2), 

are  the  individual  Proverbs  terse  in   statement  and  regular  in 

form,  but  the  vocabulary  of  the  Book  includes  many  words  and 

expressions  which  are  met  with  seldom  or  never  in  other  parts 

of  the  OT.,  though  here  they  recur  with  considerable  frequency. 

Some  of  these  are  confined  to  one  division  of  the  Book,  others 

are  found  in  more  than  one. 

Thus  confined  chiefly  to  No.  2  are — 

D"'''n  "lIpQ  a  fountain  of  life  (above,  p.  373). 

nnnO  (destruction:  10,  14.  15.  29.  13,  3.  14,  28.  18,  7.  21,  15  (rare  besides). 

t^''!l?D  |3  ^  •^^'^  that  causeth  sharne:  10,  5.  17,  2.  19,  26. 

tho  P^rverseness :  ii,  3.  15,  4t ;  P)*^D  ^0  overthro7v:  13,  6.  19,  3.  21,  12.  22, 

12  (only  besides  Ex.  23,  8  =  Dt.  16,  19.  Job  12,  19). 
T«^  1"  hand  to  hand  {di  very  peculiar  idiom):   ii,  21.  16,  5t. 


380  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

"l1DnD!5  IX  (tendeth)  only  ^0  7aanL'  ii,  24.  14,  23.  21,  5.  22,  16. 
l^>^  SQ  '^'\T;;^  from  the  fruit  of  a  man's  mouth  :  12,  14.  13,  2.  18,  20. 
V^^nn  /^  ^/z^f  //z^  teeth,  i.e.  /c  r^zV  or  quarrel:  17,  14.  18,  I.  20,  3  f. 
Jehovah' s  abomination :  1 1,  I  &c.  (see  above,  p.  373,  and  add  3,  32). 
..  .  K'^  ///^ri?  tj  that  .   .   .,  as  a  formula  introducing  a  proverb  :  II,  24.  I2j 

18,  13,  7.  23.  14,  12.  16,  25.  18,  24.  20,  15.     (The  use  of  ^"^  in  3,  28. 

19,  18.  23,  18.  24,  14:  8,  21  is  evidently  different.) 

Dvnnn  ivise  guidance  (lit.  steers  mans  hip,  a  met.  from  sca-faring  life)  :  II, 

14.  12,  5.  20,  18''  :  also  I,  5.  24,  6*  (varied  from  20,  18").  fob  37,  I2t. 

C^n  XV  ^  ^^'''^  of  ^^f^'  see  p.   y]Z  ;  niso  3,  18.     Cf.  D'^^Pin  fV  Gen.  2—3. 

npj''   ^^7uill  not  go  icnpunished  {Y)tx\\:x-^?-,  as  Ew.  suggests,  an  echo  of  Ex. 

20,  7)  :   II,  21.  16,  5.  17.  5.   19,  5.  9.  28,  20  :  also  6,  29  t. 

^tr\'0  healing  {\n  di^erent.  applications):   12,  18.  13,  17.  14,  30.  15,  4.  16, 

24.  29,  i"  :  also  4,  22.  6,  IS*'  (=  29,  i^). 
D'3T3  rT'C  breathes  forth  lies :  14,  5^  25.  19,  5.  9  :  also  6,  19^  (=  14,  5") ; 

cf.  12,  17  njICS   HD"'  breathes  forth  faithfulness,  and  Ps.  27,  12. 
]'m'0  a  P^ffsuer  of  .   .   .,  with  different  objects  :    II,  ignj?"!;   12,  Hand  28, 

19  D'P'"> ;  15.  9  ^p^^f. 

■•"^10  ilVn   p*2n  to  draia  out  favour  from  Jehovah  :   12,  2.    18,  22''  (=8, 

35'') :  the  verb  also  (which  is  uncommon)  3,  13. 
PID  mj''  stirreth  up  strife:  15,  18.  28,  25.  29,  22. 
n-12   whisperer,  talebearer:   16,  28.  18,  8  =  26,  22,  26,  20. 

T  :  • 

^DID  correction,  instruction,  is  also  much  more  frequent  in  Pr.  than  else- 
where (30  times).  The  idea  of  life  being  a  discipline  is  fundamental 
in  the  book.  "God  educates  men,  and  men  educate  each  other" 
(Holtzmann  in  the  continuation  of  Stade's  Gesch.  ii.  297). 

There  are  also  some  other  terms  chiefly  used  in,  and  perhaps,  when  they 
occur  elsewhere,  borrowed  from,  the   Wisdom -literature  :   as  n*ki^W>   X\\hi 

T  • 

D''1DX)   TwlVCi  niDSnn  ;  arid  my  Sony  used  by  the  teacher  in  addressing  his 

pupil.  Other  words  occurring  in  the  book  with  great  frequency  are  due  to 
the  types  of  character,  or  qualities,  described,  as  7"'1X  the  zveak  fool  {\1  times 
in  No.  2,  in  other  parts  4  times),  Tv>y^  folly  (16  times  in  No.  2,  in  other  parts 
6  times),  7''DD  the  obstinate  fool  {-^o  and  19  times),  yp  the  scorner  (i,  22.  3, 
34.  9.  7.  8.  13,  I.  14,  6.  15,  12.  19,  25.  29.  20,  I.  21,  II.  24.  22,  10.  24,  9  : 
only  besides  Is.  29,  20.  Ps.  I,  i),  TlQ  the  simple  (i,  4.  22.  32,  7,  7.  8,  5.  9, 
4.  6.  16.  14,  15.  18  19,  25.  21,  II.  22,  3,  27,  12  :  elsewhere  only  Ez,  45,  20. 
Ps.  19,  8,  116,  6.  119,  130),  the  void  of  heart  (i.e.  of  understanding),  6,  32. 
7,  7.  9,  4.  16.  10,  13.  (21.)  II,  12.  12,  II. I  5,  21.  17,  18.  24,  30  (not  else- 
where), the  sluggard  {\^  times  :  not  elsewhere),  the  poor  (CI,  K*X"),  not  the 
usual  word  :   15  times),  and  poverty  (C'NI,   C'H),  7  times  (not  elsewhere). 

It  is  evident  that  there  was  a  tendency  to  cast  ])roverbs  into 
particular  types,  and  that  when  a  given  predicate  had  once  been 
fornaulated,  fresh  proverbs  readily  arose  by  new  subjects  being 


THE   PROVERBS.  38 1 

attached  to  it.  Another  way  by  which  new  proverbs  were  pro- 
duced was  by  clauses  being  differently  fitted  together :  this  is 
illustrated  by  the  occurrence  of  proverbs  partially  varied,  of 
which  the  chief  examples  have  been  quoted  in  the  account  given 
above  of  the  different  collections  in  the  Book.^ 

^£6  and  authorship  of  the  Book. — From  the  very  different 
character  of  the  various  collections  of  which  the  Book  is  com- 
posed, it  is  apparent  that  the  Book  must  have  been  formed 
gradually.  According  to  the  common  opinion,  the  oldest  collec- 
tion is  10,  I — 22,  16.2  At  what  date  this  collection  was  formed, 
cannot  be  determined  with  precision ;  but  from  the  general 
picture  of  society  which  the  proverbs  seem  to  reflect,  and 
especially  from  the  manner  in  which  the  king  is  uniformly 
alluded  to,  it  is  generally  referred  to  the  golden  days  of  the 
monarchy  :  Delitzsch  thinks  of  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat ;  Ewald 
assigns  it  to  the  beginning  of  the  8th  century.  Of  the  other  parts 
of  the  book,  the  first  to  be  added  were  probably  the  introduc- 
tion, I,  1-6,  with  the  discourse  that  follows,  i,  7 — c.  9,  and  22, 
17 — 24,  22.     The  aim  of  the  writer  of  c.  i — 9  (as  we  have  seen) 

1  Comp.  12,  II  and  28,  19  ;  11,  14.  20,  18  and  24,  6  ;   10,  15  and  18,  11. 

2  It  is,  not,  however,  certain  that  this  opinion  is  correct.  Prof.  Davidson 
(in  the  EncycL  Brit.)  adduces  strong  reasons  tending  to  show  that  the  oldest 
proverbs  are  those  preserved  in  c.  25 — 29,  especially  c.  25 — 27.  He  remarks 
that  the  highly  finished,  regular  form  of  the  proverbs  in  c.  10  ff.  is  not  such 
as  to  suggest  a  great  antiquity,  but  rather  an  advanced  stage  of  literary  cul- 
ture, and  long  use  of  the  arts  of  the  proverbialist :  the  proverbs  in  c.  25 — 27, 
on  the  other  hand,  while  less  regular  in  form,  are  more  nearly  what  we  should 
imagine  the  early  popular  proverb  to  be,  as  they  are  also  in  many  instances 
more  epigrammatic  and  forcible  than  those  in  c.  10  ff.,  and  include  most  of 
those  which  have  obtained  currency  among  ourselves  (25,  20.  22.  25.  26.  28. 
26,  2.  3.  II.  23.  27,  17.  19.  22).  The  title  "These  also''  &c.  (25,  i)  shows 
that  when  c.  25—29  v  as  introdiiced  into  the  book,  it  was  preceded  by 
another  Solomonic  collection,  but  not  that  such  a  collection  existed  when 
c.  25 — 29  was  first  compiled  by  the  "men  of  Hezekiah."  Individual  pro- 
verbs in  10,  I — 22,  16  may  be  old,  though  the  collection  itself  may  be  late 
(though  not  later  than  c.  6co  B.C.).  Other  recent  scholars  have  gone  further, 
and  arguing  (chiefly)  from  the  theology  of  c.  10 — 22,  16,  which  seems  to 
presuppose,  and  to  have  assimilated,  the  higher  teaching  of  the  prophets,  and 
from  the  absence  of  all  warnings  against  idolatry — so  prominent  in  the  pre- 
exilic  literature — have  supposed  this  collection  to  date  (in  the  main)  from  the 
post-exilic  period.  The  arguments  both  for  and  against  this  view  are  stated 
with  moderation  in  an  interesting  and  suggestive  paper  by  C.  G.  Montefiore, 
"Notes  upon  the  Date  and  Religious  Value  of  the  Proverbs,"  in  theyeia/sA 
Quart.  Rev.  July  1890,  p.  430  ff. 


382  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

was  to  provide  c.  10 — 22,  16  with  a  hortatory  introduction:  he 
was  thus  in  any  case  the  "editor"  of  this  collection,  and  (if 
Prof.  Davidson's  view  be  correct)  may  have  been  its  compiler  as 
well.  As  regards  the  date  of  c.  i — 9,  Ewald,  Davidson,  Nowack, 
Cheyne  (p.  168)  agree  in  placing  it  shortly  before  the  exile. 
22,  17 — 24,  22  is  not  probably  by  the  same  author  as  c.  i — 9: 
for  though  a  hortatory  strain  prevails  in  both,  the  style  and 
manner  are  in  many  respects  different:  22,  17-21,  for  instance, 
does  not  produce  the  impression  of  being  by  the  same  hand  as 
T,  T-6.^  The  injunction  24,  21,  "My  son,  fear  thou  the  Lord* 
and  the  king^^''  authorises  the  inference  that  this  collection  also 
was  formed  before  the  exile.  24,  23-34,  the  appendix  to  22, 
17 — 24,  22  was  no  doubt  added  somewhat  later  :  for  the  compiler 
of  22,  1.7  ff.,  had  these  additional  "words  of  the  wise"  come  to 
his  hand,  w^ould  probably  have  included  them  in  his  collection  m 
preference  to  appending  them  to  it  with  a  new  title.  C.  25 — 29 
must  have  been  added  after  22,  17 — c.  24  had  been  attached  to 
c.  10 — 22,  16  :  otherwise,  it  is  natural  to  suppose,  the  supple- 
mentary "Proverbs  of  Solomon"  would  have  been  made  to 
follow  the  principal  collection  10,  i — 22,  16  immediately,  instead 
of  being  placed  after  the  "  words  of  the  wise,"  22,  17 — c.  24.  It 
is  thought  by  some,  on  account  of  the  similarity  of  the  headings 
24,  23  and  25,  I  (^^  These  also  are"  .  .  .),  that  both  appendices 
were  added  by  the  same  hand,  the  short  passage  24,  23-34 
being  arranged  in  juxtaposition  with  the  other  "w^ords  of  the 
wise,"  and  c.  25 — 29,  with  the  more  formal  title,  pointing  back 
10  10,  I,  being  placed  after  it.  By  the  addition,  at  a  still  later 
date,  of  c.  30,  31,  i — 9.  31,  10 — 21,  all  seemingly  of  post-exilic 
origin,  the  Book  of  Proverbs  finally  reached  its  present  form. 

What  share  in  the  Book,  now,  may  reasonably  be  assigned  to 
Solomon?  22,  17 — c.  24,  and  c.  30 — 31  are  not,  by  their  titles 
or  otherwise,  brought  into  any  connexion  with  Solomon :  the 
question  therefore  need  only  be  considered  with  reference  to 
c.  I — 9,  c.  10—22,  16,  and  c.  25 — 29.  i,  i  is  not  the  title  to 
the  Book,  but  consists  of  the  opening  words  of  a  sentence  {vv. 
1-6)  declaring  the  value  of  the   "Proverbs   of  Solomon,"  and 

^  Observe  the  contrast  between  the  3rd  pers.  in  i,  1-7  and  the  emphatic 
2nd  pers.  in  22,  17-21.  There  are  also  many  favourite  expressions  used  by 
the  author  of  c.  i — 9  {e.g.  miH  teaching  or  laiu)  which  do  not  occur  in  22, 
17  ff.     See  Ewald,  p.  53,       Ki»encn  (p.  105)  and  Nowack  (p.  xxxv.)  agree. 


THE   PROVERBS.  383 

evidently  (as  "proverbs,"  properly  so  called,  are  only  to  be 
found  here  and  there  in  i,  7 — c.  9)  pointing  forwards  to  the 
collection  which  begins  with  10,  i.  Ihe  introduction,  c.  1-9,  is 
not  therefore  stated  to  be  Solomon's ;  and,  in  fact,  both  its 
style  and  contents  point  to  a  date  considerably  later,  as  that  at 
which  it  was  composed.  But  even  10,  i — 22,  16  cannot,  at 
least  in  its  entirety,  be  Solomon's  work.  Not  only  is  the  same 
proverb,  or  part  of  a  proverb,  often  repeated,  and  the  same  pre- 
dicate applied  to  many  different  subjects  (above,  p.  373  ),  but 
there  are  also  many  other  cases  in  which  the  same  thought  recurs, 
expressed  in  different  words  :  it  is  not  probable,  however,  that  one 
and  the  same  author  would  have  adopted  methods  such  as  these 
for  the  formation  of  new  proverbs,  or  have  propounded  a  number 
of  independent  variations  of  the  same  theme.  It  is  far  more 
probable  that  in  such  cases  we  have  before  us  the  work  of 
different  wise  men  casting  fresh  generalisations  into  an  old 
mould,  or  recording  in  slightly  different  phraseology  the  same 
observations  of  life  and  manner  which  another  had  made  before 
them.  Secondly,  it  is  difficult  not  to  feel  that  many  of  the  pro- 
verbs are  unsuitable  to  Solomon's  character  and  position.  The 
proverbs  concerning  the  king  seem  rather  to  express  the  senti- 
ments of  the  people  than  the  reflexions  of  si  king  about  either 
himself  or  other  kings.  The  proverbs  which  speak  in  deprecia- 
tion of  wealth,  or  which  praise  monogamy,  do  not  fall  naturally 
from  Solomon's  lips  :  consider,  for  instance,  13,  i.  15,  16.  18,  22. 
19,  13.  14.  21,  31.  22,  14  in  the  light  of  Solomon's  character,  as 
depicted  in  i  Kings.  The  most  probable  view  is  that  10,  i  ff . 
consists  of  a  collection  of  proverbs  by  different  "  wise  men " 
living  under  the  monarchy,  including  a  nucleus,  though  we 
cannot  determine  its  limits  or  ascribe  particular  proverbs  to  it, 
actually  the  work  of  the  Wise  King^  (in  accordance  with  the 
tradition,  i  Ki.  4,  32).  The  proverbs  in  10,  i  ff.  exhibit  great 
uniformity  of  type ;  perhaps  this  type  was  set  by  Solomon,  and 
was  afterwards  adopted  naturally  by  others.  Mutatis  tfiutandis, 
the  same  remarks  will  apply  to  c.  25 — 29.  The  title  (25,  i),  the 
accuracy  of  which  there  is  no  reason  to  question,  is  an  indication 
that  the  proverbs  which  follow  were  reputed  in  Hezekiah's  age 
to  be  ancient :  it  cannot  be  taken  as  a  guarantee  that  all,  or 
even  a  majority,  were  the  work  of  Solomon  himself. 
^  So  Kiienen  (p.  94),  Ewald  (p.  14),  Nowack. 


CHAPTER   IX. 
THE  BOOK  OF  JOB. 

Literature.  —  II.  Ewald  in  the  Dichter  des  AB.s,  ed.  2,  1854  (trars-^ 
lated);  K.  Schlottmann,  Das  Biich  Hiob  verdeutscJit  u.  erliiiilert,  1851  ;  F. 
Delitzsch  (in  the  Bibl.  Co/nm.),  1864,  (ed.  2)  1876  [only  ih^Jirst  ed.  is  trans- 
lated] ;  A.  Dillmann  (in  the  Kg/.  Ildb.),  i86g  (ed.  2  in  preparation);  A. 
Merx,  Das  Gedicht  von  Hiob,  1871  (alters  the  text  not  always  wisely) ;  W.  H. 
Green,  The  Argument  of  the  Book  of  Job  utifolded  (New  York,  1873)  '■>  F. 
Hitzig,  Das  Btich  Hiob  iibetsetzt  ii.  atisgelegt,  1875  ;  C.  Budde,  Beilrdge  ziif 
Kritik  des  B,  Hiob,  1876  (I.  Die  neuere  Kritik  u.  die  Idee  des  B.  Hiob  ; 
II.  Der  Sprachliche  Charakter  der  Elihu-Reden)  ;  S.  Cox,  A  Co?n?n.  on  the 
Book  of  Job,  1880;  A.  B.  Davidson  (in  the  Camb.  Bible  for  Schools),  1884  (to 
be  strongly  recommended),  and  in  the  Encycl.  Brit.  s.v.  ;  T.  K.  Clieyne, 
Job  and  Solomon,  1887,  pp.  11-115;  G.  G.  Bradley  [Dean  of  Westminster], 
Lectures  on  the  Book  of  Job,  delivered  in  Westminster  Abbey,  ed.  2,  1888 
[explanatory  paraphrase] ;  comp.  also  J.  B.  Mozley  in  Essays  Historical  and 
Theolopfcal,  1S78,  ii.  p.  164  ff.  ;  J.  A.  Froudc  in  Short  Studies  on  Great  Sub- 
jects (series  I,  1867),  p.  266  ff.  ;  A.  M.  Fairbairn,  "  The  Problem  of  Job"  in 
71ie  City  of  God,  1886,  p.  143  ff.  See  further,  Delitzsch,  p.  35  ff.  ;  Cheyne, 
pp.  112-115.  On  the  LXX  text  of  Job,  G.  Bickell,  De  Indole  Vers.  Alex, 
fobi,  1863  ;  and  in  the  Z.  fur  Kath.  theol.  1886,  p.  557  ff.  ;  E.  Hatch,  "  On 
Origen's  Revision  of  the  LXX  text  of  Job,"  in  Essays  in  Biblical  Greek, 
1889. 

The  Book  of  Job  recounts  how  the  patriarch  whose  name  it 
bears,  a  man  of  exemplary  piety,  was  overtaken  by  an  unprece- 
dented series  of  calamities,  and  reports  the  debate  between  Job 
and  other  speakers,  to  which  the  occasion  is  supposed  to  have 
given  rise. 

The  Book  consists  of  five  parts  : — 

1.  The  Prologue  (c.  I — 2),  written  in  prose. 

2.  The  Colloquies  between  Job  and  his  three  friends,  Eliphaz,  Bildad,  and 

Zophar,  written  in  poetry  (c.  3 — 31). 

3.  The  discourses  of  Elihu  (c.  32 — 37),  likewise  poetical,  except  the  intro- 

ductory verses,  32,  1-6. 

4.  Jehovah's  reply  to  Job  (38,  I — 42,  6),  also  poetical. 

5.  The  Epilogue,  recounting  Job's  subsequent  fortunes,  in  prose  (42,  7-17). 

384 


JOB.  38s 

The  Book  of  Job  is  a  product  of  the  Wisdom  -  IJteralure/^ 
(p.  368  f.) ;  it  deals  with  a  problem  of  human  Hfe  ;  in  modern 
phraseology  it  is  a  work  of  religious  philosophy.  The  problem 
with  which  it  deals  is  this  :  Why  do  the  righteous  suffer  1  and  its 
principal  aim  is  to  controvert  the  theory,  dominant  at  the  time 
when  it  was  written,  that  suffering  is  a  sign  of  the  Divine  dis- 
pleasu7'e,  and  presupposes  sin  on  the  part  of  the  sufferer.  The 
doctrine  that  righteousness  brings  prosperity,  while  wickedness 
is  the  forerunner  of  misfortune,  is  often  taught  in  the  OT.  :  widi 
regard  to  the  nation,  for  instance,  it  is  inculcated  in  the  exhorta- 
tions Ex.  23,  20  ff.  Dt.  28.  Lev.  26  ;  applied  to  individuals,  it  is 
the  principle  repeatedly  insisted  on  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs.^  Of 
course,  in  a  large  measure,  this  doctrine  is  true.  Society  being 
organised  as  \t  is,  the  habits  which  go  to  constitute  righteousness 
are  such  as  to  win  a  man  respect  from  his  fellow-nien,  and  to 
command  success  ;  on  the  other  hand,  wickedness  paralyses  the 
moral  energies,  blinds  an  individual  and  a  nation  alike  to  the 
real  conditions  upon  which  prosperity  depends,  and  often  over- 
reaches itself.  The  doctrine  was  deeply  impressed  on  the 
ancient  Hebrew  mind  ;  and  all  exceptions  were  a  source  of  great 
perplexity  to  it.  The  perplexity  was  the  greater,  because  the 
Hebrews  had  an  imperfect  conception  of  general  laws^  whether 
in  nature  or  in  society :  they  were  keenly  sensible  of  God's  omni- 
presence, and  pictured  Him  as  interposing  actively  in  the  course 
of  the  world  :  hence  virtue  overtaken  by  calamity,  or  vice  flourish- 
ing unrebuked,  seemed  to  them  to  cast  a  direct  slur  upon  the 
justice  of  God's  government  of  the  world.  But  the  laws  govern- 
ing nature  and  the  constitution  of  society  being  general  ones,  it 
may  happen  that  in  individual  cases  their  operation  does  not 
redound  to  the  advantage  of  virtue  or  the  punishment  of  sin : 
the  forces  of  nature  may  combine  to  overwhelm  the  innocent ; 
men,  in  virtue  of  the  society  in  which  they  live,  being  variously 
bound  together,  the  innocent  may  suffer  through  the  ill-deeds  of 
the  guilty  ;  or  wickedness  may  elude  detection,  and  triumph 
unchecked.  The  problem  is  touched  on  in  Jer.  12,  if,  31,  29  f. 
Ez.  18  (see  p.  266).  Hab.  r,  13  f.  Ps.  37.  49.  73.  One  solu- 
tion which  the  Hebrew  thinker  found  was  that  the  prosperity  of 
the  wicked  was  shortlived,  that  it  met  with  a  sudden  and  igno- 
minious fall  (Ps.  37,  20  f.  36.  73,  18-20)  ;  while  the  righteous  in 

^  Comp.  Jer.  7,  5-7.  17,  5-8.  19-27.  Is.  58,  7  ff.  13  f.  Ps.  i  &c. 

2  B 


y 


386  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  end  inherited  the  land  (Ps.  37),  or  was  conscious  that  he 
owned  a  higher  and  inahenable  spiritual  possession  (Ps,  49.  73). 
In  the  case  of  the  sufferings  of  the  righteous,  there  was  a  tend- 
ency to  invert  the  argument,  and  to  conclude  that  because  sin 
was  followed  by  suffering,  therefore  suffering  was  necessarily  a 
consequence  of  antecedent  sin.  That  this  conclusion  is  illogical,' 
is,  of  course,  obvious.  Nevertheless,  it  was  a  conclusion  that  was 
widely  drawn;  it  prevailed  even  to  the  days  of  Christ  (Luke  13, 
1-5  ;  John  9,  2).  And  it  was  the  conclusion  which  Job's  friends 
drew.  Job's  sufferings,  they  argue,  convict  him  implicitly  0/ 
some  grave  antecedent  sin,  which  they  urge  him  to  acknowledge 
and  repent  of.  This  conclusion  Job  controverts.  He  steadily 
refuses  to  admit  that  he  is  guilty  of  any  sin  adequate  to  account 
for  his  extraordinary  sufferings.^  xA.nd  when  his  friends  appeal 
to  the  evidences  of  God's  retributive  justice  visible  in  the  world, 
he  retorts  by  pointing  to  the  numerous  instances  which  experience 
affords  of  the  wicked  prospering  even  to  the  day  of  their  death. 

The  main  aim  of  the  Book  is  thus  a  negative  one,  to  contro- 
vert the  dominant  theory  that  all  suffering  p7'oceeds  from  sin: 
God's  retributive  justice  is  not  the  only  principle  by  which  men 
are  governed.  Positively  the  book  teaches — (i)  viewing  the 
dialogue  in  connexion  with  the  prologue,  that  sufferings  may 
befall  the  righteous,  not  as  a  chastisement  for  their  sins,  but  as  a 
trial  of  their  righteousness,  and  that  as  such  they  have  a  tendency 
to  refine  and  elevate  character.  (2)  It  teaches  the  danger  of 
conceiving  too  narrowly  of  God  and  His  providence :  by  con- 
ceiving of  Him  solely  as  a  dispenser  of  rewards  and  punishments, 
the  friends  charge  Job  unjustly  with  grave  sin  ;  and  Job,  con- 
scious of  his  innocence,  imputes  injustice  to  God,  and  is  tempted 
to  cast  off  his  fear  of  Him  altogether.  (3)  Inasmuch  as  Job,  in 
spite  of  his  combined  physical  and  mental  suffering,  does  not 
succumb  to  this  temptation,  it  teaches,  in  opposition  to  the 
insinuation  of  the  Satan  (i,  9),  that  man  is  capable  of  real  and 
disinterested  goodness,  and  can  love  God  for  His  own  sake.  (4) 
It  teaches  (c.  38 — 42)  that  the  true  solution  of  7?ioral  per- 
plexities is  to  be  found  in  a  fuller  and  larger  sense  of  God,  in  a 
conception  of  Him  as  the  author  of  a  vast  and  infinitely  complex 
system  of  nature,  in  which  it  is  unreasonable  for  the  individual 

^  Job  docs  not  claim  actual  sinlessness:  he  only  contends  that  he  is  punished 
out  of  all  projiorlion  to  the  magnitude  of  his  sin  (7,  21.  13,  26.  14,  16  f. ). 


JOB.  387 

to  conceive  of  himself  as  isolated  from  the  care  of  Providence, 
or  to  infer  that  his  sufferings  have  no  place  in  God's  purpose'. 
(5)  It  has  also,  probably,  a  practical  aim,  that  of  helping  the 
author's  contemporaries,  who  appear  to  have  been  in  circum- 
stances of  national  depression,  to  understand  tlie  situation  in 
which  they  were  placed,  and  of  encouraging  them  to  hope  for 
a  favourable  issue  (Davidson,  p.  xxvi).  In  other  words.  Job  is  a 
type  of  the  suffering  godly  Israelite. 

In  structure,  the  Book  of  Job  is  of  the  nature  of  a  drama,  and 
may  be  termed  a  dramatic  poem.  Its  principal  parts  are  con- 
structed in  the  form  of  a  dialogue ;  and  the  action  which  it 
represents  passes  through  the  successive  stages  of  entanglement, 
development,  and  solution.  The  action  is,  however,  largely 
internal  and  mental,  the  successive  scenes  exhibiting  "  the  vary- 
ing moods  of  a  great  soul  struggling  with  the  mysteries  of  fate, 
rather  than  trying  external  situations." 

The  Book  cannot  be  supposed  to  recite  a  literal  history.  This  appears 
partly  from  the  symbolical  numbers,  three,  five,  and  seven,  used  to  describe 
Job's  flocks  and  children,  and  from  the  fact  that  after  his  restoration  the 
latter  are  exactly  the  same  in  number  as  before,  while  the  former  are  exactly 
doubled  ;  partly  from  the  ideal  and  dramatic  character  of  his  misfortunes, 
nature  and  man  alternating  in  their  endeavour  to  ruin  him,  and  one  only 
escaping  each  time  to  bring  the  tidings  ;  but  especially  from  the  character  of 
the  dialogue,  which  contains  far  too  much  thought  and  argument  to  have 
been  extemporised  on  the  occasion,  and  is  manifestly  the  studied  product  of 
the  author's  leisurely  reflexion. 

It  is  not,   however,  probable  that  the  Book  is  throughout  a    \/ 
work  of  the  imagination:  for  in  Ezek.  14,  14,  Job  is  alluded  to  / 
in  terms  which  seem  to  imply  that  he  was  a  real  person,  whose 
piety  was  well  known   to   Ezek.'s  contemporaries   by  tradition. 
And  as  the  author  of  the  Book  comes  forward  clearly  as  a 
teacher,  the  ends  which  he  had  in  view  would  be  better  secured 
if  he  set  vividly  before  his  people  a  history  of  which  the  outlines 
were  popularly  known,  than  if  he  took  as  his  hero  one  with 
whose  name  they  were  unfamiliar.     To  determine  precisely  what  v 
elements   in    the    Book  belong   to    tradition,   is,   of  course,   no  /  ' 
longer  possible.     But  probably  tradition  told  at  least  as  much 
as   that  Job,   a   man    of  exceptional   piety,   was   overtaken   by 
unparalleled    misfortunes,    that    he    broke   out   into   complaints 
against  God's  providence,  and  refused  to  be  satisfied  or  calmed 
by  the  arguments  of  his  friends,  but  that  he  never  absolutely 


388  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

discarded  his  faith  in  God,  and  was  finally  restored  to  his  former 
prosperity.  This  history  is  made  by  the  author  of  the  Book  the 
vehicle  for  expounding  his  new  thoughts  on  the  religious  and 
ethical  significance  of  suffering. 

I.  The  Prologue  (c.  i — 2)  acquaints  us  with  the  person  of  Job, 
and  the  occasion  of  the  calamities  which  befell  him.  Job  was  a 
man  of  exemplary  goodness,  a  non-Israelite,  whose  home  was  in 
the  land  of  Uz  :  ^  Heaven's  testimony  to  his  piety  might  seem  to 
be  seen  in  the  prosperity  which  attended  him,  and  his  great  pos- 
sessions. In  the  celestial  Council,  however  (cf.  i  Ki.  22,  19)^ 
the  disinterestedness  of  his  virtue  is  called  in  question  by  "the 
Satan,"  or  Adversary,"  the  angel  whose  office  it  is  to  test  the 
sincerity  of  men,  and  oppose  them  in  their  pretensions  to  a  right 
standing  before  God  :  it  is  insinuated  that  it  is  dependent  upon 
the  blessings  lavished  upon  him  by  God  ;  if  these  were  withdrawn, 
he  would  disown  God  to  His  face.  The  Satan  receives  permis- 
sion to  test  Job's  piety  as  severely  as  may  be,  without  touching 
his  person ;  and  one  after  another  his  flocks,  his  servants,  and 
his  children  are  destroyed.  But  Job's  piety  stands  the  trial ;  he  is 
deeply  moved,  but  receives  his  misfortunes  with  submission  (c.  i). 

A  second  time  the  celestial  Council  is  held,  and  again  the 
Satan  is  present :  dissatisfied  with  the  test  which  has  been  applied 
to  Job,  he  receives  permission  to  try  the  patriarch  again.  Forth- 
with Job  is  smitten  with  sore  boils,  the  severe  and  loathsome 
form  of  leprosy  called  Elephantiasis.  In  spite  of  the  miserable 
condition  to  which  he  is  reduced,  his  piety  still  stands  fast :  he 
even  repels,  with  some  emphasis,  the  seductive  counsel  of  his 
wife  to  ''renounce  God  and  die"  (2,  i-io).  After  an  interval, 
as  it  seems  (7,  3;  cf.  19,  13  ff,),  of  some  months,  his  three 
friends,  having  heard  of  his  troubles,  come  to  condole  with  him. 
Appalled  at  the  spectacle  of  his  misery,  they  sit  with  him  mourn- 
iog  upon  the  ground,  for  seven  days,  without  uttering  a  word  (2, 
11-13).  Moved  by  their  deep  unspoken  sympathy,  his  feelings 
gather  strength,  and  at  length  break  forth  in  a  passionate  cry  for 
death  (c.  3). 

^  Probably  near  Edom,  on  the  E.  or  N.E.  :  see  Gen.  36,  28.  Lam.  4,  21. 
Teman,  the  home  of  Eiiphaz,  was  a  district  of  Edom  (Ob.  8  ;  cf.  Gen.  36,  15). 

^  See  Zech.  3,  i  ff.  and  (without  the  article)  I  Ch.  21,  I.  The  idea  con- 
veyed by  the  word  may  be  learnt  from  i  Sa.  29,  4.  2  Sa.  19,  22  [H.  23]. 
1  Ki.  II,  14.  23.  25,     See  more  fully  Prof.  Davidson's  note. 


JOB.  389 

2-  (c.  3—31)-  Jo^'s  cry  passes  through  three  phases.  In  the 
first,  3,  3-10,  he  curses  bitterly  the  day  of  his  birth,  wishing  him- 
self unborn;  in  the  second,  3,  11-19,  he  asks  why,  if  he  must 
needs  be  born,  did  he  not  pass  at  once  to  the  grave  ?  in  the  third, 
3,  20-26,  he  expresses  his  mournful  surprise  that  life  should  be 
prolonged  to  those  who,  in  their  misery,  long  only  for  death. 

This  outburst  of  feehng  on  Job's  part  gives  occasion  to  his 
friends  to  speak,  and  so  opens  the  debate.  Job's  language  and 
demeanour  shock  them  :  he  betrays  impatience,  and  a  sense  of 
resentment  at  God's  providence,  which  they  cannot  but  reprobate. 
Eliphaz  speaks  first,  the  oldest  (cf.  15,  10),  and  also  the  most 
courteous  and  conciliatory  of  Job's  friends. 

First  cycle  of  speeches  (c.  4 — 14). 

Eliphaz  (c.  4 — 5).  Eliphaz  commences  apologetically  :  he  is 
surprised  that  one  who  had  so  often  consoled  others  should,  in 
his  own  trouble,  thus  yield  to  despair,  forgetting  that  the 
righteous  never  perishes  under  affliction,  4,  i-ii.  No  man  is 
so  perfect  in  God's  eyes  as  to  be  able  to  claim  exemption  from 
suffering ;  it  is  only  the  ungodly  who  resent  the  dispensations  of 
Providence,  4,  12 — 5,  7.  Let  Job  remember  that  goodness  is 
God's  uniform  principle  of  action;  let  him  submissively  regard 
his  affliction  as  a  chastening,  and  he  may  yet  look  forward  to 
abundant  blessings  in  the  future,  5,  8-27.  The  argument  of 
Eliphaz  is  constructed  with  great  delicacy  and  tact,  and  his 
speech  "  is  one  of  the  masterpieces  of  the  book  "  (Davidson). 

Job  (c.  6 — 7).  Eliphaz's  words,  however  well  meant,  do  not 
meet  Job's  case.  Job  feels  that  his  sufferings  are  of  too  excep- 
tional a  character  to  be  deduced  from  the  general  imperfection  of 
human  nature  ;  and  of  any  special  guilt,  calculated  to  draw  down 
upon  him  the  Divine  displeasure,  he  is  unconscious.  In  his 
reply  he  first  defends  himself  against  his  friend's  remonstrances  : 
little  does  Eliphaz  realize  (5,  2)  the  force  of  his  "vexation" 
(6,  2),  if  he  imagines  him  to  be  complaining  without  cause ;  his 
pains  are  intolerable,  6,  2-13.  Next,  6,  14-30,  he  expresses  his 
disappointment  at  the  line  adopted  tow^ards  him  by  his  friends, 
and  demands  (6,  24)  to  be  told  what  his  sin  is  :  thirdly,  c.  7,  he 
breaks  out  into  a  renewed  cry  of  desperation  at  the  thought  of 
his  sorrowful  destiny ;  human  hfe,  his  own  especially,  is  short 
and  evil;  why  does  God  "set  a  watch  over  him,"  as  though  he 
were  a  dangerous   monster   that    needed    to   be   subdued  with 


390  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

tortures  ?  why  (7,  17  f.) — with  a  bitter  parody  on  the  words  of  a 
well-known  Psalm  (Ps.  8,  5) — does  God  occupy  Himself  with  a 
being  so  insignificant  as  man,  and  make  him  the  object  of  His 
unfriendly  regard  ? 

Bildad  (c.  8).  Job,  in  6,  29,  had  implied  that  he  had  right  on^ 
his  side  as  against  God,  and  (c.  7)  had  further  charged  God 
with  holding  man  generally  enthralled  in  a  cruel  bondage.  Bildad 
attacks  these  points,  arguing  in  particular  the  discrimifiatioTi  of 
the  Divine  justice,  and  supporting  his  teaching  by  an  appeal  to 
the  immemorial  experience  of  the  race.  God  cannot,  as  Jo5 
strangely  imagines,  be  unjust;  if  Job's  children  have  perislied,  it 
is  because  they  have  sinned ;  if  Job  himself  is  pure,  let  him  turn 
to  God,  and  seek  mercy  from  Him,  8,  2-7.  The  experience  of 
generations  teaches  that  a  sure  retribution  awaits  the  wicked,  8, 
8-19;  if  thou  art  righteous,  know  that  God  will  yet  again  cause 
thee  to  behold  prosperity,  8,  20-22. 

Job  (c.  9 — 10).  Ironically,  in  reply.  Job  concedes  the  i)remises 
of  his  friends  :  of  course,  no  man  can  be  just  before  God  (4,  17)  ; 
for  God,  as  all  nature  witnesses,  is  mighty — so  mighty,  indeed, 
that  He  is  irresponsible,  and  no  one,  however  innocent,  could 
plead  successfully  before  Him,  9,  1-2 1.  So  far  from  His  justice 
being  discriminating.  He  destroys  the  innocent  and  the  guilty 
alike  (9,  22,  in  direct  contradiction  to  8,  20)  ;  universal  ///justice 
prevails  upon  the  earth,  and  God  is  its  author!  9,  23  f.  In  a 
calmer  strain.  Job  next  laments  the  pitiful  brevity  of  his  life, 
and  the  hopelessness  of  every  attempt,  so  long  as  his  afflictions 
continue,  to  clear  himself  before  God,  9,  25-35.  I^  ^-  1°  ^^ 
exerts  himself  to  discover  what  secret  purpose  God  may  have  had 
in  afflicting  him  :  he  offers  different  suggestions,  each,  of  course, 
only  to  be  rejected,  10,  1-7.  What  a  contrast  is  God's  treat- 
ment of  him  now  with  the  providential  skill  and  care  lavished 
upon  him  in  the  past!  10,  8-12.  And  the  desperate  thought 
rises  to  his  lips  that  this  had  been  God's  design  with  him  from 
the  first,  and  that  He  had  bestowed  upon  him  the  apparent 
tokens  of  His  favour  only  that  in  the  end  He  might  vex  him 
with  cruel  torments,  10,  13-17.  If  this  was  God's  purpose  with 
him,  why  did  He  give  him  life  at  all?  at  least,  will  He  not  have 
mercy  on  him  now,  and  grant  him  a  brief  respite  from  his. pain, 
before  he  passes  for  ever  into  the  impenetrable  blackness  of 
Sheol?  10,  18-22. 


JOB.  391 

Job,  as  well  as  his  friends,  believes  sufiferings  to  be  a  mark  of  God's  dis- 
pleasure for  some  grave  sin.  Job,  however,  is  conscious  that  he  has  not  so 
sinned  ;  hence  the  terrible  dilemma  in  which  he  finds  himself,  and  which 
forces  him  to  the  conclusion  that  God,  though  He  knows  him  to  be  innocent 
(10,  7),  is  determined  to  treat  him  as  guilty,  and  that  it  is  hopeless  for  him 
to  attempt  to  clear  himself.  Hence  the  charge  of  injustice  which  he  brings 
against  God,  and  which,  goaded  on  by  what,  in  his  present  frame  of  mind,  he 
feels  to  be  the  falsity  of  Bildad's  position,  8,  20,  he  formulates,  9,  20-22,  so 
as  to  make  it  embrace,  not  himself  alone,  but  mankind  generally.  This  is 
how  it  comes  that  in  c.  9 — 10  he  appears  overwhelmed  by  the  thought,  not 
of  a  beneficent  God,  but  of  a  cruel  non-moral  Force,  ruling  despotically  in  the 
world.  At  the  same  time,  as  10,  8-12  shows,  his  faith  in  God  as  a  gracicus, 
benevolent  Being  does  not  forsake  him,  and  the  two  aspects  of  God's  nature 
are,  for  the  time,  balanced  one  against  another  in  his  mind. 

Zophar  (c.  11).  Job,  in  c.  9 — 10,  had  asserted  more  emphatic- 
ally than  before  his  innocence ;  and  this  is  the  point  to  which 
Zophar  addresses  himself.  He  begins  in  a  sharper,  more  im- 
petuous tone  than  Eliphaz  or  Bildad  had  done.  Job's  flow  of 
words  must  be  stopped  :  if  only  God  would  speak,  as  Job  had 
desired  (9,  35),  it  would  quickly  appear  where  the  truth  lay,  11, 
2-6.  God's  all-penetrating  eye  sees  further  than  Job  can  com 
prehend  ;  it  detects  sin  where  man  is  unconscious  of  it,  11,  7-12. 
Let  Job  put  evil  from  him,  and  spread  out  his  hands  to  God, 
and  once  more  he  shall  enjoy  the  light  of  brighter  days,  11, 
13-19.     But  a  very  different  future  awaits  the  impenitent,  v.  20. 

Job  (c.  12-14).  Zophar  had  appealed  against  the  verdict  of 
Job's  conscience  to  the  omniscience  of  God,  and  had  alluded  to 
Job's  wisdom  in  terms  of  strong  depreciation  (11,  12).  Job 
keenly  resents  this  assumption  of  insight  into  God's  ways,  12, 
1-6;  he  points  out  that  it  is  of  a  very  ordinary  character,  12, 
7-10;  and  proceeds  to  rival  Zophar  by  showing,  12,  11-25,  t^^^^t 
he  has  a  wider  knowledge  of  God's  omnipotence  than  Zophar  of 
His  omniscience.  Zophar  had  said,  11,  10  f,  that  God's  action 
was  directed  by  a  moral  purpose  :  Job  draws  a  picture  of  great 
social  and  national  catastrophes,  \vhich  illustrate  (so  he  implies) 
God's  absoluteness  rather  than  His  moral  discrimination.  The 
method  by  which  his  friends  seek  to  condemn  him  is  inde- 
fensible :  i7i  maiorem  Dei  gloriam^  as  they  imagine,  they  even 
dare  to  distort  the  truth,  13,  1-12.  But  his  own  conscience 
gives  him  courage ;  and  he  bids  them  listen  while  he  pleads  his 
case  with  God,  13,  13-22.  His  tone  is  calmer  than  in  7,  11  ff. 
or  10,  I  ff.  :  an  appeal  for  forbearance  takes  the  place  of  his 


392     IJTERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

former  irony  and  defiance.  Will  God  persecute  a  creature  so 
shattered  as  he  is,  so  imperfect  and  shortlived  as  is  every  child  of 
man?  Does  the  sadness  of  human  life  and  the  hopelessness  of 
its  close  awaken  in  Him  no  pity?  13,  2t^ — 14,  12.  Would  only, 
he  passionately  exclaims,  that  the  prospect  at  its  close  were 
different !  Would  only  that  another  life,  however  long  delayed, 
were  possible  for  man  !  14,  13 — 15  (RV.).  And  the  blissful  pos- 
sibility entrances  him  ;  but  the  hope  is  too  remote  a  one  to  be 
seriously  entertained,  and  it  dies  away  almost  before  it  is  dis- 
tinctly expressed  upon  his  lips,  14,  16-22.  » 

The  friends  have  all  failed  to  convince  Job  by  dwelling  upon 
the  nature  or  attributes  of  God.  Eliphaz's  appeal  to  His  uni- 
versal goodness,  Bildad's  to  His  discrimating  justice,  Zophar's 
to  His  omniscient  insight,  have  equally  failed  to  dislodge  Job 
from  his  position  :  he  still  maintains  that  his  afflictions  are  un- 
merited. Accordingly  the  friends  adopt  now  a  deferent  line. 
They  turn  from  the  nature  of  God  to  His  government  of  7?ie?i, 
drawing  more  distinctly  than  before  (5,  3-5.  8,  22.  11,  20) 
pictures  of  the  vexations  which,  as  experience  shows,  befall  the 
sinner,  in  the  hope  thereby  of  awakening  Job's  conscience,  and 
inducing  him  to  see  himself  reflected  in  the  mirror  thus  held  up 
before  him.  Job,  on  the  other  hand,  becomes  more  conscious 
of  his  isolation.  Hitherto  the  alienation  of  God  has  been  the 
burden  of  his  complaint ;  now  he  is  more  keenly  sensible  of  the 
alienation  of  men,  to  which,  in  his  speeches  in  the  second  cycle, 
he  often  pathetically  refers.  God  and  man  are  both  ranged 
against  him.  The  only  support  which  remains  to  him  is  his  own 
sense  of  innocence,  and  to  this  he  clings  all  the  more  tenaciously. 

Second  cyc/e  of  speeches  (c.  15 — 21). 

As  before,  Eliphaz  (c.  15)  opens  the  debate.  He  begins  more 
severely  than  in  c.  5  :  Job's  principles  and  conduct  seem  to  him 
to  cut  at  the  root  of  all  religion  {v.  4) ;  he  is  displeased  also  at 
Job's  assumption  of  superior  wisdom,  and  at  his  rejection  of  the 
consolatory  views  of  (jod's  providence  suggested  by  himself  {v.  11, 
with  reference  to  5,  8  ff.  17  ff.).  After  repeating  briefly,  15,  14-16, 
what  he  had  urged  before  (cf.  4,  17  f),  he  proceeds  to  meet  Job's 
contention  (9,  23  f.  12,  6),  that  wickedness  rules  unchecked  in 
the  world,  by  pointing  to  the  retribution  which  overtakes  the 
sinner,- — in  particular,  to  the  troubled  conscience  and  presenti- 
ments of  evil  which  haunt  him  during  life,  15,  20-24,  ^"d  to  his 


JOB.  393 

calamitous  end,  15,  30  ff.  The  picture  of  the  evil  conscience  is 
drawn  here  with  great  force,  and  is  without  a  parallel  in  the  OT. 
(but  cf.  Is.  57,  20). 

Job  (c.  t6 — 17).  After  a  few  words  of  contempt  for  the  empty 
solace  of  his  friends,  16,  2-5,  Job  proceeds  to  draw  a  graphic 
but  pitiable  picture  of  the  condition  to  which,  in  spite  of  the 
innocence  of  his  life,  he  now  finds  himself  reduced — God,  his 
unrelenting  adversary;  man,  his  too  eager  foe,  16,  6-17.  Death 
is  approaching  with  rapid  steps, — death,  which  to  Job  means  the 
reprobation  of  God,  and  the  reproach  and  obloquy  of  men. 
Nevertheless,  the  conviction  is  strong  within  him  that  he  has 
still  a  Witness  in  heaven,  a  witness  to  whom  he  accordingly 
appeals  to  uphold— at  least  after  death — his  right,  and  to  grant 
him  even  now  (17,  3)  a  pledge  that  in  the  end  He  will  cause  his 
innocence  to  appear,  16,  18 — 17,  9  (v.  9  in  direct  contradiction 
to  15,  4).  He  ends,  17,  10-16,  with  repudiating  as  folly  the 
counsel  of  his  friends  (8,  20  ff.  11,  13  ff.)  to  hope  for  restoration 
in  the  present  life. 

Bildad  (c.  18).  Job's  piteous  expression  of  his  mental  conflict 
wins  no  sympathy  from  Bildad;  rather,  he  shows  himself,  18,  2-4, 
deeply  vexed  by  the  hard  terms  which  Job  had  applied  to  his  friends 
(16,  2.  20.  17,  2.  4.  10),  and  by  his  impious  words  respecting 
God  (16,  9, — which  18,  4  is  intended  directly  to  meet).  This  is 
followed,  as  an  answer  to  Job's  protestation  of  innocence  (16,  18), 
by  a  picture,  more  elaborated  and  pointed  than  the  one  drawn  by 
Eliphaz  (15,  20  ff.),  of  the  misery  in  life,  and  the  dishonour  after 
death,  which  are  the  certain  lot  of  the  sinner,  18,  5-21.  The 
figures  used  by  Bildad  are  drawn  largely  from  the  common-places 
of  moralists  and  prophets  (e.g.  18,  5%  see  Pr.  13,  9.  24,  20;  7*, 
opp.  to  Pr.  4,  12),  though  in  several  instances  they  seem  to  be 
selected  with  the  view  of  suggesting  the  circumstances  of  Job 
himself;  and  no  doubt  it  is  Bildad's  desire  that  Job  should  so 
apply  them. 

Job  (c.  19).  This  application,  however,  Job  disowns.  Never- 
theless he  is  acutely  pained  by  his  friends'  cruel  insinuations, 
19,  2-6;  and  he  breaks  out  into  a  yet  more  agonized  and 
pathetic  description  than  he  had  given  before  of  his  sufferings,— 
assailed  remorselessly  by  God,  abandoned  by  his  acquaintances, 
an  object  of  aversion  to  his  closest  relations,— ending  with  a 
moving  appeal  to  his  friends  to  show  him  pity,  19,  7-22.     But 


394  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

from  his  friends  he  can  expect  nothing ;  and  so  with  the  wish 
that  the  protestation  of  his  innocence  might  be  inscribed  in 
imperishable  letters  upon  the  rock,  there  passes  from  h's  lips  the 
sublime  utterance  of  his  faith,  his  conviction  that  his  Vindicator 
liveth,  and  that  even  though  his  human  frame  succumb  to  his  » 
disease,  He  will  reveal  Himself  to  him  after  death,  and  manifest 
his  right,  19,  23-27. 

On  19,  23  ff.  see  esp.  Davidson,  pp.  291-6.  The  stages  in  Job's  brightening 
faith  should  l^e  noticed.  7,  12  fif.  9,  15  ff.  his  attitude  towards  God  is  defiant :  ^ 
10,  8-12  he  has  the  thought  of  a  beneficent  God,  but  it  is  immediately 
obscured  under  the  frightful  suggestion  of  10,  13-17  :  14,  13-15  the  vision 
of  a  reconciliation  of  God  in  a  future  life  dawns  momentarily  upon  him  :  16, 
18  f.  20  f.  17,  3  his  conviction  that  God  in  His  real,  inmost  nature  will 
ultimately  own  his  innocence  breaks  forth  ;  19,  25-27  the  same  conviction, 
combined  with  the  thought  that  he  will  then  himself  see  God,  is  expressed 
still  more  strongly.  The  thought  of  a  future  beatific  life  is  nascent  in  the  Book 
of  Job;  it  is  expressed,  not  as  a  generally  accepted  doctrine,  but  first  as  an 
aspiration,  afterwards  as  a  moral  persuasion  or  conviction  on  the  part  of  Job 
personally.  Had  it  been  a  dogma  at  the  time  when  the  Book  was  written,  it 
must  have  formed  one  of  the  premises  of  the  argument,  which  is  not  the  case. 
The  term  "redeemer,"  it  will  be  noticed,  is  used  here  in  a  sense  the  very 
opposite  of  the  Christian  application,  to  denote,  viz.  a  deliverer,  not  from  sin, 
but  from  affliction  and  wrong  not  due  to  sin  (RV.  marg.  vindicator). ^ 

Zophar  (c.  20).  Zophar,  like  Bildad,  is  unmoved  by  Job's 
appeal;  he  had  spoken  before  (c.  11)  somewhat  impetuously; 
and  now  he  declares  that  his  spirit  is  roused  by  Job's  perverse 
blindness  to  the  teachings  of  experience  (7^.  4).  The  general 
aim  of  his  speech  is  similar  to  that  of  Eliphaz  (c.  15)  and  of 
Bildad  (c.  18),  but  he  takes  a  different  point  for  illustration. 
Emphasizing  the  brevity  of  the  wicked  man's  prosperity,  and  the 
dissatisfaction  which  it  brings  him,  Zophar  draws  the  picture  of  a 
man  of  substance,  whose  riches,  amassed  by  injustice,  turn  to 
wormwood  within  him,  who  is  overtaken  by  sudden  destruction 
in  the  midst  of  his  days,  and  whose  greed  is  satisfied  at  last  with 
the  fire  of  God's  judgments. 

Job  (c.  21).  Thrice  have  the  friends  sought  to  arouse  Job's 
conscience  by  pointing  to  the  retribution  which  in  one  shape  or 

1  7{<;i  is  to  assert  (by  purchase)  a  right,  Lev.  25,  29  ff.,  27,  13.  15  ;  hence 
fig.  to  reclaim,  rescue,  esp.  from  servitude,  oppression,  &c.  Ex.  15,  13.  Ps. 
72,  14,  freq.  in  II  Isaiah,  as  41,  14.  43,  i.  44,  23:  here,  from  unjust' and 
cruel  imputations.  And  so  DIH  PJ<3  is  the  vindicator  of  the  rights  destroyed 
by  bloooshed  =  the  avenger  of  blood. 


JOB.  395 

another  inevitably  awaits  the  ungodly.  Twice  (c.  i6f. ;  c.  19) 
Job  has  contented  himself  with  reasserting  his  own  innocence : 
he  has  made  no  attempt  to  controvert  the  principle  of  his 
friends'  teaching.  The  third  time  he  is  impelled  to  do  this,  and 
in  c.  21  he  meets  Zophar's  closing  words  (20,  29)  with  a  direct 
contradiction.  The  doubt  is  a  terrible  one ;  as  he  says  {v.  5  f,), 
it  makes  him  tremble  when  he  thinks  of  it.  He  arraigns,  in  its 
entirety,  the  justice  of  God's  rule  of  the  world  (cf.  9,  22-24). 
The  wicked  prosper  and  die  in  peace ;  they  do  7iot,  as  the  friends 
maintain,  meet  with  sudden  and  ignominious  deaths,  21,  2-26; 
the  friends,  in  asserting  that  they  do,  deliberately  pervert  the 
truth,  21,  27-34  {vv.  30.  32  f.  as  RV.  marg.). 

Third  cycle  of  speeches  (c.  22 — 28). 

All  the  means  adopted  hitherto  by  the  friends  to  dislodge  Job 
from  his  position  have  proved  ineffectual,  and  they  are  reduced 
a  second  time  (see  p.  392)  to  alter  their  line  of  attack.  Accord- 
ingly they  now  charge  Job  explicitly  with  the  great  sins  which 
before  they  had  only  hinted  at  or  imputed  to  him  indirectly. 
This  charge  is  laid  against  Job  by  Eliphaz  (c.  22).  Job  had 
implied  that  God's  dealings  with  men  were  dictated  by  arbitrary 
motives :  Eliphaz  answers  that  God  deals  with  men  according  to 
their  ways ;  and  as  it  is  inconceivable  that  He  should  punish  Job 
for  his  piety,  the  cause  of  his  afflictions  must  lie  in  his  sins,  22, 
2-5.  These  sins  Eliphaz  does  not  scruple  to  enumerate, — they 
are  chiefly  those  of  inhumanity,  avarice,  and  abuse  of  power, 
most  commonly  associated  in  the  East  with  wealth  and  influence, 
all  being,  of  course,  merely  inferred  by  him,  on  theoretical 
grounds,  from  the  fact  of  Job's  calamities,  22,  6-20  (see  the 
detailed  reply  to  this  charge  in  c.  31).  In  conclusion,  he  exhorts 
Job,  in  tones  which  ohow  that  he  still  (see  5,  17  ff.)  cherishes 
feelings  of  affection  towards  him,  to  reconcile  himself  with  God, 
assuring  him,  if  he  will  do  so,  of  his  restoration  to  both  spiritual 
and  material  prosperity. 

Job  (c.  23 — 24).  Job  makes  no  direct  reply  to  the  imputations 
of  Eliphaz;  he  is  still  absorbed  in  the  painful  thought  of  the 
mystery  of  God's  providence,  which  had  formed  the  theme  of 
c.  21.  The  marks  of  a  righteous  providence  he  can  discern,  he 
says,  neither  in  God's  dealings  with  himself  (c.  23),  nor  in  His 
dealings  with  mankind  generally  (c.  24).  Did  he,  indeed,  know 
where  he  could  find  God,  and  gain  a  hearing  from  Him,  he  is 


39^  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

confident  that  he  could  establish  his  innocence  before  Him,  2^, 
1-7.  But  God,  though  He  knows  His  servant's  innocence,  has 
withdrawn  Himself  from  him,  23,  8-12;  nor  will  He  rescind  the 
strange,  inscrutable  decree  which  He  has  passed  against  him, 
23>  i3~i7-  "Why,"  he  exclaims,  "are  times"  of  retribution 
"not  reserved  by  the  Almighty"  for  the  guilty?  Why  is  the 
world  abandoned  to  violence  and  wrong?  And  he  illustrates  by 
many  examples  the  oppressions  which  reign  unavenged  even  in 
the  unsophisticated  life  of  the  country,  and  the  crimes  that  pre- 
vail unchecked  in  the  populous  city,  24,  1-17.  In  vain  do  his 
friends  repeat  that  the  prosperity  of  the  godless  is  but  for  a 
moment,  24,  18-21  :  experience  shows  that  God  only  too  often 
supports  the  oppressor  through  life,  and  brings  him  to  a  natural 
and  painless  death,  24,  22-25. 

Bildad  (c.  25)  makes  no  attempt  to  reply  to  the  facts  adduced 
in  such  abundance  by  Job ;  and  his  short  speech  is,  in  truth,  an 
mdication  that  the  friends  have  exhausted  their  arguments. 
But  he  cannot  avoid  protesting  against  Job's  presumption  in 
imagining  that  he  would  be  declared  innocent  at  God's  tribunal 
(23,  3-7),  and  in  indicting  the  justice  with  which  the  world  is 
administered.  Accordingly,  in  words  borrowed  partly  from 
Eliphaz  (4,  17.  15,  14  f.),  he  restates  the  two  main  principles 
which  have  throughout  underlain  the  arguments  of  the  friends, 
viz.  the  majesty  of  God,  and  the  imperfection  in  His  eyes  of  all 
things  human. 

Job  (c.  26).  After  a  sarcastic  allusion  to  the  vain  comfort 
afforded  by  Bildad's  last  speech,  Job  proceeds  to  meet  Bildad's 
;^rst  contention  (25,  2  f ),  by  demonstrating  that,  if  the  explana- 
tion of  his  troubles  is  to  be  sought  in  a  knowledge  of  God's 
greatness,  he  possesses  that  not  less  than  he  does  (cf  9,  4-13. 
12,  13-25).  And  he  forthwith  draws  a  picture,  far  more  imposing 
than  Bildad's,  of  the  greatness  of  God  as  manifested  in  nature, 
ending  with  the  sublime  thought  that  the  visible  operations  of 
God,  majestic  as  they  are,  are  but  the  "outskirts"  of  His  real 
ways,  and  convey  but  a  "whisper"  of  His  full  power.  Job  thus 
indirectly  reminds  his  friends  that  the  question  at  issue  turns,  not 
on  God^ s  grea/ness,  but  on  Wxsjusiice. 

C.  27 — 28.  Job's  final  words  to  his  friends.  Zophar  fails  to 
come  forward  ;  and  Job  accordingly,  after  a  pause,  resumes  his 
discourse.      27,   1-6,  with  reference  specially  t-o  Bildad's  second 


JOB.  39; 

contention  (25,  4-6),  but  implicitly  at  the  same  time  to  similar 
words  on  the  part  of  his  other  friends,  he  enters  a  solemn  pro- 
testation before  God  of  his  innocence:  27,  7-10  he  describes, 
with  great  emphasis  and  feeling,  the  dreary,  God-abandoned 
mental  condition  of  the  wicked  man, — it  is  a  fate  which  he  could 
himself  wish  only  for  his  e?ief?iy !  27,  11-23  he  proceeds  to 
instruct  his  friends  at  some  length  respecting  the  terrible 
material  ruin  which  befalls  the  sinner  at  the  hand  of  God. 

C.  28.  The  wisdom  of  God  unattainable  by  man.  Man,  says 
Job,  pointing  to  the  methods  by  which  in  ancient  times  mining 
operations  were  conducted,  can  wring  from  the  earth  its  hidden 
treasures,  28,  i-n;  but  wisdom  has  no  place  where  it  can  be 
found ;  it  cannot  be  purchased  by  gold  or  precious  stones ;  it 
cannot  be  discovered  either  in  the  land  of  the  living  or  in  the 
realm  of  the  dead,  28,  12-22  ;  it  is  known  to  God  only,  who  was 
guided  by  it  in  His  work  of  creation,  and  who  prescribed  to  man, 
as  his  wisdom,  the  pursuit  of  a  religious  and  virtuous  life,  28, 
23-28. 

The  gist  of  this  extremely  striking  and  beautiful  chapter  is  sometimes  mis- 
understood. By  ivisdoin  is  meant  the  intellectual  apprehension  of  the  prin- 
ciples by  which  the  course  of  the  physical  world  and  the  events  of  human 
life  are  regulated  ;  and  it  is  declared  to  belong — at  least  in  its  fulness— only 
to  God,  who  has  appointed  for  man,  as  its  substitute,  the  practice  of  a 
righteous  and  holy  life. 

Hitherto  the  argument  of  the  poem  has  been  consistent  and  intelligible  ; 
but  27,  7-23  and  c.  28  have  been  a  source  of  great  perplexity  to  com- 
mentators.i  (i)  27,  7-10.  These  verses  appear  to  be  inconsistent  with  Job's 
position.  The  state  of  mind  which  he  here  denies  to  the  ungodly,  seems 
manifestly  to  be  one  of  which  he  has  experience  himself.  Vv.  8.  10  would 
not,  indeed,  be  out  of  place  in  Job's  mouth  (cf.  16,  19.  19,  25  f.  23,  11  f.); 
but  V.  9  is  in  direct  contradiction  with  his  repeated  declarations  that  God 
refuses  to  hear  him  (9,  15  f.  13,  24.  19,  7.  23,  8f.).  Two  solutions  are 
offered.  The  words  being  inconsistent  with  the  condition  of  Job's  mind  as 
revealed  in  his  speeches,  it  is  supposed  (a)  that  he  has  at  last  found  his  way 
to  an  assured  trust  in  God,  or  that  such  a  trust  has  suddenly,  after  the  attacks 
of  his  friends  are  ended,  flashed  upon  him,  and  filled  his  mind  with  the  hope 
of  a  restoration  to  God's  favour  (Ewald,  Dillm.).  This  altered  frame  of 
mind,  however,  though  not  perhaps  in  itself  inadmissible,  is  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  what  follows  ;  for  in  30,  20.  23  Job  expresses  again  the  same 
thought,  which  ex  hypothcsi  he  would  here  have  overcome  :  he  denies,  pre- 
cisely as  he  has  done  throughout  the  debate,  that  God  listens  to  his  cry.     And 

^  See  also  Wellhausen  in  Bleek's  Einl.  (ed.   4),  p.  540  f.,  and  especially 
Budde,  ZATW.  1882,  p.  193  ff. 


398  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

similarly  in  31,  35-37  he  treats  Gnd  still  as  his  adversary.  At  the  same  time, 
it  is  perhaps  possible  that  the  author  only  intended  to  repre'^ent  Job  as  having 
regained  a  temporary  calmness  of  mind,  which  afterwards,  as  the  contrast 
between  his  past  and  present  position  forces  itself  upon  him  (c.  30 — 31),  he 
fails  to  maintain.  The  alternative  {b)  is  to  conclude  that  the  implicit  reference 
is  to  Job's /aj-/ condition,  and  to  suppose  that  the  state  of  mind  which  Job 
denies  to  the  ungodly  is  suggested  by  memories  of  his  own  former  condiiion, 
as  described  in  c.  29,  when  the  tokens  of  God's  friendship  were  abundantly 
bestowed  upon  him.  Upon  this  view  the  words  are  considered  to  be  intro- 
duced here  as  a  confi7-ination  of  w.  2-6,  as  though  to  say:  How  could  one 
have  ever  been  tempted  to  sin,  who  knew  so  well  the  miserable  mental  state 
into  which  the  sinner  falls?  (Hengstenberg  partly,  Budde,  pp.  205-210). 

(2)  27,  11-23.  Here  it  is  remarkable  (a)  that  Job  should  undertake  to 
teach  his  friends  what  they  had  continuously  maintained,  viz.  the  evil  fate 
which  overtakes  the  wicked  ;  {b)  that  he  should  himself  afhrm  the  opposite  of 
what  had  been  his  previous  position,  viz.  that  an  evil  fate  does  not  overtake 
the  wicked  (9,  22-24:  c.  21;  c.  24);^  {c)  that  while  coinciding  with  his 
friends  in  opinion,  he  should  reproach  them  with  folly  [v.  12);  "to  appro- 
priate their  sentime-.ts,  and  cover  the  operation  by  calling  them  foolish  perstms, 
was  not  generous"  (Davidson).  The  solution  commonly  offered  of  this  diffi- 
culty is  that  Job  is  here  modifying  his  former  extravagant  expressions  respect- 
ing the  prosperity  of  the  wicked,  and  conceding  that,  as  a  rtile,  or  often,  a 
disastrous  fate  overtakes  them.  But,  as  Professor  Davidson  remarks,  («)  the 
limitation  "as  a  rule"  has  to  be  read  into  the  passage,  for  the  language  is 
as  absolute  as  that  of  any  of  his  friends  ;  (jS)  if  the  passage  be  a  retractation  of 
Job's  previous  language,  it  is  a  retractation  which  errs  equally  in  extravagance 
on  the  other  side;  for  it  asserts  a  law  of  temporal  retribution  wi'hout  any 
apparent  qualification  whatever  ;  {y)  it  is  singular  that  in  describing  the  fate 
of  the  wicked  at  God's  hands.  Job  should  use  the  same  figures,  and  even 
sometimes  the  same  words,  which  he  employs  when  speaking  of  his  own 
destruction  by  God  {v.  21,  cf.  9,  17.  30,  22;  v.  22,  cf.  16,  13  ;  v.  23,  cf.  17, 
6.  30,  9-14).  Perhaps,  however,  this  coincidence  is  accidental.  Relatively 
the  best  explanation  appears  to  be  that  of  Schlottmann  and  Budde  (p.  211  ft.), 
who  suppose  the  passage  to  be  spoken  by  Job  -with  an  eye  to  his  three 
friends:  v.  ii  he  ironically  declares  that  he  will  "teach"  them,  which  he 
does  by  forthwith  turning  their  own  w-eapons  against  them ;  they  know 
(z/.  12")  what  the  fate  of  the  wicked  man  is,  and  yet  they  strangely  do  not  see 
that,  by  their  wicked  insinuations  against  Job  they  are  invoking  it  deliberately 
upon  themselves  !  Job  has  spoken  strongly  before  of  the  wrong  done  to  him 
by  his  friends,  13,  4.  7.  9.  19,  2  f.  21,  34,  and  has  threatened  them  with 
Divine  vengeance,  13,  10  f.  19,  29;  and  here,  upon  this  view,  he  holds  up  to 
them,  if  they  will  make  the  application,  a  more  distinct  warning.-  But,  even 
so,  it  remains  surprising  that  the  terms  of  v.  13  do  not  indicate  the  friends 
niore  directly. 

More  violent  remedies  have  been  proposed,     Kennicott,  for  instance,  a 

1  Contrast  v.  14  with  21,  8.  II  ;  v.  15  with  21,  32  ;  v,  18  with  21,  9  &c. 
^  Against  Delitzsch's  solution,  see  Davidson,  p.  190, 


JOB.  399 

century  ago,  suggested  that  27,  13-23  should  really  be  assigned  to  Zophar. 
But  the  brevity  of  Bildad's  last  speech  (c.  25)  seems  a  clear  indication,  on  the 
part  of  the  author,  that  the  friends  had  exhausted  their  arguments,  and  that  a 
third  speech  of  Zophar — especially  a  longer  one  than  Bildad's — is  not  to  be 
expected  ;  the  terms  of  27,  11,  moreover,  show  that  27,  12  cannot  be  the  end 
of  a  speech.  Professor  Cheyne  (pp.  38,  114)  conjectures  that  the  text  is  dis- 
located, and  rearranges  it  thus  :  c.  25.  26,  5-14  (Bildad)  ;  26,  1-4.  27,  1-7 
(Job) ;  27,  8-10.  13-23  (Zophar, — the  opening  verses  being  supposed  to  be 
lost) ;  27,  II  f.  c.  28  (Job). 

(3)  C.  28.  As  regards  the  relation  of  this  chapter  to  what  precedes,  it 
might  no  doubt  be  supposed  that  Job,  no  longer  irritated  by  the  retorts  of  his 
friends,  has  reached  a  calmer  mood  ;  and  abandoning  the  attempt  to  discover 
a  speculative  solution  of  the  perplexities  which  distress  him,  finds  man's 
wisdom  to  consist  in  the  practical  fulfilment  of  the  duties  of  life.  A  greater 
difficulty  arises  in  connexion  with  what  follows.  If  Job  has  risen  to  this 
tranquil  temper,  how  comes  it  that  he  falls  back  (30,  20-23)  into  complain- 
ings, and  dissatisfaction  at  not  having  been  justified  by  God  (31,  35)?  And, 
further,  if  he  has  reached  by  the  unaided  force  of  his  own  meditations  this 
devout  and  submissive  frame  of  mind,  how  is  the  ironical  tone  of  the  Divine 
speeches  (c.  38 ff.)  to  be  accounted  for?  If  he  is  already  resigned  to  the 
inscrutability  of  the  Divine  ways,  how  does  it  need  to  be  again  pointed  out  to 
him?  The  difficulty  is  analogous  to  that  arising  out  of  27,  7-9  :  the  changed 
frame  of  mind,  which  both  appear  to  imply,  is  not  preserved  in  the  subsequent 
parts  of  the  book.  It  is  hardly  possible  that  such  a  noble  and  characteristic 
passage  can  have  been  inserted  into  the  poem  by  a  later  hand.  May  it  be 
supposed,  as  was  suggested  above,  on  27,  7-10,  that  Job's  tranquil  state 
of  mind  was  conceived  by  the  author  as  temporary  only?  It  must,  however, 
be  allowed  that  there  is  an  imperfect  psychological  basis  even  for  a  temporary 
recovery  of  calmness  :  Job  is  unmoved  by  all  the  arguments  of  his  friends  ; 
and  no  other  independent  influence  (as  in  c.  38-39)  has  been  brought  to  bear 
upon  him.  The  truth,  perhaps,  is  that  the  author's  psychology  must  not  be 
measured  by  the  standard  that  would  be  applied  to  a  Western  poet  ;  and  that 
he  represents  Job,  in  this  part  of  the  book,  as  passing  through  moods  of  feeling 
without  what,  as  judged  by  Western  standards,  would  be  deemed  the  neces- 
sary psychological  motives.^ 

C.  29 — 31.  Job's  i^nal  survey  of  the  whole  circumstances  of 
his  case.  C.  29  Job  draws  a  pathetic  picture  of  his  former 
prosperity,  of  the  days  when  God's  favour  rested  visibly  upon 
him,  and  especially  of  the  high  respect  which  his  benevolence, 
and  philanthropy,  and  justice,  won  for  him  from  his  fellow-men. 
C.  30  there  follows  a  contrasted  picture  of  his  present  humiliation  : 
he  is  derided  by  the  meanest ;  even  the  outcasts  of  society  {w. 
2-8)  hold  him  in  disdain  ;  he  is  tormented  by  the  anguish  of  his 

1  Budde's  view  does  not  appear  here  to  be  right ;  c.  28  manifests  no  signs 
of  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  speaker. 


430     LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

disease  :  instead  of  sympathy  such  as  he  himself  once  extended 
to  others,  a  painful  and  intolerable  solitude  is  his  portion. 
Such  has  been  Job's  strange  change  of  fortune.  And  yet  he  is 
conscious  that  nothing  that  he  has  done  can  be  the  cause  of  it : 
accordingly  in  c.  31  he  utters  his  final  and  solemn  protestation 
of  the  innocence  of  his  former  life  (cf.  27,  1-6).  The  chapter  is 
a  remarkable  one ;  it  contains  the  portrait  of  a  character  instinct 
with  nobility  and  delicacy  of  feeling,  which  not  only  repudiates 
any  overt  act  of  violence  or  wrong,  but  also  disowns  all  secret 
impulses  to  impure  or  dishonourable  conduct. 

3.  (c.  32 — 37).  After  Job's  appeal  to  God,  at  the  end  of  c.  31, 
it  would  seem  that  the  crisis  of  the  poem  was  at  hand,  and  that 
God  must  appear  to  declare  His  award  upon  the  struggle. 
Instead  of  this,  however,  Elihu,  a  speaker  who  has  not  been 
named  or  alluded  to  before,  steps  forward,  and  expresses  his 
judgment  upon  the  matter  in  dispute.  Elihu  is  represented  as  a 
bystander  who  has  listened  to  the  course  of  the  debate  with  some 
dissatisfaction  at  the  line  taken  in  it  by  both  parties;  being 
younger,  however,  than  any  of  the  principal  disputants,  he  has 
waited  until  now  before  venturing  to  join  in  the  discussion.  He 
is  introduced,  like  the  other  speakers  (c.  2),  in  a  few  verses  of 
prose  :  his  own  discourse  is  in  poetry.  It  falls  into  five  parts — 
the  first  is  introductory  ;  in  the  second^  thirds  and  fourth,  Elihu 
criticises  Job's  positions ;  the  fifth  contains  Elihu's  positive  con- 
tribution to  the  solution  of  the  problem,  (i)  32,  6-33.  In  this 
rather  long  and  laboured  introduction,  Elihu  explains  the  reasons 
which  prompted  him  to  interpose  :  he  is  vexed  with  Job,  because 
he  justified  himself  as  against  God ;  he  is  vexed  with  his  three 
friends,  because  they  failed  to  refute  Job.  (2)  C.  33.  Turning 
now  to  Job,  Elihu  begs  his  attention ;  he  addresses  him  as  a 
fellow-man,  not  as  a  God  who  would  overwhelm  him  with  His 
might  {v.  7,  with  allusion  to  9,  34.  13,  21).  Thereupon,  after 
quoting  some  of  Job's  words,  he  observes  that  Job  is  wrong  in 
insisting  that  God  is  His  enemy,  and  does  not  answer  his  cries  : 
God  speaks  to  man,  if  he  will  but  listen,  in  many  ways ;  by 
visions  of  the  night  He  withdraws  him  from  his  sinful  purpose, 
or  He  sends  upon  him  the  chastening  influences  of  sickness ;  if 
His  warnings  are  obeyed.  He  afterwards  restores  him  to  health, 
and  fills  his  heart  with  grateful  joy.  (3)  C.  34.  Elihu  protests 
against  Job's  complaint  that  God  afflicts  him  unjustly,  and  that 


JOB.  401 

it  is  no  profit  to  a  man  to  be  righteous :  injustice,  he  replies,  is 
inconsistent  with  the  very  idea  of  God,  34,  10-12  ;  as  Author  and 
Sustainer  of  the  Universe,  He  can  have  no  motive  to  injustice;  as 
its  Supreme  Ruler,  He  must  be  incapable  of  it,  34,  13-19.  And 
history  confirms  this  judgment,  for  it  abounds  with  instances  in 
which  He  has  struck  down  the  wicked,  and  listened  to  the  cry  of 
the  oppressed ;  Job,  in  questioning  God's  principles  of  action, 
has  displayed  both  ignorance  and  impiety,  34,  20-37.  (4)  C.  35. 
Elihu  here  applies  himself  to  meet  Job's  contention  that  righteous- 
ness does  not  profit  a  man  :  righteousness,  he  argues,  must  profit 
some  one ;  but  God  is  too  lofty  to  be  affected  by  human  conduct ; 
it  follows  that  man's  righteousness  must  benefit  himself,  35,  1-8 : 
the  reason  why  the  cry  of  the  oppressed  often  remains  unanswered 
is  that  it  is  merely  the  animal  cry  of  suffering,  not  the  voice  of  trust 
and  submission,  35,  9-16.  (5)  C.  36-37.  Elihu,  having  corrected 
Job's  false  ideas,  now  sets  before  him  what  he  deems  a  truer  and 
worthier  conception  of  the  Creator.  For  this  purpose  he  points 
to  different  illustrations  of  the  greatness  of  God,  especially  as 
exemplified  in  His  providential  dealings  with  men.  {a)  Afiiictions 
are  evidence  of  a  gracious  design  on  God's  part ;  they  are  a 
discipline,  or  divine  warning  of  sin,  36,  1-15  ;  let  Job  understand 
this,  and  refrain  from  rebelling  under  God's  chastening  hand, 
36,  16-25.  {b)  The  incomprehensibility  of  the  Divine  nature  is 
manifest  in  the  wonderful  phenomena  of  the  skies,  36,  26 — 37, 
13;  let  Job  learn  the  greatness  of  God,  who  is  just  as  well  as 
mighty,  who  afflicts  none  without  cause,  but  who  regards  not 
those  who  are  wise  in  their  own  understanding,  37,  14-24. 

4.  (38,  I — 42,  6).  Here  Jehovah  intervenes,  and  answers  Job 
out  of  the  whirlwind.  His  answer  consists  of  two  parts,  each 
followed  by  a  few  words  from  Job. 

The  aim  of  these  speeches  is  to  bring  Job  back  into  a  right 
frame  of  mind  towards  God.  Job  has  sustained  the  trial  success- 
fully ;  for  though  he  has  sinned  by  impatient  utterances  under 
the  weight  of  his  afflictions,  he  has  not,  as  the  Satan  predicted, 
cast  off  his  religion  ;  in  spite  of  the  doubts  by  which  he  has  been 
assailed,  he  has  preserved  his  faith  in  a  just  and  holy  God  (13,  16. 
16,  19.  19,  25),  and  in  a  righteous  order  of  the  world  (17,  9.  27, 
8-10).  Nevertheless,  the  cloud  of  discontent  and  doubt  is  not 
yet  dispelled  from  his  mind  (30,  20-23.  31,  35  f.) ;  and  while 
this  remains,  his  trial  cannot  be  said  to  be  ended.     What  is 

2  C 


402  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

needed  is  thus,  firstly,  to  convince  him  that  in  his  demeanour 
toward  God  he  has  not  been  free  from  blame ;  and  secondly,  to 
raise  him  effectually  into  peace  of  mind.  For  this  purpose 
Jehovah, ^rsf/)>,  38,  i — 40,  2,  in  a  series  of  questions,  each  of 
which  admits  of  but  a  single  humiliating  reply,  causes  to  pass 
before  Job  a  "panorama  of  creation,"  exemplifying  (a)  the 
wonders  of  inanimate  nature,  both  upon  earth,  38,  4-18,  and  in 
the  heavens,  38,  19-38 ;  {i>)  the  astonishing  variety  of  instincts 
and  powers  possessed  by  the  animal  creation,  38,  39 — 39,  30. 
The  effect  of  this  brilliant  display  upon  Job  is  indicated  in  his" 
brief  reply,  40,  4  f.  :  he  is  overwhelmed  by  it :  it  brings  home  to 
him  in  a  degree  which,  in  spite  of  what  fell  from  him  in  9,  4-10. 
12,  12-25.  26,  5-14  (esp.  14),  he  had  not  before  realized,  the 
comprehensiveness  and  infinite  resource  of  the  Divine  intelligence  ; 
it  fills  him  with  a  vivid  and  overpowering  sense  of  the  transcen- 
dent majesty  of  the  Creator,  in  the  presence  of  which  his  doubts 
vanish,  and  he  owns  his  presumption  in  having  dared  to  contend 
with  God.  The  aim  of  Jehovah's  second  speech,  40,  6 — 41,  34, 
is  to  convince  Job  of  his  error  in  charging  God  with  injustice  in 
His  government  of  the  world,  and  especially  in  His  treatment  of 
himself.  As  Job  had  questioned  the  principles  of  God's  rule, 
he  is  ironically  invited  to  assume  the  Divine  attributes,  and  rule 
the  world  himself,  40,  6-14.  And,  as  a  test  of  his  capabilities, 
two  formidable  creatures,  the  work  of  God's  hand,  like  himself 
(40,  15),  are  described  to  him  at  some  length,  and  he  is  asked 
whether  he  can  even  subdue  them^  40,  15 — 41,  34.  Job's  answer 
to  these  demands  follows  in  42,  1-6.  He  is  keenly  sensible  of 
the  folly  of  his  doubts,  and  he  solemnly  retracts  his  hasty  and 
ill-considered  words. 

The  first  speech  of  Jehovah  transcends  all  other  descriptions  of  the  wonders 
of  creation  or  the  greatness  of  the  Creator,  which  are  to  be  found  either  in 
the  Bible  or  elsewhere.  Parts  of  II  Isaiah  {e.g.  c.  40)  approach  it ;  but  they 
are  conceived  in  a  different  strain,  and,  noble  as  they  are,  are  less  grand  and 
impressive.  The  picturesque  illustrations,  the  choice  diction,  the  splendid 
imagery,  the  light  and  rapid  movement  of  the  verse,  combine  to  produce  a 
whole  of  incompaiable  brilliancy  and  force.  "The  attempt  which  is  here 
made  to  group  together  the  overwhelming  marvels  of  nature,  to  employ  them 
for  the  purpose  of  producing  an  approximate  impression  of  the  majesty  of 
the  Creator,  though  dependent  upon  the  childlike,  but  at  the  same  time 
deeply  poetical,  view  of  nature  prevalent  in  antiquity,  still  retains  not  only 
its  full  poetical  beauty,  but  also  an  imperishable  religious  worth.  For  though 
many  of  the  phenomena  here  propounded  as  inexplicable  are  referred  by 


JOB.  403 

modern  science  to  their  proximate  causes,  and  comprehended  under  the 
general  laws  of  nature,  yet  these  laws  themselves  by  their  unalterable 
stability  and  potent  operation  only  the  more  evoke  our  amazement,  and 
will  never  cease  to  inspire  the  religious  mind  with  adoring  wonder  of  the 
infinite  Power,  Wisdom,  and  Love  by  which  the  individual  laws,  and  forces, 
and  elements,  are  sustained  and  ruled  "  (Dillmann). 

5.  The  Epilogue,  42,  7-17.  The  end  of  Job's  trials.  Having 
thus  regained  a  right  frame  of  mind  towards  God,  Job  is  restored 
to  prosperity  twofold  as  great  as  that  which  he  enjoyed  before. 
Job's  friends  are  condemned  for  what  they  have  said,  and  Job  is 
commended  {v.  7  f.). 

Of  course  Job's  friends  had,  in  fact,  said  much  that  was  just 
and  true;  their  fault  was  that  they  had  misapplied  it;  upon  a 
limited  basis  they  had  framed  universal  theories  of  the  methods 
of  God's  providence,  and  upon  strength  of  them  had  imputed 
to  Job  sins  of  which  he  was  innocent.  Job,  though  he  had  said 
much  that  was  blameworthy  and  false,  had  nevertheless  adhered 
to  the  truth  in  the  matter  under  dispute.  The  three  friends 
"  had  really  inculpated  the  providence  of  God  by  their  professed 
defence  of  it.  By  disingenuously  covering  up  and  ignoring 
its  enigmas  and  seeming  contradictions,  they  had  cast  more 
discredit  upon  it  than  Job  by  honestly  holding  them  up  to  the 
light.  Their  denial  of  its  apparent  inequalities  was  more  untrue 
and  more  dishonouring  to  the  Divine  administration,  as  it  is  in 
fact  conducted,  than  Job's  bold  affirmation  of  them"  (Dr.  W.  H. 
Green,  quoted  by  Prof.  Davidson). 

It  is  all  but  certain  that  the  speeches  of  Elihu  are  not  part  of 
the  original  poem.  This  is  the  general  opinion  of  commentators 
and  critics,  and  rests  (principally)  upon  the  following  grounds : — 

1.  Elihu  is  not  mentioned  in  either  the  Prologue  or  the  Epilogue,  That 
he  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Prologue  is  indeed  of  slight  weight :  he  does  not 
join  with  the  others  in  the  debate;  and  he  is  introduced  wiih  sufficient  par- 
ticulars in  32,  1-5,  But  his  non-mention  in  the  Epilogue  is  remarkable.  A 
definite  judgment  is  passed  on  both  Job  and  his  three  friends  :  if  Elihu  had 
been  one  of  the  original  speakers,  would  not  some  verdict  have  been  pro- 
nounced on  what  he  had  said  ? 

2.  The  speeches  of  Elihu  are  attached  but  loosely  to  the  poem  as  a  whole. 
They  might  be  removed  from  it  without  any  detriment  to  the  argument,  and 
without  the  reader  being  sensible  of  a  lacuna.  Not  only,  however,  are  these 
speeches  loosely  connected  with  the  poem,  they  are  a  di»turbing  element  in 
it.  They  interrupt  the  connexion  between  the  words  of  Job  (c.  29 — 31)  and 
Jehovah's  reply  (for  the  terms  of  38,  2  naturally  suggest  that  Job  is  almost  in 


404  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  act  of  speaking  when  the  reply  begins),  and  weaken  the  force  of  the 
latter  by  anticipating  (c.  36  f.),  at  least  in  part,  its  argument. 

3.  Elihu  occupies  substantially  the  same  position  as  the  three  friends,  espe- 
cially Eliphaz  :  he  explains  Jo!)'s  sufferings  as  arising  from  his  sins  (34,  37) ; 
the  only  point  in  which  he  differs  from  the  friends  is  in  his  emphasising  the 
goodness  of  God,  as  the  principle  determining  His  dealings  with  man,  and  in 
his  laying  greater  stress  than  they  did  on  the  chastening  character  of  the 
righteous  man's  afflictions  {'^,2^^  14-30-  36,  8-12.  15,  16):  but  this  had  already 
been  taught  in  effect  by  Eliphaz  (5,  8  ff.  1 7  ff. ) ;  and  Job  had  rejected  the  theory 
as  inapplicable  to  his  own  case.  Moreover,  from  both  the  Prologue  and  the 
Epilogue  (42,  7-9),  as  well  as  from  the  general  tenor  of  Job's  discourses,  it 
is  apparent  that  in  the  view  of  the  author  of  the  Book  this  principle,  how-  ' 
ever  just  and  true  in  itself,  was  not  the  explanation  of  the  sufferings  of 
righteous  Job.  No  doubt  Elihu  censures  the  friends  for  not  sufficiently 
developing  these  aspects  of  the  case ;  but  as  they  are  touched  upon  by  Eliphaz, 

it  is  strange  that  the  author  shoul  I  not  have  allowed  Eliphaz  to  develop 
them,  but  should  have  introduced  an  independent  speaker  for  the  purpose. 

4.  The  style  of  Elihu  differs  considerably  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  Book. 
It  is  prolix,  laboured,  and  sometimes  tautologous  (32,  6  end.  10°.  17'')  :  the 
power  and  brilliancy  which  are  so  conspicuous  in  the  poem  generally  are 
sensibly  missing.  The  reader,  as  he  passes  from  Job  and  his  three  friends 
to  Elihu,  is  conscious  at  once  that  he  has  before  him  the  work  of  a  writer, 
not  indeed  devoid  of  literary  skill,  but  certainly  inferior  in  literary  and 
poetical  genius  to  the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  Book.  The  language  is 
often  involved  and  the  thought  strained  :  these  speeches  are  marked  also  by 
many  peculiarities  of  expression,  and  by  a  deeper  colouring  of  Aramaic 
than  the  poem  generally.  It  is  possible,  no  doubt,  that  these  features  have 
sometimes  been  exaggerated  by  critics ;  and  Budde,  in  his  elaborate  and 
interesting  study  on  the  subject,  has  shown  that  parallels,  or  analogies,  to 
many  of  them,  which  had  not  previously  been  observed,  may  be  found  in 
other  parts  of  the  Book  :  but  he  does  not  by  this  process  succeed  in  obliterat- 
ing the  differences  :  the  peculiarities  are  not  aggi-egatedm  other  parts  of  the 
Book  as  they  are  here  ;  and  the  impression  which  the  reader  derives  from  a 
perusal  of  the  entire  group  of  speeches  is  unmistakably  different  from  that 
which  any  other  six  chapters  of  the  Book  leave  upon  him. 

The  most  probable  view  of  the  Elihu-speeches  is  thus  that 
they  are  an  addition  to  the  original  poem,  made  by  a  somewhat 
later  writer,  for  the  purpose  of  supplementing  certain  points  in 
which  it  appeared  to  him  to  be  defective.  He  wished,  in  con- 
trast with  the  spirit  of  Job's  speeches,  to  insist  on  the  reverence 
due  to  God  :  he  wished,  in  contrast  to  the  friends,  to  meet  Job's 
positions  by  considerations  drawn  more  directly  from  the  essen- 
tial character  and  attributes  of  God  :  he  wished  to  emphasise, 
more  fully  than  Eliphaz  (c.  5)  had  done,  the  disciplinary  func- 
tion of  suffering.     These  are  all  points  which,  it  is  difficult  not 


JOB.  405 

to  think,  the  original  author,  had  he  desired  so  to  notice  them, 
would  have  introduced  into  the  main  debate,  instead  of  leaving 
them  to  be  dealt  with,  as  it  were,  in  an  appendix,  by  a  super- 
numerary speaker.  Such  an  appendix  is,  however,  the  form  that 
would  naturally  be  chosen  by  a  subsequent  writer  desirous  of 
supplementing  the  poem  as  it  stood.  The  resemblances,  such 
as  they  are,  in  phraseology  and  general  treatment  are  sufficiently 
explained  by  the  supposition  that  the  author  was  a  student  of  the 
Book,  and  accommodated,  so  far  as  he  was  able,  his  tone  and 
style  to  it.  It  is  not,  however,  fair  to  describe  the  speeches  of 
Elihu  by  a  term  of  disparagement,  as  if,  for  instance,  they  were 
an  unauthorised  "  interpolation  :  "  though  not  part  of  the  original 
plan  of  the  Book,  they  are  a  valuable  supplement  to  it ;  they 
attach  prominence  to  real  and  important  trutlis  wliich  in  the 
rest  of  the  poem  might  seem  not  to  have  received  their  proper 
due.  And  precisely  the  same  inspiration  attaches  to  them  which 
attaches  to  the  poem  generally. 

Date  of  the  Foe?n. — Formerly,  in  days  when  the  Book  was 
commonly  treated  as  a  narrative  of  literal  history,  and  the  truth 
oi  2i  progress  in  the  revelation  and  beliefs  of  the  OT.  had  not 
been  reached,  its  composition  was  assigned  to  the  supposed  age 
of  the  patriarch  himself,  and  Moses  was  Sometimes  suggested 
as  a  possible  author.  But  though  the  narrative  of  the  Prologue 
and  Epilogue  is  in  the  general  style  of  parts  of  the  Book  of 
Genesis,  and  though  Job  is  represented  as  a  patriarch,  surrounded 
by  his  dependants,  rich  in  pastures  and  flocks,  offering  sacrifice 
as  the  head  of  his  family,  and  attaining  patriarchal  longevity, 
these  constitute  very  insufficient  grounds  for  assigning  the  Book 
itself  to  such  an  early  age.  Indeed,  a  careful  consideration  of 
its  contents  brings  to  light  unmistakable  indications  that  it 
belongs  to  a  far  later  and  maturer  stage  of  IsraeHtish  history. 
The  antique,  patriarchal  colouring  of  the  portrait  of  Job  in  c. 
I — 2.  42  must  be  attributed  to  the  skill  of  the  author,  who  pre- 
served the  general  features  of  the  age  that  he  was  describing, 
aided  no  doubt  by  his  own  knovdedge  of  the  character  of  an 
Arab  sheikh,  which  can  hardly  have  differed  materially  from  what 
it  had  been  many  centuries  before. 

It  is  not  possible  to  fix  the  date  of  the  Book  precisely ;  but 
it  will  scarcely  be  earlier  than  the  age  of  Jeremiah,  and  belongs 
most  probably  to  the  period  of  the  Babylonian  captivity. 


406  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  following,  in  the  main,  are  the  grounds   on  which  this 
opinion  rests  : — 

1.  Though  references  to  distiJidive  observances  of  Israel's 
religion  (as  in  the  Wisdom-literature  generally,  p.  369)  are  rare, 
an  acquaintance  widi  the  la7v  seems  here  and  there  to  betray 
itself:  e.g.  22,  6.  24,  9  (pledges:  Ex.  22,  26  f.  Dt.  24,  17).  22,' 
27  (vows).  24,  2  (landmarks;  Dt.  19,  14  al.).  31,  9-1 1.  26-28 
{Judicial  procedure  against  those  guilty  of  adultery  and  worship 
of  the  sun  or  moon;  cf.  Dt.  22,  22  :  4,  19.  17,  3-7).  31,  n  (n?DT : 
p.  46,  No.  11).  " 

2.  The    Book   presupposes    an  advanced  social   state,  and   a 
f  considerable  range  and  faculty  of  observation  on  the  part  of  its 

author.  A  wide  and  varied  experience  lies  behind  him.  His 
illustrations  are  abundant ;  and  they  are  drawn  from  many  different 
departments  of  the  natural  world,  from  history  (c.  12),  from 
various  grades  and  ranks  of  society  (c.  24 ;  30,  1-8).  The 
"gate"  (29,  7.  31,  21),  as  the  place  of  judgment,  implies  the 
settled  life  of  Palestine  (Am.  5,  10  &c.).  The  forensic  terms  in 
which  Job's  plea  with  God  is  regularly  stated,  imply  an  estab- 
lished system  of  judicature, 
y  3.  The  Book  presupposes  much  reflexion  on  the  problems  of 
life  and  society.  The  period  of  unquestioning  faith  has  passed 
by :  the  laws  of  providence  are  no  more  stated  merely,  they  are 
macie  the  subject  of  doubt  and  discussion.  "The  very  problem 
which  the  Book  discusses,  the  riddle  which  vexes  the  soul  of  Job, 
is  not  one  which  springs  into  full  life,  or  would  form  the  subject 
of  a  long  and  studied,  an  intensely  argued  and  elaborate  discus- 
sion, in  any  early  or  simple  stage  of  a  nation's  progress  "  (Bradley, 
p.  171).  The  Book  exhibits  a  struggle  between  a  traditional 
creed  which  taught  that  all  suffering  was  a  penalty  for  sin,  all 
prosperity  a  reward  for  goodness,  and  the  spectacle  of  undeserved 
suffering  afforded  by  more  complex  social  conditions  ;  it  presents 
speculations  on  the  relation  subsisting  between  virtue  and  happi- 
ness, and  on  the  compatibility  of  God's  justice  and  benevolence 
with  His  sovereignty  and  greatness,  which  can  hardly  be  con- 
ceived as  arising  in  the  infancy  of  a  nation's  life.  Thinking  men 
must  have  pondered  often  on  moral  problems  before  they  could 
have  been  treated  with  the  fulness  and  many-sidedness  displayed 
in  the  Book  of  Job.  Apart  from  Psalms  of  uncertain  date  (but 
which  do  not  seem  to  be  early  ones — Ps.  37.  49.  73),  the  first 


JOB.  407 

notice  which  such  questions  receive  is  in  the  age  of  Jeremiah 
(Jer.  12,  I  &c.:  p.  385). 

4.  A  condition  of  disorder  and  misery  forms  the  background 
of  the  poem  (Davidson,  p.  Ixiii.).  Passages  such  as  3,  20.  7, 
1.  9,  24.  12,  6.  24,  12,  seem  to  reflect  something  beyond  the 
personal  experiences  of  Job  himself:  12,  17  ff.  points  to  nations 
overthrown,  the  plans  of  statesmen  wrecked,  kings,  princes,  and 
priests  led  into  exile.  Is  not  the  author's  eye  fixed  here  on  the 
great  poHtical  changes  wrought  by  the  Assyrians  or  the  Chal- 
daeans  among  the  principalities  of  Palestine  and  Syria  (Is.  10,  7. 
13  f.)?  Have  not  the  disasters  involving  the  righteous  with  the 
wicked,  which  his  own  nation  has  experienced,  forced  upon 
men's  attention  the  question  of  God's  moral  government  of  the 
world,  and  moulded  in  some  degree  the  author's  argument  ? 

5.  The  great  literary  power  of  the  poem,  its  finished  form,  and 
the  ability  which  its  author  displays  of  not  merely  expounding 
a  subject  briefly  (as  in  a  prophecy  or  a  Psalm),  but  of  develop- 
ing it  under  different  aspects  in  a  regularly  progressing  argument, 
implies  that  a  mature  stage  of  literary  culture  has  been  reached. 
The  nearest  parallel  is  Is.  40 — 66 ;  but  Job,  viewed  as  a  work  of 
art,  is  more  finished  and  powerful  even  than  that  great  prophecy. 
Though  the  author's  originality  is  very  great,  and  though  he 
displays  singular  freshness  and  independence  in  his  mode  of 
handling  his  subject,  the  points  of  view,  the  illustrations,  the 
poetical  figures,  the  terminology,  must  in  many  cases  have  been 
found  by  him  ready  to  his  hand  (notice,  for  instance,  the  illustra- 
tions in  20,  19.  22,  27.  24,  2  ff.  29,  12  ff.  31,  II  ff.,  so  familiar 
from  the  law  and  the  prophets). 

6.  The  developed  form,  both  of  the  morality  and  the  doctrine 
of  God,  points  in  the  same  direction.  "  The  teaching  of  Eliphaz 
regarding  human  nature  (4,  17  ff.),  and  the  inwardness  of  the 
moral  conceptions  of  Job  (c.  31),  are  very  surprising"  (David- 
son). The  doctrine  of  God  is  expressed  with  a  breadth  and 
loftiness  which  are  without  parallel  elsewhere  in  the  OT.,  except 
in  its  later  portions  (as  Is.  40 — 66.  Ps.  139).  The  "Satan"  is 
named  besides  only  in  Zech.  3  and  i  Ch.  21,  i :  had  the  concep- 
tion been  familiar  to  the  Hebrews  in  the  days  of  Solomon,  for 
instance,  it  is  probable  that  it  would  have  been  mentioned  else- 
where in  the  earlier  literature. 

7.  The  language  of  Job  points   likewise  to  a  relatively  late     \^ 


408  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

date.  The  syntax  is  extremely  idiomatic;  but  the  vocabulary 
contains  a  very  noticeable  admixture  of  Aramaic  words,  and  (in  a 
minor  degree)  of  words  explicable  only  from  the  Arabic.  This  is 
an  indication  of  a  date  more  or  less  contemporary  with  II  Isaiah  ; 
though  it  appears  that  the  author  came  more  definitely  within 
the  range  of  Aramaizing  influences  than  the  author  of  Is.  40 — 66, 
and  perhaps  had  his  home  in  proximity  to  Aramaic-  and  Arabic- 
speaking  peoples.^ 

8.  The  comparison  of  parallel  passages  in  other  books  leads  seldom  to 
conclusive  results,  partly  because  the  dates  of  the  books  referred  to  are  often 
doubtful,  partly  from  the  frequent  difficulty  (p.  292),  even  where  the  dates 
are  clear,  of  determining  on  which  side  the  dependence  lies.  The  principal 
parallels  presented  by  Job  are  with  Amos,  Isaiah  (both  parts),  Jeremiah, 
Lamentations,  Proverbs,  and  several  Psalms  (esp.  Ps.  39.  88.  107).-  Ps.  8, 
5  is  no  doubt  parodied  in  Job  7,  17  ;  but  the  date  of  the  Psalm  is  uncertain.^ 
It  appears,  however,  to  be  more  probable  that  Is.  19,  5  is  the  original  of  Job 
14,  II  than  that  the  prophet  is  the  imitator  (cf.  Davidson,  p.  Ixii).  With 
regard  to  the  relation  between  Job  3,  3-10  and  Jer.  20,  14-18  opinions  differ. 
Dillmann  (in  1869)  regarded  Job  as  the  original;  but  the  argument  that  the 
passage  in  Job  is  more  vivid  and  powerful  is  not  decisive  :  the  author  of  the 
poem  possesses  greater  literary  power  than  Jeremiah,  and  he  may  have 
adapted  some  of  Jeremiah's  artless  phrases  to  his  own  more  elaborate  and 
finished  picture.  Both  Pr.  10 — 22  and  Pr.  I — 9  appear  to  be  anterior  to 
Job  :  Pr.  13,  9  is  taken  by  Bildad  (18,  5.  6)  as  the  text  of  his  discourse; 
it  is  controverted  by  Job  (21,  17).'*  Job  15,  7*^  (esp.  taken  in  connexion  with 
S")  might  seem  to  be  an  ironical  allusion  to  Pr.  8,  25  :  and  Wisdom,  who,  in 
Pr.'  I — 9,  offers  herself  to  men  as  their  guide,  is  represented  in  Job  28  as 
beyond  the  intellectual  reach  of  man  (contrast  Pr.  3,  13-15.  8,  10  f.  with  Job 
28,  15-19).^  Whether  Is.  53,  9  is  the  original  of  Job  16,  17,  and  Is.  51,  9^ 
10*  of  Job  26,  12  f.,  or  whether  the  reverse  is  the  true  relation,  is  uncertain  : 
Kuenen  {77i.  T.  1873,  p.  540  f.)  decides  in  favour  of  the  former  alternative, 
Prof.  Cheyne  (yod  and  Solomon,  pp.  75,  84)  supports  the  latter.  There  are 
points  of  contact — in  some  cases  subtle  ones — between  Job  and  Is.  40 — 66 
which  make  it  probable  that  the  authors  of  both,  in  Prof.  Davidson's  words 
(p.  Ixvi  f.),  "  lived  surrounded  by  the  same  atmosphere  of  thought." 

^  The  far  south-east  of  Palestine  has  been  suggested  (Dillm.  p.  xxix  ; 
Cheyne,  pp.  75,  295).  But  doubtless  it  is  only  tradition  that  leads  the  author 
to  represent  both  Job  and  his  friends  as  non-Israelites  ;  the  thoughts  expressed 
by  them  are  thoroughly  Hebraic,  and  the  entire  work  is  manifestly  a  genuine 
product  of  the  religion  of  Israel. 

^  Comp.  Cheyne, yi?i^  ayui  Solomon,  p.  83  ff.  ;  Isaiah,  ii.  p.  259  ff. 

*  It  is  surprising  that  Delitzsch  (p.  21  f.)  should  treat  Ps.  88.  89  as  com- 
positions of  the  age  of  Solomon. 

*  So  Eliphaz  (5,  17)  takes  as  his  starting-point  the  teaching  of  Pr.  3,  1 1. 
^  Comp.  Budde,  pp.  241  f.,  251  ;  Davidson,  p.  Ixi  f. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  FIVE  MEGILLOTH. 

§  I.  The  Song  of  Songs. 

Literature.— K.  F.  Umbreit,  Lied  der  Liebe  fed.  2,  1828) ;  E.  J.  Magnus, 
Kril.  Bcarb.  u.  Erkl.  des  Hoheiilieds  Sal.  (1842);  F.  Hitzig,  Das 
Ho/ielied  {\n  the  K'gf.  Hdb.),  1855  ;  C.  D.  Ginsburg,  The  Song  of  Songs  ^  with 
a  Comm.,  hislorical  and  critical,  1857  :  H.  EwalJ  in  the  Dichter  des  AB.s 
(erl.  2,  1S67),  iii.  333-426;  F.  Delitzsch,  Hohcslied  ii.  A'ohcleth,  in  ihc  Bibl. 
Comm.  (1S75)  5  H.  Gratz,  Shir-ha-Shirim,  1871  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  art. 
••  Canticles  "  in  the  Encycl.  By-it.  (ed.  9) :  S.  Oettli  in  Strack  and  Zockler's 
Kgf.  A'omrnentar,  1 889;  W.  E.  Griffis,  D.D. ,  The  Lily  ainong  Thorns;  a 
study  of  the  Biblical  draj/ia  entitled  The  So//g  of  So?igs  (Boston  and  New 
York,  1890)  [popular  in  scope]. 

In  the  Jewish  Canon  the  Song  of  Songs  forms  the  first  of  the 
five  Megilloth^  or  "Rolls,"  which  are  read  pubhcly  at  certain 
sacred  seasons  in  the  synagogues.^ 

The  Song  of  Songs  is  a  poem,  the  subject  of  which  is  evidently 
love,  though,  as  to  the  manner  in  which  this  subject  is  dealt  with, 
opinions    have    differed.       It    is   evident,    from    the   change    of 
number  and  (in  the  Hebrew)  of  gender,  that  different  parts  of 
the  poem  are  spoken  by,  or  addressed  to,  different  persons,  or,  in 
other  words,  that  the  form  is  that  of  a  dialogue ;  but  who  the 
speakers  are,  or  how  the  poem  is  to  be  distributed  between  them, 
is  not  in  all  cases  equally  apparent.     Some  scholars  (of  whom\ 
the  chief  are   Herder,^  de  Wette,   Magnus,   and    Bleek)  have,     ' 
indeed,  supposed  that  the  Book  consists  of  a  number  of  inde-  -'^ 
pendent  songs,  the  only  link   binding  them  together  being  the 

1  The  Song  of  Songs  at  the  Passover  ;  Ruth  at  Pentecost  ;  Lamentations 
on  the  9th  of  Ab  (the  day  on  which  Jerusalem  was  destroyed) ;  Qohelelh  at 
the  Feast  of  Booths  ;  Esther  at  the  Feast  of  Purim. 

'-  Herder,  Salomon's  Lieder  der  Liebe,  die  dltestcn  und  schonsten  aus  dem 
Morgenlande,  1778  (in  Miiller's  edition  of  Herder's  works,  vol.  iv.),  who  dis- 
plays, however,  a  high  appreciation  of  the  aesthetic  vahie  of  the  Song. 

409 


4IO  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

common  subject,  love ;  but  the  frequent  repetition  of  the  same 
words  and  phrases  (including  some  remarkable  ones)^  and 
indications,  not  to  be  exi)lained  away,  that  the  same  characters 
are  speaking  in  the  latter  as  in  the  earlier  parts  of  the  poem, 
have  convinced  most  recent  commentators  and  critics  that  this 
view  is  not  correct,  and  that  the  poem  forms,  in  some  sense  or 
another,  a  real  unity. ^ 

As  regards  the  sense,  however,  in  which  the  poem  is  a  unity, 
there  exist  two  fundamentally  different  opinions.  According  to 
one  of  these,  the  traditional  view,  there  are  but  two  main  charac- 
ters by  whom  the  dialogue  is  sustained,  viz.  King  Solomon  and 
a  Shulamite  ^  maiden  (6,  13)  of  whom  he  is  enamoured;  and 
the  poem  describes  how  this  maiden,  who  is  endowed  with  sur- 
passing grace  and  loveliness,  is  taken  away  from  her  rustic  home 
by  the  king  and  raised  to  the  summit  of  honour  and  felicity  by 
being  made  his  bride  at  Jerusalem  (3,  6 — 5,  i).  The  dialogue, 
upon  this  view,"^  consists  substantially  of  mutual  expressions  of 
love  and  admiration  on  the  part  of  the  two  principal  characters. 
According  to  the  other  view,  propounded  first  in  modern  times 
by  J.  S.  Jacobi,^  developed  in  a  masterly  manner  by  Ewald,  and 
accepted  by  the  majority  of  modern  critics  and  commentators, 
there  are  three  principal  characters,  viz.  Solomon,  the  Shulamite 
maiden,  and  her  shepherd  lover :  a  beautiful  Shulamite  maiden, 
surprised  by  the  king  and  his  train  on  a  royal  progress  in  the 
north  (6,  11-12),  has  been  brought  to  the  palace  at  Jerusalem 
(i,  4  &c.),  where  the  king  hopes  to  win  her  affections,  and  to 
induce  her  to  exchange  her  rustic  home  for  the  honour  and 
enjoyments  which  a  court-life  could  afford.  She  has,  however, 
already  pledged  her  heart  to  a  young  shepherd ;  and  the  admira- 
tion and  blandishments  which  the  king  lavishes  upon  her  are 
powerless  to  make  her  forget  him.  In  the  end  she  is  permitted 
to  return  to  her  mountain  home,  where,  at  the  close  of  the  poem, 

^  See  Kuenen,  Onderzoek  (ed.  i),  §  148.  3  ;  or  Oettli,  p.  156. 

*  The  marks  of  unity  in  the  poem  are  well  drawn  out  by  W.  R.  Smith. 

^  Probably  a  by-form  of  Shuna^ninite  (i  Ki.  I,  3;  2  Ki.  4,  8  ff.),  i.e.  a 
native  of  Shunem,  a  town  in  Issachar  (Josh.  19,  18). 

^  In  modern  times  supported  chiefly  by  Hengstenberg,  Delitzsch,  K. il,  and 
Kingsbury  in  ihe  Speaker  s  Commentary, 

^  Das  durch  eine  leichte  n.  iin^eki'tiistelie  Erkl.  von  seinen  Voiiourfen 
gere/teie  Hohelied  {I'j'ji).  Ibn  Ezra  (12th  cent.)  had  also  distinguished  the 
lover  and  the  king  :  Ginsburg,  p.  46  (cf.  p.  56  f.). 


THE   SONG   OF   SONGS.  4II 

the  lovers  appear  hand  in  hand  (8,  5),  and  express,  in  warm  and 
glowing  words,  the  superiority  of  genuine,  spontaneous  affection 
over  that  which  may  be  purchased  by  wealth  or  rank  (8,  6-7). 

The  following  synopses  of  the  traditional  view,  as  represented 
by  Delitzsch,  and  of  the  modern  view  as  represented  by  Ewald, 
together  with  certain  slight  modifications,  in  some  cases  improve- 
ments, adopted  by  Oettli,  the  most  recent  commentator  on  the 
Book,  will,  it  is  hoped,  assist  the  reader  to  estimate  the  two 
alternatives  correctly. 

In  case  some  surprise  should  be  felt  at  the  amount  which  (upon  either  view) 
has,  as  it  were,  to  be  read  between  the  lines,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that,  if 
the  poem  is  to  be  made  intelligible,  its  different  parts  must,  in  one  way  or 
another^  be  assigned  to  different  characters  ;  and  as  no  names  mark  the 
beginning  of  the  several  speeches,  these  must  be  supplied,  upon  the  basis  of 
such  clues  as  the  poem  contains,  by  the  commentator.  The  problem  which 
is,  if  possible,  to  be  decided  is,  which  of  the  proposed  schemes  does  fullest 
justice  to  the  language  of  the  poem,  or  to  casual  hints  contained  in  particular 
passages.  The  traditional  view  may  seem  to  be  the  simpler  and  the  more 
obvious,  but  this  does  not  decide  the  question  of  its  truth  ;  for,  as  it  cannot 
be  shown  to  reach  back  to  the  time  when  the  poem  was  composed,  it  may, 
for  that  very  reason,  have  been  adopted,  and  have  gained  currency,  at  a  time 
when  the  true  view  had  been  forgotten. 

I.  The  scheme  of  the  poem  according  to  Delitzsch  ^  : — 

Act  I.  (i,  2 — 2,  7). 

The  Lovers'  Meeting. 

Scene  I. — Ladies  of  the  Court, ^  i,  2-4  (praising  Solomon,  and  desiring  his 
caresses). — The  Shulamite,  l,  5-7  (exxusing  her  sunburnt  looks,  and  inquiring 
where  her  lover  [Solomon]  is). — Ladies  of  the  Court,  i,  8  (in  reply). 

Scene  2. — Solomon  (entering),  I,  9-1 1. — The  Shulamite,  I,  12-14. — 
Solomon,  i,  15. — The  Shulamite,  i,  16 — 2,  i. — Solomon,  2,2. — The  Shulam- 
ite, 2,  3-7. 

Act  IL  (2,  ^-3,  5). 

Monologues  of  the  Shulajnite,  relating  two  scenes  from  her  past  life. 

Scene  I  (2,  8-17). — The  Shulamite  relates  how  the  king  on  an  excursion  had 
once  visited  her  in  her  mountain  home,  and  proposed  to  her  to  accompany 
him  on  a  lovers'  walk  through  the  fields,  vv.  10-14,  repeating  the  words  of  a 
vinedresser's  ditty  which  she  had  then  sung  to  him,  vv.  15-16,  and  telling 
how  she  had  invited  him  to  return  to  her  again  in  the  evening,  when  his 
excursion  was  ended. 

1  Short  explanations  of  the  drift  of  the  speeches  are  inserted  where 
necessary. 

2  The  "daughters  of  Jerusalem"    s- e  i,  5.  2,  7  &c.). 


412  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Scene  2  {3,  1-5). — The  Shulamite  narrates  a  dream,  in  which  she  had  once 
seemed  to  go  in  search  of  her  lover  through  the  city  till  she  found  him. 

Act  in.  (3,  6-5,  I). 

The  Royal  Espottsals, 

■» 
Scene  I.   {Jerusalem  and  the  neii^hbouj-hood.     A  pageant  seen  app7'oacJiing 

in  the  distance.) — A  citizen  of  Jerusalem,  3,  6  (inquiring  what  the  pageant 

is), — Another  citizen,    3,    7-8  (in   reply). — A  third  citizen,    3,   9-10. — The 

people  generally,  3,  II. 

The  procession  is  supposed  to  be  conducting  to  the  king  his  future  bride. 

Scene  7,.  {Banqueting-hall  of  the  palace.) — Solomon,  4,  I-5  (in  praise  of  his 
beloved's  charms). — The  Shulamite,  4,  6  (interrupting  the  king's  commenda- 
tions of  her  beauty,  and  proposing  to  withdraw  till  the  evening). — Solomon, 

4,  7-15  (inviting  the  Shulamite  to  forsake  her  northern  home,  and  to  become 
his  bride). — The  Shulamite,  4,  16  (accepting  the  king's  invitation). — Solomon, 

5,  I  (a  morning  greeting  to  his  bride). 

(The  bridal  night  is  supposed  to  intervene  between  4,  16  and  5,  I.) 

Act  IV.  (5,  2—6,  9). 

Love  lost  and  found  again. 

Scene  I.  (Jerusalem.) — The  Shulamite,  5,  2-8  (narrating  a  dream  in  which 
she  seemed  to  hear  her  beloved  calling  her,  but  upon  rising  to  open  to  him, 
he  had  vanished,  and  she  sought  him  vainly  through  the  city). — Ladies  of 
the  Court,  5,  9. — The  Shulamite,  5,  10-16  (praise  of  her  beloved,  elicited  by 
the  reply  in  5,  9). — Ladies  of  the  Court,  6,  i. — The  Shulamite,  6,  2-3. 

The  dream  is  accounted  for  psychologically  by  the  supposition  that  an 
estrangement  had  taken  place  between  the  newly-married  pair. 

Scene  2. — Solomon  (entering),  6,  4-9. 

Act  V.  (6,  10—8,  4). 

The  lovely,  hut  modest  Queen. 

Scene  I.  {Solomon's  park  at  Etam.) — Ladies  of  the  Court  (meeting  the 
Shulamite  wandering  in  a  nut-grove),  6,  lo. — The  Shulamite,  6,  II-12 
(declaring  that  in  her  enjoyment  of  the  country  she  had  almost  forgotten  the 
rank  to  which  she  had  been  elevated). — Ladies  of  the  Court,  6,  13*.  ^. — The 
Shulamite,  6,  13*=  ^ — Ladies  of  the  Court,  6,  13*^.  (Here  the  Shulamite 
complies  with  the  request  expressed  in  6,  13*^,  and  dances.) — Ladies  of  the 
Court  (watching  her  as  she  dances,  and  admiring  her  beauty),  7,  1-5. 

Scene  2. — Solomon,  7,  6.  (addressing  the  Shulamite)  7,  7-9*. — The  Shulam- 
ite, 7,  9*''  '^.  10 — 8,  4  (interrupting  the  king,  and  inviting  him  to  revisit 
with  her  her  rustic  home). 

'  Rendering,  "What  would  you  see  in  the  Shulamite?"  "As  it  were  the 
dance  of  Mahanaim. " 


THE   SONG   OF   SONGS.  4I3 

Act  VI.  (8,  5-14). 

The  bridal  pair  together  in  the  Shtdamite^  s  home. 

Scene  I.  {A  valley  near  Shiilem,  Solomon  and  the  Shtilamite  enter,  arm 
in  arm.)—K.  villager  of  Shulem,  8,  5«,  »>. — Solomon,  8,  5<=,<i,ei  (pointing  to 
the  fruit  tree  under  which  he  first  aroused  the  Shulamite's  love,  and  to  a 
cottage  hard  by  which  was  her  birthplace).— The  Shulamite,  8,  6-7. 

Scene  2.  {The  Shulamite's  home.) — The  Shulamite,  8,  8  (speaking  in 
the  name  of  her  family,  and  inquiring  how  her  little  sister,  when  she  reaches 
marriageable  age,  is  to  be  dealt  with).— The  Shulamite's  brothers,  8,  9 
(replying  to  their  sister's  question). — The  Shulamite,  8,  10-12  (recalling 
the  care  taken  of  herself  formerly  by  her  brothers,  in  consequence  of  which 
she  was  secured  to  her  lover  ;  and  commending  them  to  the  king's  grateful 
regard  for  a  douceur). — Solomon,  8,  13  (addressing  his  bride,  and  begging 
her  to  gratify  the  companions  of  her  youth — who  are  now  supposed  to  be 
thronging  round  her— and  himself,  with  a  song).— The  Shulamite,  8,  14 
(singing  [cf.  2,  17],  and  inviting  the  king  to  join  her  over  the  hills). 

II.  The  scheme  of  the  poem  according  to  Ewald  : — 
Act  I.  (i,  2 — 2,  7). 

Scene  I.  {The  Shulamite  and  Ladies  of  the  Court.) — The  Shulamite, 
I,  2-7  (longing  for  the  caresses  of  her  absent  shepherd -lover,  complaining 
that  she  is  detained  in  the  royal  palace  against  her  will,  and  inquiring 
eagerly  where  he  may  be  found). ^ — The  ladies  of  the  Court,  i,  8  (in  reply 
— ironically). 

Scejie  2.  {Solomon  enters.) — Solomon,  i,  9-1 1  (seeking  to  win  the  Shulam- 
ite's love).^ — The  Shulamite,  i,  12^.  {aside)  13-14  (parrying  the  king's 
compliments  with  reminiscences  of  her  absent  lover). — Solomon,  I,  15. — 
The  Shulamite  {aside),  1,  16 — 2,  I  (taking  no  notice  of  the  king's  remark 
in  V,  15,  and  applying  the  figures  suggested  by  it  to  her  shepherd-lover). — 
Solomon,  2,  2. — The  Shulamite  {aside),  2,  3-7  (applying  similarly  to  her 
lover  the  comparison  suggested  by  v.  2.  In  v.  5  f  she  sinks  down  in  a  fit 
of  half-delirious  sickness  ;  in  z;.  7  she  reminds  the  ladies  of  the  Court  that 
love  is  an  affection  which  arises  spontaneously,  and  entreats  them  not  to  excite 
It  artificially  in  Solomon's  favour). 

^  Punctuating  (with  Pesh.)  the  pronouns  z.)i  feminines.  But  the  paraphrase 
of  "aroused"  or  "awakened  thee"  is  questionable. 

-  Oettli's  distribution  of  i,  2-7  is  perhaps  preferable:  viz.  a  lady  of  the 
Court,  I,  2-3  (in  praise  of  Solomon,  endeavouring  thereby  to  arouse  in  the 
Shulamite  an  affection  for  the  king). — The  Shulamite,  1,4*.''  (expressing  her 
eagerness  to  be  with  her  absent  lover). — Ladies  of  the  Court,  I,  4°t  "i,  • 
(in  praise  of  Solomon). — The  Shulamite,  I,  5-7. 

^  Render  I,  9  &c.  as  RV.  marg.  (see  Jud.  11,  37):  "  my  love  "  is  too  strong. 

■*  I.e.  while  the  king  was  away  from  me,  at  table  with  his  guests,  my  love 
(for  another)  was  active,  and  filled  me  with  delicious  memories. 


414  LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

Act  IL  (2,  8-3,  5). 
The  Shulamite  and  Ladies  of  the  Courts 

Scene  I.  {The  Shulamite^s  reminiscence  of  her  lovei^s  visit.)  —  The 
Shulamite  recounts  a  scene  from  her  past  life,  2,  8-1 5.  The  scene  is  of  a 
visit  which  her  shepherd-lover  once  paid  her  in  her  rural  home,  inviting  her  to 
accompany  him  through  the  fields,  vv.  10-14  ;  and  she  repeats  the  words  of 
the  ditty  which  she  then  sang  to  him,  v.  15.  Vv.  16-17  she  declares  her 
present  unaltered  devotion  to  him,  and  expresses  the  wish  that  the  separation 
between  them  may  quickly  be  at  an  end.^ 

Scene  2.  {The  Shulaviiie's  first  dream.) — The  Shulamite  narrates  a 
dream  which  she  had  recently  had  whilst  in  the  royal  palace,  3,  I-5.  She 
had  seemed  to  go  in  search  of  her  absent  lover  through  the  city,  and  to  her 
joy  she  had  found  him,'  vv.  1-4.      V.  5  she  repeats  the  refrain  of  2,  7. 

The  dream  reflects  the  waking  feelings  and  emotions.  In  the  economy  of 
the  poem  it  serves  to  explain  to  the  chorus  the  state  of  the  heroine's  feelings  ; 
and  the  adjuration  in  3,  5  follows  appropriately  :  let  them  not  seek  to  stir  up 
an  unwilling  love  ;  even  in  her  dreams  she  is  devoted  to  another. 

Act  IIL  (3,  6-5,  8). 

Scene  l.  {Citizens  ofjertisalcm  assembled  iit  front  of  one  of  the  gates.  In 
the  distance  a  royal pui^eant  is  seen  approacJiing.) — First  citizen,  3,  6." — Second 
citizen,  3,  7-8. — A  third  citizen,  3,  9-1 1. 

The  intention  of  the  spectacle  is  to  dazzle  the  rustic  girl  with  a  sense  of  the 
honour  awaiting  her  if  she  will  consent  to  become  the  king's  bride.  In  the 
palanquin  is  Solomon  himself,  wearing  the  crown  of  state  which  his  mother 
gave  hiin  on  his  wedding-day. 

Scene  2.  {hi  the  Palace.  Solomon^  the  Shulamite^  and  Ladies  of  the  Court.') 
— Solomon,  4,  1-7  (seeking  to  win  the  Shulamite's  love). 

Scene  3.  ( The  Shulamite  and  Ladies  of  the  Court.  The  Shulamite  and 
h(r  lover  in  ideal  interview.) — The  Shulamite,  4,  8 — 5,  I  (hearing  in 
imagination  her  lover's  impassioned  invitation,  4,  8-15,  giving  him  her 
reply,  v.  16,  and  seeming  to  hear  again  his  grateful  response,  5,  I  ^).* 

^  Oettli  treats  this  interview  with  the  lover  as  a  real  one,  supposing  the 
scene  to  lie  in  one  of  Solomon's  summer  re-idences,  perhaps  near  Shulem 
itself,  where  her  lover  visits  her  at  the  window. 
■2  Render  ''What  is  this  .  .  .  ?"  see  Gen.  33,  8  Heb. 

'5,  I"''  the  lover,  in  view  of  the  anticipated  bridal  feast  (Jud.  14,  12), 
inviting  his  guests  to  partake  of  it.  But  RV.  viarg.  is  perhaps  right ;  in 
which  case  the  words  may  be  supposed  to  be  spoken  by  the  chorus,  watching 
at  a  distance,  or  overhearing,  the  scene,  and  bidding  the  pair  enjoy  the 
delights  of  love. 

T\iQ  perfects  in  5,  I  describe  the  future  imagined  as  already  accomplished. 
Upon  Dflitzsch's  view  they  are  construed  as  actual  pasts.  Either  interpreta- 
tion is  consonant  with  Hebrew  usage. 

*  Oettli,  as  before  (2,  8-15),  treats  this  as  an  actual  visit  made  during  the 


THE   SONG   OF   SONGS.  415 

Scene  4.  {7716  Shulamites  second  dream.) — The  Shulamite  relates  a 
dream  of  the  past  night,  in  which  she  had  imagined  herself  to  hear  her 
shepherd-lover  at  the  door,  but  upon  rising  to  open  to  him,  had  found  him 
vanished,  and  sought  him  in  vain  through  the  city,  5,  2-7.  The  memory  of 
the  dream  still  haunts  her,  and  impels  her,  v.  8,  to  make  a  fresh  (2,  5) 
avowal  of  her  love. 

The  dream  of  her  lover  visiting  her,  and  of  her  failmg  to  secure  him, 
coming  at  the  moment  when  the  king's  importunities  are  threatening  to  tear 
her  from  him  for  ever  (and,  upon  Oettli's  view,  immediately  after  her  lover's 
departure),  is  conceived  with  great  psychological  truth. 

Act  IV.  (5,  9-8,  4). 

Scene  I.  {The  Ladies  of  the  Court  and  the  Shtilajfiite.  Dialogtte  respecting 
the  /^z/,?r.)— Ladies  of  the  Court,  5,  9  (in  surprise  at  the  Shulamite's  per- 
sistent rejection  of  the  king's  advances,  and  her  devotion  to  one  absent). — 
The  Shulamite,  5,  10-16  (an  enraptured  description  of  her  lover). — Ladies 
of  the  Court,  6,  i. — The  Shulamite,  6,  2-3. 

Scene  2.  {The  king  enters.)—So\oxnor\,  6,  4- 13  (renewed  endeavour  to 
win  the  Shulamite's  affection  by  praise  of  her  beauty,  and  description  of  the 
honour  in  store  for  her,  z'V.  4-9.  V.  10  the  king's  memory  passes  back  to 
the  occasion  of  his  first  meeting  the  Shulamite  in  the  nut-orchard,  and  he 
repeats  the  words  with  which  the  ladies  of  the  Court  then  accosted  her,  v.  lo, 
together  with  her  reply,  in  which  she  excuses  herself  for  having  wandered 
there  alone,  and  allowed  herself  to  be  surprised  by  the  king's  retinue,  vv.  ii- 
12  :  V.  13^'  ^  he  quotes  similarly  the  request  which  they  then  made  to  her 
to  remain  with  them,  with  her  reply,  13'=,  and  their  answer,  13"^,  that  they 
desired  to  see  her  dance).  ^ 

Seme  3. — Solomon,  7,  1-9  ^  (making  a  final  endeavour  to  gain  the  Shulam- 
ite's heart  by  praising  her  charms  in  more  effusive  terms  than  before).' 

king's  absence  {v.  6),  in  which  the  shepherd-lover  invites  her  to  flee  with  him 
from  her  perilous  position,  and  makes  a  fresh  avowal  of  his  passion  for  her, 
Oettli  thinks  that  Ewald's  "psychologically  powerful"  conception  of  an 
imagined  interview  is  too  violent  ;  and  points  out  that  the  actual  visit  takes 
place  dramatically  at  the  right  moment,  when,  after  the  king's  withdrawal  till 
the  evening  (4,  6),  there  is  a  pause  in  the  progress  of  the  action,  and  when 
the  position  of  the  Shulamite  is  on  the  point  of  becoming  more  critical. 

^  Oatli  assii;ns  6,  11-13  to  the  Shulamite,  supposing  Solomon's  q.uotation 
of  the  ladies'  exclanntion  in  6,  10  to  elicit  from  her  the  excuse  6,  11-12  now  ; 
6.  13  he  explains  as  Evvald,  but  treats  it  as  containing  her  reminiscences,  not 
Solomon's.     (Ewald  and  Oettli  render  6,  13S  ''  as  Delitzsch,  p.  412,  note.) 

2  Oettli  assigns  7,  1-6  to  the  chorus. 

3  Reading  in  7,  9'^  "for  lovers"  (Dnn^)  in  place  of  "for  my  beloved" 
(iTnb).-  But  the  existing  text  may  be  preserved,  by  assigning  9^<=  to  the 
Shulamite,  supposing  her  to  interrupt  the  king,  by  declaring  that  such 
delights  are  only  for  her  true  love.  So  Oettli.  (9^  "  cannot  be  assigned  to 
Solomon  as  it  stands,  "my  beloved"  being  in  the  Heb.  a  masculine,  so  that 
it  cannot  be  addressed  to  the  Shulamite.) 


4l6  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMEN-T. 

Sceue  ^. — The  Shulamite,  7,  lo — 8,  4  (luedless  of  the  king's  admiration, 
declaring  her  unswerving  devotion  to  her  shepherd-lover,  and  her  longing  to 
be  with  him  again  in  the  open  fields.  The  refrain,  8,  4,  slightly  altered  in 
form  [see  RV.  7narg.\  as  2,  7.  3,  5.  7,  10  (where  "my  beloved's"  should  be 
pronounced  with  some  emphasis)  is  her  final  repulse  of  the  king). 

Act  V.  (8,  5-14). 

Shepherds,     The  Shulamite  and  her  lover. 

Scene  l. — Shepherds  of  Shulem  (perceiving  the  Shulamite  approaching, 
leaning  on  her  lover's  arm),  8,  ^^^  '". — The  Shulamite,  8,  5*^,  ■'•  «.  6-7 
(addressing  her  lover,  and  pointing  to  the  apple-tree,  under  which  she  hadf 
once  aroused  him  from  his  sleep,  and  the  spot  where  he  had  first  seen  the 
light, ^  and  declaring  passionately  the  irresistible  might  of  true  love).  8,  8-12 
(addressing  all  present,  recalling,  vv.  8-9,  words  in  which  her  brothers  had 
planned  formerly  for  her  welfare,^  and  declaring  how  she  had  fulfilled  their 
best  expectations).-* — The  lover,  8,  13  (asking  his  love  for  a  song). — The 
Shulamite,  8,  14  (singing  [cf.  2,  17],  and  inviting  her  lover  to  join  her  over 
the  hills). 

Upon  either  view  of  its  purport  and  scope  it  will  be  seen  that 
though  much  of  the  poetry  is  lyrical  in  character,  the  Song,  as  a 
whole,  is  of  the  nature  of  a  drama,  with  dialogue,  and  action, 
and  character  consistently  sustained,  constituting  a  rudimentary 
kind  of  plot.  The  action  is  not,  however,  as  in  the  drama 
properly  so  called,  represented  in  person  throughout,  or  (in  sub- 
ordinate matters)  related  directly  by  one  of  the  characters  :  in 
several  passages,  according  to  Ewald,  and  in  at  least  one  or  two, 
according  to  Delitzsch  and  Oettli,  the  speakers  acquaint  the 
hearers  with  incidents  of  their  previous  life,  by  introducing 
passages  supposed  to  have  been  spoken  before  the  drama  opens, 
forming,  as  it  were,  "a  picture   within  a  picture,"  out  of  per 

^  In  8,  5''>'''°  Ewald  adheres  to  the  Massoretic  punctuation,  according  to 
which  the  pronouns  are  masculine:  Oettli  (with  Posh,  llitz.  Del.  and  others) 
points  them  as  feminines,  assigning  the  three  lines  to  the  lover. 

2  8,  8.  9  arc  assigned  l)y  C)ettli  to  two  of  the  Shulamite's  brothers,  who 
view  ihcir  sister,  returning  after  her  absence,  with  some  suspicion,  which  the 
poet  makes  them  ex[)ress  by  recalling  their  former  plans  for  her  welfare. 

^  V.  10  means  that  in  her  resistance  to  Solomon's  advances  she  had  been 
as  an  impregnable  fortress,  and  had  secured  from  her  assailant  terms  of  peace. 
Vv.  11-12  she  plays  upon  a  double  application  of  the  term  "vineyard  :"  let 
Solomon,  and  his  vineyard-keepers,  receive  the  proceeds  of  the  king's  actual 
vineyard,  if  they  please  :  her  own  vineyard — i.e.  her  person  and  charms 
(cf.  I,  6) — is  at  her  own  disposal  ("before  me,"  Gen.  24,  51)  still ;  neither 
he,  nor  they,  will  get  that! 


\ 


THE   SONG   OF   SONGS.  417 

spective  with  the  main  action  of  the  piece.  As  read,  the  Song  is 
so  difficult  of  comprehension,  that  it  would  seem  to  have  been 
originally  designed  to  be  acted,  the  different  parts  being  person- 
ated by  different  characters,  though  even  the  varied  gesture  and 
voice  of  a  single  reciter  might  perhaps  be  sufficient  to  enable  a 
sympathetic  circle  of  hearers  to  apprehend  its  purport.  The 
scene  till  8,  4  appears  to  be  laid  in  the  r-#yal  palace  at  Jerusalem, 
or  (3,  6-1 1)  before  one  of  the  gates ;  1  but  in  8,  5  it  evidently 
changes,  and  is  supposed  to  be  in  the  heroine's  native  place. 

An  attentive  study  of  the  poem  can  leave  little  doubt  that  the 
modern  view  is  decidedly  more  probable  than  the  traditional 
view,  (i)  It  has  several  distinct  advantages  on  the  ground  of 
general  considerations.  Thus,  that  Solomon  should  appear  in 
the  garb  and  character  of  a  shepherd  (i,  7.  16  f.^  6,  2  f.),  visiting 
a  country  girl  in  her  home  (2,  8  ff.),  proposing  to  make  her  his 
bride  (3,  6  ff.),  and  appearing  with  her  in  the  closing  scene, 
not  in  his  own  palace,  which,  ex  hypothesis  was  to  be  her  future 
abode,  but  in  her  native  village  (8,  5  ff.),  is  improbable  in  itself, 
and  inconsistent  with  all  that  we  know  respecting  the  king's 
character  and  tastes  :  on  the  other  hand,  if  her  lover  really  was  a 
Shulamite  shepherd,  all  these  traits  are  natural  and  appropriate. 
The  fine  description  of  love  in  8,  6  f.,  from  its  emphatic  jDosi- 
tion  and  the  emotion  which  breathes  in  it,  seems  clearly  to  be 
intended  by  the  poet  to  express  the  main  idea  of  the  poem  :  it 
is,  however,  thoroughly  unsuitable  in  the  mouth  of  one  who 
could  at  most  expect  to  be  introduced  into  a  harem  of  "  three- 
score queens,  fourscore  concubines,  and  virgins  without  number" 
(6,  8) :  not  only  has  a  maiden  who  consents  willingly  to  such  a 
position  no  sense  of  womanly  dignity,  but  the  terms  in  which 
(in  8,  6  f.)  she  defcribes  her  passion  demand,  and  imply  that 
she  expects  to  receive,  an  undivided  affection  in  return.  But, 
addressed  to  a  lover  in  her  own  position  of  life,  the  words  are 
perfectly  natural  and  true  :  and  the  allusion  in  7^  to  the  wealthy 
suitor  whose  love  is  despised  has  an  evident  force.  Again,  upon 
the  modern  view,  the  entire  poem  is  far  more  significant  than 
upon  the  traditional  view  :  upon  the  traditional  view  it  consists 
substantially  of  nothing  but  mutual  declarations  of  admiration 
and  affection  which  lead  to  no  result  (for  the  marriage  is  evidently 

^  Or  (Oettli)  in  a  summer  residence  of  the  king  in  Lebanon  (till  8,  4). 
'^  Where  the  lovers'  future  -woodland  hoxnQ  is  anticipated. 

2  D 


4l8  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

determined  on  when  the  poem  opens),  and  all  that  follows  the 
Royal  Espousals  in  3,  6 — 5,  i  lacks  dramatic  justification  ;  upon 
the  modern  view,  the  idea  of  the  poem,  the  triumph  of  plighted 
love  over  the  seductions  of  worldly  magnificence,  is  one  of  real 
ethical  value.  And  the  plan  corresponds  with  the  idea — the 
heroine  appears  in  the  first  chapter  in  a  difficult  and  painful 
situation,  from  which  the  last  chapter  represents  her  as  extri- 
cated ;  thus  the  interest  culminates  in  its  proper  place,  at  the 
end,  not  in  the  middle  of  the  poem.  It  is  to  be  noted  also 
that  the  admiration  expressed  in  the  poem  is  not  (on  either  side) 
evoked  by  graces  of  character,  but  solely  by  the  contemplation 
of  physical  beauty  :  and  it  is  only  relieved  from  being  purely 
sensuous  by  the  introduction  of  an  ethical  motive,  such  as  is 
supplied  by  the  modern  view,  giving  it  a  purpose  and  an  aim. 
The  two  dreams  are  much  more  expressive  upon  the  modern 
than  upon  the  traditional  view  :  they  are  in  evident  contrast  to 
one  another,  for  in  one  (3,  1-4)  the  heroine  j^nds  her  lover, 
while  in  the  other  she  fails  to  find  him  (5,  2-7),  and  the  dis- 
tinction between  them  must  have  some  psychological  basis.  The 
estrangement  between  Solomon  and  the  Shulamite,  almost  on 
the  morning  after  their  marriage  (5,  i),  assumed  by  the  advo- 
cates of  the  traditional  view,  in  explanation  of  the  second  dream, 
is  extremely  artificial  and  improbable ;  but  that  the  Shulamite, 
after  the  vision  of  her  lover  (4,  8 — 5,  i) — whether  this  took 
place  in  reality  or  only  in  the  vividness  of  her  imagination — 
when  the  crisis  of  her  resistance  to  the  king  was  approaching, 
should  experience  such  a  dream,  is  in  the  highest  degree  true  to 
nature. 

(2)  While  there  are  many  passages  in  the  poem  which  may  be 
iccommodated  without  violence  to  either  view,  and  which  cannot 
nsequently  be  quoted  on  one  side  or  the  other,  there  arc 
tain  crucial  passages  which,  upon  the  view  that  the  Shulamite 
and  Solomon  are  the  only  principal  characters,  are  deficient  in 
point ;  whereas,  if  there  be  a  ?'wa/  to  Solomon,  they  are  at  once 
forcible  and  significant. 

Thus  2,  7  Delitzsch  supposes  the  heroine  to  sink  into  Solomon's  arms, 
entranced  by  an  "ecstasy  of  love,"  which  she  adjures  the  chorus  not  to  inter- 
rupt or  disturb.  But  "Iliy,  "l''Vi^5  ^^  ^^^  mean  to  disturb  (so  as  to  bring  to 
an  end)  an  emotion,  but  to  arouse  it  into  activity  (Ps.  80,  3.  Pr.  10,  12.  Is. 
42,  13),  which  exactly  suits  Ewald's  interpretation  that  it  is  an  adjuration  to 


\ 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS. 


419 


the  chorus  not  to  excite  in  her  the  passion  of  love  artificially  (for  Solemon). 
The  repetition  of  the  adjuration  in  3,  5.  8,  4  is  also  extremely  forcible  upon 
Ew.'s  view  of  the  poem, 

3,  4^  Even  in  a  dream  it  is  more  probable  that  the  heroine  would  have 
thought  of  bringing  a  shepherd  of  her  ov/n  rank  into  her  "mother's  house" 
than  a  king.  So  5,  2  end  suggests  the  picture  of  one  who  has  the  actual 
occupations  of  a  shepherd  (Gen.  31,  40). 

4,  6.  Is  it  probable  that  a  bride,  on  her  7vedding  day  (Del.),  would  propose 
thus  to  withdraw  herself  from  the  company  of  her  husband  ? 

6,  4°.  5.  Solomon's  dread'^  of  the  heroine's  eyes  is  surely  incredible  if  she 
were  his  bride  ;  but  it  is  intelligible  if  she  is  resisting  his  advances. 

7,  8.  12^.  8,  I  all  imply  that  the  marriage  is  not  yet  consummated,  and  are 
thus  inconsistent  with  Del.'s  view. 

6,  12  is  too  difficult  and  uncertain  to  have  much  weight  on  either  side  ;  but 
Ew.'s  explanation  is  at  least  preferable  to  Del.'s.  Ew.  :  *'  I  knew  not  that 
my  soul  {i.e.  my  desire  [as  often  in  Heb.,  e.g.  Dt.  24,  15.  Eccl.  6,  9],  viz.  to 
roam  about)  had  set  me  by  the  chariots  of  my  noble  people"  {i.e.  had  led  me 
unawares,  as  I  wandered  in  the  nut-orchard,  to  the  neighbourhood  oi  the  king's 
retinue).  Del.  :  "  I  knew  not  that  my  soul  {i.e.  my  de.-ire,  viz.  for  Solomon) 
had  set  me  on  the  chariots  of  my  people,  (even)  of  a  noble  (prince),"  i.e.  in 
the  enjoyment  of  rambling  through  the  royal  park,  she  hardly  remembered  (?) 
that  she  had  won  the  right  to  a  seat  beside  the  king  on  his  chariots  of  state. 
ni3D"ID  Dt^  in  the  sense  brought  /^  ...  is  not  an  easy  construction  ;  but 
the  sense  set  on  to,  as  Hitzig  remarks,  would  seem  to  be  precluded  by  the 
absence  of  the  preposition  (i  Sa,  8,  ii  '3  DC^  to  set  aviongy  which  Del.  refers 
to,  is  quite  different). 

The  reader  will  find  some  other  passages  noted  by  Oettli. 

Further,  if  the  speeches  ascribed  to  Solomon  (i,  9-1 1.  15.  2, 
2.  4,  1-7.  6,  4-10.  7,  1-9)^  and  to  the  lover  (2,  10-14.  4?  8-i5- 
5,  I.  8,  13^)  be  compared,  a  difference  may  be  observed,  which, 
though  it  might  not  be  sufficient  to  establish  the  distinction, 
nevertheless  agrees  with  it  when  made  probable  upon  other 
grounds  :  Solomon's  speeches,  though  a  progress  is  traceable 
in  them,  and  7,  7-9  represents  a  climax,  are,  on  the  whole, 
cold  in  tone,  and  contain  little  more  than  admiration  of  the 
heroine's  beauty :  those  ascribed  to  the  lover  are  much  warmer 
and  4,  8-15.  5,  I  especially  is  an  outburst  of  genuine  passion 
(notice  the  warm  response  in  4,  16).* 

^  STlin  cannot  mean  "overcome"  in  the  sense  oi  fascinate :  the  sense 
make  proud  {"^i.  138,  3)  being  unsuited  to  the  context,  it  must  be  the  Syr. 

i^Tl5  |,  Arab.    ^ ,js,  ,1    (Ex.  15,  6  Saad. ),  to  confuse,  perturb  (cf.  RV.  viarg. ). 

2  According  to  Oettli  I,  9-1 1.  2,  2.  4,  1-7.  6,  4-10.  7,  7-9'. 

3  According  to  Oettli  i,  8.  15.  2,  ia-14.  4,  8-15.  5,  i.  8,  5^'  "■  °.  13. 

*  Solomon  calls  her  only  "my  friend"  [Jud.  il,  37  Kt.]  I,  9.   15.   2,  2.  4, 


420  IJTERATURE  OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

From  an  artistic  point  of  view,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
characters  are  clearly  distinguished  from  one  another,  and  are 
consistent  throughout.  The  permanent  element  in  the  poem  are 
the  "Daughters  of  Jerusalem"  (i,  5.  2,  7.  3,  5.  5,  8.  16.  8,  4) — 
i.e.  no  doubt  the  ladies  of  the  Court,  who  play  a  part  somewhat 
like  that  of  the  chorus  in  a  Greek  play  :  they  watch  the  progress 
of  the  action  ;  and  their  presence,  or  a  question  asked  by  them, 
is  the  occasion  of  declarations  of  feeling  on  the  part  of  the 
chief  actors  (cf.  i,  6.  8.  2,  7.  5,  8.  9.  6,  1.  8,  4).  The  principal 
character  is,  of  course,  the  Shulamite  maiden,  a  paragon  of 
modesty  and  beauty,  who  awakens  the  reader's  interest  in  the 
first  chapter,  and  engrosses  it  till  the  end  :  surrounded  by  un- 
congenial companions,  amid  the  seductive  attractions  of  the 
Court,  her  thoughts  are  ever  with  her  absent  lover  ;  her  fidelity 
to  him  enables  her  to  parry  time  after  time  the  king's  advances ; 
in  the  end  her  devotion  triumphs,  and  she  appears  happy  in 
the  companionship  of  him  whom  her  heart  loves.  Her  lover  is 
regularly  termed  by  her  ''Tn,  "my  love"  (i,  13.  14.  16.  2,  3  &c.).i 
The  speeches  attributed  to  the  king  are  somewhat  stiff  and 
formal ;  those  of  the  lover,  on  the  contrary,  breathe  a  warm  and 
devoted  affection.  The  brothers  are  represented  as  having 
treated  their  sister  with  some  brusqueness  (i,  6),  and  viewed  her 
future  behaviour  with  a  suspiciousness  which  the  event  proves  to 
be  wholly  unfounded  (8,  9).  The  poem  can  hardly  be  said  to 
exhibit  a  "plot"  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term;  the  action  is 
terminated,  not  by  a  favourable  combination  of  circumstances, 
but  by  the  heroine's  own  inflexible  fidelity  and  virtue.  Ewald 
considered  that  each  act  embraced  the  events  of  one  day,  the 
close  of  which,  he  observed,  appeared  in  each  case  to  cor- 
respond with  a  stage  in  the  heroine's  series  of  trials  (2,  7.  3,  5. 
5,  8. '8,  4). 

The  poetry  of  the  Song  is  exquisite.  The  movement  is 
graceful  and  light  ;  the  imagery  is  beautiful,  and  singularly  pic- 
turesque;  the  author  revels  among  the  delights  of  the  country; 
one  scene  after  another  is  brought  before  us — doves  hiding  in 
the  clefts  of  the  rocks  (2,  14)  or  resting  beside  the  water-brooks 

I.  7.  6,  4  (also  in  the  mouth  of  the  lover  2,    10.    13.   5,  2)  :  the  lover  alone 
calls  her  "my  sister,   hiide"  (4,  9.   10.  12.  5,  l),  or  "  bride  "  4,  8.  II.      The 
term  used  liy  the  cliorus  is  ihe  "fairest  among  women,"  I,  8.  5,  9.  6,  I. 
^  Or  "he  whom  my  soul  loveth,"  I,  7.  3,  I.  3.  4. 


THE   SONG   OF   SONGS.  421 

(5,  12),  gazelles  leaping  over  the  mountains  (2,  9)  or  feeding 
among  the  lilies  (4,  5),  goats  reclining  on  the  sloping  hills  of 
Gilead  (4,  i.  6,  5) :  trees  with  their  varied  foliage,  flowers  with 
bright  hues  or  richly-scented  perfume  are  ever  supplying  the  poet 
with  a  fresh  picture  or  comparison  :  we  seem  to  walk,  with  the 
shepherd -lover  himself,  among  vineyards  and  fig-trees  in  the 
balmy  air  of  spring  (2,  11-13),  or  to  see  the  fragrant,  choicely 
furnished  garden  which  the  charms  of  his  betrothed  call  up 
before  his  imagination  (4,  13-15).  The  number  of  animals  and 
plants,  as  well  as  works  of  human  art  and  labour — many  not 
mentioned  elsewhere — which  are  named  in  the  Song,  is  remark- 
able. The  poet  also  alludes  to  many  localities  in  a  manner 
which  usually  shows  him  to  have  been  personally  familiar  with 
them — Kedar,  En-gedi,  the  Sharon,  Bether  (if  this  be  a  proper 
name),  Lebanon  (several  times),  the  hills  of  Gilead,  David's 
Tower  in  Jerusalem  with  its  hanging  shields  (4,  4),  Amana, 
Senir,  Hermon,  Tirzah  (6,  4),  Mahanaim,  Heshbon  (the  pools 
by  the  gate  Bath -rabbim),  the  "Tower  of  Lebanon  looking 
out  towards  Damascus"  (7,  4),  Carmel,  Baal-hamon :  those  with 
which  he  seems  to  be  most  familiar,  and  to  which  he  turns  most 
frequently,  being  localities  in  North  Palestine,  especially  in  or 
near  Lebanon. 

Authorship  and  Date  of  the  Poem. — It  is  improbable,  even  upon  ■ 
the  traditional  view,  that  the  author  is  Solomon  ;  if  the  modern 
view  be  correct,  his  authorship  is  evidently  out  of  the  question. 
The  diction  of  the  poem  exhibits  several  peculiarities,  especially 
in  the  uniform  use  of  the  relative  -v)  (except  in  the  title  1,1) 
for  "iC*N,  and  in  the  recurrence  of  many  words  found  never  ^  or 

^  "l£03  I,  6.  8,  II.  12  for  "l^*J  i"ltDi  in  pure  Heb.  is  used  only  of  retaining 
wrath);  HD^X  =  ivhere?  I,  7  as  2  Ki.  6,  13  Kt.  (see  p.  178)  =  P-.]  ; 
ilD^i^  I,   7  analogous  to  the  Aram.  |Lq_15,  T\xb  H   Ezr.   7,  23  ;  T\y\1  for 

L  * 

^nn  I,  17  ;  ^*-3p  2,  8 ;  D^3"in  2,  9  ;  ^HD  2,  9  ;  IHO  2,   ir  ;  m^D  2,  13.  15. 

7,  13  ;  :iS  2,  13  ;  ^^i?  ib.  Kt.  as  2  Ki.  4,  2  Kt.  (.,  >  ^\) ;  hz'  3,  7  (i,  6.  8,  12) 

after  the  suft'.,  as  in  the  Mishnah,  and  like  \ij5  ;  TinX  3,  8  construed  as  a 
deponent  {S^QXi.  25,  26.  Jud.  5,  8  Targ.  ;  j.-«^-»-»l)  5  D'D^D")  5.  2  (Ps.  65,  ii 
Targ.   Pesh.);    P]:t:    5,    3;    3^"i^^  = /^  perturb   6,   5  (^Oai?"))  ;    fTSX    7,   2 

(  kJol  =  Heb.  Chn,  Ex.  28,  II  Pesh.,  likewise  of  gems);  JT?3  (elsewhere 
HDIO,  HDDD  ;  cf.  the  verb  ^uD)  and  HjnO  7,  3  ;  Cl-^D^D  7,  9  (cf  (jLTQ-i-ID). 


422  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

rarely  ^  besides  in  Biblical  Hebrew,  but  common  in  Aramaic, 
which  show  either  that  it  must  be  a  late  work  (post-exilic),  or,  if 
early,  that  it  belongs  to  North  Israel,  where  there  is  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  language  spoken  differed  dialectically  from  that ' 
of  Judah.2  The  general  purity  and  brightness  of  the  style 
\^  favour  the  latter  alternative,  which  agrees  well  with  the  acquaint- 
ance shown  by  the  author  with  localities  of  North  Palestine,  and 
is  adopted  by  most  modern  critics.  The  foreign  words  in  the^ 
poem,  chiefly  names  of  choice  plants  or  articles  of  commerce, 
are  such  as  might  have  reached  Israel  through  Solomon's  con- 
nexions with  the  East.^     The  title  was  probably  prefixed,  at  a 

^  (T'yb   I,  7  (Pesh.  Symm.  Vulg.  RV.  in.')  as  Ezek.  13,  10 f,  and  in  Aram. 

(Gen.  21,  14  Onq.);  5,  2.  II  f  niSf^p  (^]_    ^n  o  Ez.  44,  20);  n32  6,  ii  if  the 

punctuation  is  to  be  trusted,  as  Est.  i,  5.  7,  7.  Sf  (Aram.   ^?3'»3 ;  Heb.   T\ll)  ; 

8,  6  TSirh'^  as  Job  15,  30.  Ez.  21,  3  f  (Xn^Dinbc^) :  perhaps  also  ^VO  4,  I3- 
16.  7,  14.  Dt.  33,  13-16  t  (cf.    |p_..^JiD).     Words  found  besides  only  in  late 

Hebrew  are  on^D  4,  13.  Neh.  2,  8.  Eccl.  2,  5t;  ^3D'^?  5,  3.  Est.  8,  6t; 
^^^:i  rod  5,  14.  Est.  I,  6t  ;  t^'D^  marble  5,  15.  Est.  i,  6.  i  Ch.  29,  2  (D•^C^')t. 
^  ^  occurs  in  Deborah's  Song  (Jud.  5,  7),  and  in  narratives  seemingly  of 
Ephraimite  origin,  Jud.  6,  17.  7,  12.  8,  26 ;  2  Ki.  6,  11  (p.  178);  else- 
where, only  in  exilic  or  post-exilic  writings,  as  Lam.  (4  times),  Jonah,  Eccl. 
(often),  late  Psalms  (first  in  Ps.  122),  Chr.  and  Ezr.  (thrice)  :  Gen.  6,  3.  Job 
19,  29  are  both  uncertain.  [Since  this  note  was  written,  the  opinion  that  ^ 
was  North  Israelili>h  has  been  confirmed  by  the  discovery,  on  the  site  of 
Samaria,    of  a   beautifully    preserved    weight,    bearing    the    inscription,    in 

characters  pointing  to  the  8th  cent.  B.C.,  JV3  V^"l  ^^  ^3"!  "the  fourih  of  a 
fourth  of  a  ?,"  with  p^  as  in  Cant.  3,  7  :  see  the  Athcnmwi,  p.  164,  or  the 
Academy ^  p.  94,  for  Aug.  2,  1890.]  It  should  be  explained  (to  avoid  miscon- 
ception) that  K>  itself  is  not  Aramaic  ;  but  neither  is  it  normal  Hebrew.  It 
seems  that,  as  the  language  of  Moab,  while  nearly  identical  with  Judaic 
Hebrew,  yet  differed  from  it  dialectically  (see  Notes  on  Samuel,  p.  Ixxxv.  ^i.) 
in  one  direction,  so  the  language  of  North  Israel  differed  from  it  slightly  in 
another  :  especially  in  vocabulary,  it  showed  a  noticeable  proportion  of  words 
known  otherwise  only,  or  chiefly,  from  the  Aramaic,  while  in  the  use  of  C 
it  approximated  to  the  neighbouring  dialect  of  Phoenicia,  in  which  the 
relative  was  C^N-  To  the  words  cited,  p.  178,  should  probably  be  added 
plk^  I  Ki.  20,  10  (in  normal  Hebrew  i^VD,  Nu.  11,  22.  Jud.  21,  14).  D"''*in 
nobles  (lit.  free,  a  common  Aramaic  word)  21,  8.  1 1. 

^  ni^nXj  p3"li<,  p^3p  (these  three  also  occurring  elsewhere),  "113  I,  12. 
4,  13.  14,  pn^X  3,  19,  DDia  4,  14  are  proljably  Indian  ;  DUD  A,  13  's  the 
Zend  pairidaeza,  properly  an  enclosure;  t1!li<  6,   ii  is  Persian;  ^^  also  is 


THE  SONG   OF   SONGS.  423 

time  when  the  true  origin  of  the  poem  had  been  forgotten,  on" 
account  of  Solomon  being  a  prominent  figure  in  it.  The  pre- 
cise date  of  the  poem  is,  however,  difficult  to  fix.  From  the 
manner  in  which  Tirzah  and  Jerusalem  are  mentioned  together 
in  6,  4,  it  has  been  thought  by  many  (Ew.  Hitz.  Oettli)  that  it 
was  written  during  the  time  that  Tirzah  was  the  capital  of  the 
N.  kingdom  (i  Ki.  14,  17 — 16,  23  f.),  i.e.  in  the  loth  cent.  B.C.  ; 
but  Tirzah  is  named  afterwards,  2  Ki.  15,  14,  16,  so  that  this 
argument  is  not  quite  decisive.  Recollections  of  Solomon,  and 
the  pomp  of  his  Court,  appear,  however,  to  be  relatively  fresh. 
The  poem,  it  is  quite  possible,  may  be  constructed  upon  a  basis 
of  fact,  the  dramatic  form  and  the  descriptive  imagery  being 
suppHed  by  the  imagination  of  the  poet. 

The  interpretation  of  the  Song  has  passed  through  many  and 
strange  phases,  which  are  illustrated  at  some  length  in  Dr.  Gins- 
burg's  learned  Introduction.  By  the  Jews  it  was  largely  inter- 
preted as  an  allegory  ;  it  is  so  expounded,  for  instance,  in  the 
Targum,  where  it  is  made  to  embrace  the  entire  history  of  Israel, 
from  the  Exodus  to  the  future  Messiah.  The  same  method  was 
adopted  by  the  early  Christian  Fathers,  especially  by  Origen, 
Solomon  and  the  Shulamite  representing  Christ  and  the  Church 
respectively.  But  there  is  nothing  in  the  poem  to  suggest  that 
it  is  an  allegory ;  and  the  attempt  to  apply  it  to  details  results  in 
great  artificiality  and  extravagance.  Bp.  Lowth,  though  not 
abandoning  the  allegorical  view,  sought  to  free  it  from  its  extra- 
vagances;   and  while  refusing  to   press   details,   held   that  the 

doubtless  foreign  ;  }in2X  (also  in  the  Mishnah,  &c.)  is  foreign  in  appearance, 
and  has  no  plausible  oemiiic  etymology  (those  mentioned,  or  suggested,  by 
Delitzsch  being  most  precarious)  :  if  it  be  riot  the  Sk.  paryanka,  a  couch- 
bed,  whence  Hind,  palki,  a  ''palanquin''  (so  W.  R.  Smith  [see  p.  ix]  ap. 
Yule,  Glossary  of  Anglo-Indian  Words,  s.v.),  it  mu^t  be  the  Greek  <pofu»^  \ 
which  would  imply  that  the  poem  was  a  work  of  the  Greek  age.  This  dale 
is  advocated  by  Gratz,  though  upon  grounds  which  are  partly  (pp.  2S-39,  79, 
87f.)  very  far-fetched,  and  partly  plausible  rather  than  convincing.  Never- 
theless it  must  be  owned  that  jl^lDS  resembles  <pofuo^  more  than  it  resembles 
paryanka,  and  that  it  is  surprising  to  fin<l  in  Hebrew,  at  a  time  long  before 
either  the  Medes  or  the  Persians  had  become  an  influential  power,  a  word 
like  DmS,  which  could  not  even  have  travelled  loilh  the  thing.  (The  sugges- 
tions in  the  speakers  Covim.  p.  701,  on  these  two  words  are  quite  out  of 
the  question.)  The  origin  of  nSD  =  ^-''V5  (also  in  Syriac)  i,  14.  4-  H  calls 
for  further  investigation  ;  but  it  will,  at  least,  not  be  the  verb  "ID^. 


424  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

poem,  while  describing  the  actual  nuptials  of  Solomon  with  the 
daughter  of  Pharaoh,  contained  also  an  allegoric  reference  to 
Christ  espousing  a  Church  chosen  from  among  the  Gentiles.^ 
Among  modern  scholars  also  there  have  been  several  who,  * 
while  refusing  to  allegorise,  have  nevertheless  been  unwilHng  to 
see  in  the  poem  nothing  beyond  a  description  of  human  emotions, 
and  have  adopted  a  view  nearly  identical  with  Lowth's  modified 
allegorical  view  :  they  have  regarded,  viz.,  the  love  depicted  in  ^ 
the  poem  as  typical  of  a  higher  love,  supposing  it  either  (a)  to 
represent  the  love  of  Jehovah  to  His  people  (Keil),  or  (I?)  that  of 
the  soul  to  God  (Moses  Stuart),  or  (^)  to  foreshadow  the  love  of 
Christ  to  the  Church  (Delitzsch,  Kingsbury).  This  is  free  from 
the  vices  which  attach  to  the  old  allegorical  method  of  interpre- 
tation ;  but  there  is  still  nothing  in  the  poem  to  suggest  it :  nor, 
if  the  poem,  as  is  the  case  upon  Ewald's  theory,  coTitaijis  an 
ethical  ifiotivc,  is  it  necessary.  Both  the  allegorical  and  the 
tyincal  systems  of  interpretation  owe  their  plausibility  to  the 
assumption  that  the  poem  exhibits  only  two  principal  characters  ; 
in  this  case,  if  interpreted  literally,  it  is  destitute  of  ethical  pur- 
pose, and  a  hidden  meaning  has  to  be  postulated  in  order  to 
justify  its  place  in  the  Canon.  Upon  Ewald's  view,  the  literal 
sense  supplies  the  requisite  ethical  justification.  At  the  same 
time,  the  typical  interpretation  is  perfectly  compatible  with  Ewald's 
view,  and  indeed,  if  combined  with  it,  is  materially  improved  : 
the  heroine's  true  love  then  represents  God,  and  Solomon,  in 
better  agreement  with  his  historical  position  and  character,  repre- 
sents the  blandishments  of  the  world,  unable  to  divert  the  hearts 
of  His  faithful  servants  from  Him. 

It  cannot,  of  course,  be  pretended  that  there  are  no  difficult  passages  in  the 
Song,  or  none  which  may  have  been  incorrectly  understood  by  both  Ew.  and 
Del.  And  some  moilern  scholars,  it  is  right  to  add,  are  not  satisfied  with 
either  of  the  a^ove  explanaii  ais  of  the  poem  ;  so  ^Velz^tein  in  his  Excursus 
on  Syrian  marriage-customs  ap.  Delitzsch,  p.  172//.;  Stade,  Gesch.  ii.  197; 
Reuss  in  his  translation,  p.  51,  &c.  (who  thinks  that  the  lo^<er  speaks 
throughout,  and  merely  represents  his  betrothed  as  addressing  him  by  a 
graceful  poetic  ficti(^)n) ;  and  Gratz,  p.  26  fl".  (who  thinks  similarly  that  the 
Shulamile  speaks  thnnigluiui).  But  there  are  passages  which  it  is  impossible 
to    accommodate    to    the    theory   of  either    Reuss   or    Griitz    without   gteat 

^  Sacred  Poetry  of  the  F/ehrrws,  Lect.  xxx.-xxxi.  But  tlie  idenlificition  of 
the  Shulamile  with  Diaraoh's  daughter  cannot  be  ris^ht. 


RUTH.  425 

exegetical  liberties:  notice,  for  instance,  the  violent  rendering  in  both  of  i,  4, 
the  artificial  explanation  of  3,  6-1 1,  Sec     Ew.'s  view,  even  if  not  certain^ 

remains  still  the  best  that  has  been  proposed  (cf.  W.  R.  Smith). 

§  2.  Ruth. 

Literature. — The  Commentaries  of  Bertheau  and  Keil  on  Judges  (p.  151), 
at  the  end  ;  Wellhausen,  Comp.  pp.  357-359  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  "  Ruth  "  in  the 
Ejicycl.  Brit.  ;  S.  Oettli  in  Strack  and  Zockler's  Kgf.  Komm.  (in  the  part 
entitled  Die  Geschichtlichen  Hagiographen,  1 889,  p.  21 1  ff.). 

The  contents  of  this  Book  are  too  well  known  to  need  a 
detailed  description.  Elimelech,  a  native  of  Bethlehem  in  Judah, 
in  the  days  of  the  Judges,  goes  with  his  wife,  Naomi,  and  his  two 
sons,  Mahlon  and  Chilion,  to  sojourn  in  Moab.  He  dies  there ; 
and  his  two  sons  marry  Moabitish  wives,  Orpah  and  Ruth 
respectively.  After  a  while  Mahlon  and  Chilion  die  likewise, 
and  Xaomi  is  left  alone  with  her  two  daughters-in-law.  She 
resolves  upon  returning  to  Bethlehem,  but  bids  her  daughters- 
in-law  remain  in  their  own  countr}'.  Orpah  accepts  her  mother- 
in-law's  offer ;  Ruth  expresses  her  determination  to  accompany 
Naomi  back  (c.  i).  C.  2 — 4  narrate  how  it  happened  that  after 
their  return  to  Bethlehem,  Ruth  made  the  acquaintance  of  her 
kinsman  Boaz,  and  how  in  the  end  he  took  her  as  his  wife. 
The  offspring  of  their  union  was  Obed,  father  of  Jesse,  and 
grandfather  of  David.  The  narrative  is  told  with  much  pic- 
turesque and  graceful  detail,  and  affords  an  idyllic  glimpse  of 
home  life  in  ancient  Israel. 

Aim  of  the  Book. — The  Books  of  Samuel  contain  no  particulars 
respecting  the  ancestry  of  David,  merely  giving  the  names  of 
his  father  Jesse  and  of  his  brethren  (i  Sa.  16,  1-13  <S:c,) ;  hence 
the  aim  of  the  Book  appears  to  have  been  partly  to  fill  up  this 
deficiency,  partly  (and  perhaps  particularly)  to  show  how  Ruth, 
a  daughter  of  Moab,  and  a  native  therefore  of  a  country  hostile 
theocratically  to  Israel,  obtained  an  honourable  position  among 
Jehovah's  people,  and  became  an  ancestor  of  the  illustrious  king, 
David. ^  Has  the  writer,  however,  any  ulterior  aim,  besides  the 
one  which  is  visible  on  the  surface  ?  Intermarriage  with  foreign 
women  was  one  of  the  practices  which  Ezra  (c.  9 — 10)  and 
Nehemiah  (13.   23-29)  strove  earnestly  to  suppress;  and  hence 

^  Keil,  §  136  ;  Bertheau,  p.  2S3 ;  Kuenen,   Onderzoek,  §  36.  9.     Notice  I, 
16^.  2,  12''.     This  reception  of  Ruth  appears  to  conflict  with  Dt.  23,  3. 


426  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

it  has  been  thought,  from  the  favour  with  which  Boaz's  marriage 
with  Ruth  is  regarded  in  the  Book,  that  it  was  written  as  a 
protest  against  the  Hne  taken  by  these  two  reformers.  But  this 
cannot  be  considered  probable  ;  nor  can  the  present  writer,  at 
any  rate,  satisfy  himself  that  the  Book  is  as  late  as  the  5th  cent. 
B.C.  It  is,  however,  not  impossible,  considering  the  prominence 
given  to  this  subject  in  c.  3 — 4,  that  it  is  a  collateral  didactic  ?i\Vi\ 
of  the  author  to  inculcate  the  duty  of  marriage  on  the  part  of 
the  next-of-kin  ^  with  a  widow  left  childless. 

Date  of  Co77ipositiori' — Most  modern  critics  consider  Ruth  to 
be  exilic  (Ew.  Hist.  i.  154  f.),  or  post-exilic  (Berth.  Wellh. 
Kuen.  &c.) ;  the  chief  grounds  alleged  being  (i)  the  learned, 
antiquarian  interest  which  is  thought  to  manifest  itself  in  4,  1-12, 
pointing  in  particular  to  the  time  when  the  custom  referred  to  in 
V.  7  had  become  obsolete;  and  (2)  the  language,  which  exhibits 
some  Aramaisms  and  other  late  expressions. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  these  grounds  are  decisive.  The  general 
Hebrew  style  (the  idioms  and  the  syntax)  shows  no  marks  of 
deterioration  :  it  is  palpably  different,  not  merely  from  that  of 
Esther  and  Chronicles,  but  even  from  Nehemiah's  memoirs  or 
Jonah,  and  stands  on  a  level  with  the  best  parts  of  Samuel.^ 

The  linguistic  traits  alluded  to  are  the  2nd  fem.  sing.  impf.  in  j""-,  2,  8.  21. 

3,  4.  18  (elsewhere  only  Is.  45,  10,  Jer.  31,  22.  i  Sa.  i,  14),  and  the  2nd 
fem.  sing.  pf.  in  Tl-  3,  3.  4  (elsewhere  only  in  Mic.  4,  13  ;  jer.  [frequently] ; 
Ez.  16^)  :  these,  however,  are  in  fact  the  original  termination-;,  which  may 
have  remained  in  use  locally  (cf.  Tl^?,  "i;)-,  p.  178,  note),  and,  as  the  parallels 
quoted  show,  are,  at  least,  not  confined  to  post-Qyi\\\c  authors.     Further — 

p^  therefore  I,  13  (as  in  Aram.,  Dan.  2,  6.  9.  4,  24). 

^  Not  the  duty  of  the  levirate-rv\iixns.^Q  (Gen.  38  ;  Dt.  25,  5).  Boaz  is  not 
Ruth's  hrother-in-law. 

"The  whole  style  is  classical;  but  among  particular  idioms  notice  I,    17 

'J1  'h  ^"^  nrr  HD  (elsewhere  only  in  Sam.  Kgs.  :  p.  174);  I,  19^53  DHm 
n'^yn  (i  KI.  i,  45);  2,  21  DN  iy  (only  besides  Gen.  24,  19  J.  Is.  30,  17); 

4.  4  jTX  roi  (as  I  Sa.  9,  15.  20,  2.  12.  13.  22,  8.  17.  2  Sa.  7,  27) ;  and  esp. 
2,  8  ro  here,  in  the  local  sense,  elsewhere  only  in  JE  (Gen.  22,  5.  31,  37. 
Ex.  2,  12.  Nu.  II,  31.  23,  15)  and  2  Sa.  18,  30,  which  is  not  a  trait  likely  to 
have  been  imitated  by  a  later  writer.  The  suff.  niX3  i,  19  is  paralleled  also 
in  E  (Gen.  21,  29.  42,  36). 

^  This  very  peculiar  distribution  of  an  anomalous  form — in  books  neither 
specially  early  nor  specially  late,  and  in  one  chapter  only  of  a  long  book — 
must  be  due,  in  some  measure,  to  accidental  causes. 


RUTH. 


427 


D^CO  SD*:  to  take  wives  i,  4  (for  the  usual  '^  plp^),  as  2  Ch.  11,  21.  13, 
21.  24,  3.  Ezr.  9,  2.  12.  10,  44.  Neh.  13,  25  (in  Jud.  21,  23  rather 
differently  =  /£7rfl;77a7c/«_j/,  Jdrr«;r;  Budde,  Richter  tind  Samuel,  p.  154). 

py  to  restrain  I,   13  {^.^ perhaps  in  Aram.:  but  comp.  Payne  Smith,  s.v.). 

IBb'  ^^/^^A  i»  13.  as  Is.  38,    18  (poet.).  Ps.   104,  27.   119,   166.    145,   15. 

Est.  9,  If  (  =  Aram.  -)3D)  :  cf.  subst.  "i^C^  Ps.  119,  116.  146,  sf  (late). 
•"^T^  Almighty    i,  20  f.  (without  ^^S  God:  p.  119,  «^/t'),  as  never  elsewhere 
in  prose,  and  in  poetry  chiefly  in  Job. 

nibilO  the  parts  about  the  feet  3,  4.  7.  8.  14,  only  besides  Dan.  10,  6. 

n2^  to  turn  about  3,  8,  only  besides  Job  6,  18  (but  Arab.,  not  Aram.). 
Qsp  to  confirt7i  4,  7,  as  Ez.  13,  6.  Ps.  119,  28.    106.   Est.  9,  21.  27.  29.  31. 

32,  and  in  Aram.  (Dan.  6,  8)t.^ 

Of  these  Qtp  cannot  be  defended  as  old-Hebrew  ;  but  the  word  occurs  in 
a  verse  which  is  not  needed  in  the  narrative,  and  has  every  appearance  of 
being  an  explanatory  gloss  (cf.  the  gloss  in  I  Sa.  9,  9,  ivhich  begiyis  sivdlarly). 

Of  the  oihers,  mpJ"IJD  is  formed  in  exact  analogy  vviih  nit^'NI?.^  (i  .Sa.  ike.)  ; 
its  not  occurring  elsewhere  till  Dan.  may  be  due  merely  to  its  not  being 
required.  ""ItJ^  (which  occurs  in  poetry  in  Nu.  24,  4.  16)  may  be  a  poetical 
term  (cf.  2,  12'')  chosen  intentionally  by  the  author:  poetical  expressions 
occur  from  time  to  time  in  other  pre-exilic  historical  books.  In  reference  to 
the  rest,  it  may  be  remembered  that  words,  with  Aramaic  or  late  Hebrew 
affinities,  occur,  at  least  sporadically,  in  passages  admittedly  of  early  date 
(as  ni^K^n,  ^TX  in  i  Sa.  9,  i — 10,  16).  p?  is  the  word  which  it  is  most 
difficult  to  reconcile  with  an  early  date  ;  but  it  is  possible  that  the  Book,  in 
spite  of  its  interest  in  Bethlehem  and  David,  was  yet  written  in  the  N. 
kingdom,  and  preserves  words  current  there  dialectically  (p.  422).    . 

It  seems  to  the  writer  that  the  general  beauty  and  purity  of 
the  style  of  Ruth  point  more  decidedly  to  the  pre-exilic  period 
than  do  the  isolated  expressions  quoted  to  the  period  after  the 
exile.2  The  genealogy,  4,  18-22,  which  also  appears  to  suggest 
an  exilic  or  post-exilic  date  (I'bin  [p.  127,  No.  45];  and  comp. 
I  Ch.  2,  9  ff.),  forms  no  integral  part  of  the  Book,  and  may  well 
have  been  added  long  after  the  Book  itself  was  written,  in  an 
age  that  was  devoted  to  the  study  of  pedigrees,  in  order  to  supply 
the  missing  links  between  Boaz  and  Perez  (4,  1 2). 

That  David  had  Moabite  connexions  is  probable  independently 
from  I  Sa.  22,  3  f .  The  basis  of  the  narrative  consists,  it  may 
reasonably  be  supposed,  of  the  family  traditions  respecting  Ruth 

1  D3V  (2,  14)  is  wrongly  cited  as  an  Aramaism.  It  is  pure  IIebrew  =  Arab. 
klkJ  =  Aram.  .(\oV  ( Tenses,  §  178.  i).     Nor  is  r<yi  (2,  16)  an  Aramaic  word 

2  But,  it  is  true,  the  style  of  the  prcse  parts  o[  Job  (p;  405)  is  not  less  pure. 


428  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

and  her  marriage  with  Boaz.  These  have  been  cast  into  a  literary 
form  by  the  author,  who  has,  no  doubt,  to  a  certain  extent  ideal- 
ised both  the  characters  and  the  scenes.  Distance  seems  to  have 
mellow^ed  the  rude,  unsettled  age  of  the  Judges.  The  narrator 
manifestly  takes  delight  in  the  graceful  and  attractive  details  of 
his  picture.  His  principal  characters  are  amiable,  God-fearing, 
courteous,  unassuming ;  and  all  in  different  ways  show  how  a 
religious  spirit  may  be  carried  unostentatiously  into  the  conduct 
of  daily  life. 

§  3.   The  Lamentations. 

Literature.  —  H.  Ewald  in  Die  Psalmert  (above,  p.  337),  p.  321  ff. 
(ii.  99  ff.  of  the  translation);  Otto  Thenius  (in  the  Kgf.  Hdh.),  1855; 
Nagelsbacli,  Keil,  Payne  Smith,  Cheyne,  Plumptre,  at  the  end  of  their 
Commentaries  on  Jeremiah  (above,  p.  232) ;  W.  R.  Smith,  art.  "  Lamenta- 
tions "  in  the  Encycl.  Brit.  ;  S.  Oettli  in  Strack  and  Zockler's  Ki^f.  Komtn. 

In  Hebrew  Bibles  the  title  of  this  Book,  derived  from  its  first 
word,  is  n3''X  Echdh ;  another  name  by  which  it  is  also  known 
among  the  Jews  is  niJ^"?,  i.e.  Lavientatiofis  (LXX  Oprjvoi).  The 
Book  consists  of  five  independent  poems,  all  dealing  with  a  common 
theme,  viz.  the  calamities  that  befell  the  people  of  Judah  and 
Jerusalem  in  consequence  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  Jerusalem 
by  the  Chaldnsans,  B.C.  586.  The  poems  are  constructed  upon 
an  artificial  plan ;  and  though  the  details  are  varied,  they  are 
evidently  all  conformed  to  the  same  type.  In  the  first  four 
poems  the  verses  are  arranged  alphabetically  :  in  the  first  and 
second  each  verse  consists  of  three  members,  and  the  verses 
begin  severally  with  ihe  successive  letters  of  the  Hebrew 
alphabet;  in  the  third,  the  verses  consist  of  single  members,  and 
three  verses,  each  having  the  same  initial  letter,  are  assigned  to 
each  successive  letter,  so  that  the  poem  contains  in  all  66  verses ; 
the  fourth  is  similar  in  structure  to  the  first,  except  that  each 
verse  has  two  members  only ;  the  fifth  poem  is  not  alphabetical, 
but  consists  nevertheless  of  22  verses,  each  formed  by  two  some- 
what short  members.^ 

The  rhythm  of  the  first  four  poems  is  peculiar.    It  was  observed 

^  In  c.  2 — 4  tlic  Q  precedes  the  y  (cf.  p.  346,  note)  :  it  would  seem  either 
that  when  the  Lamentations  were  composed  the  order  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet 
was  not  definitely  fixed,  or  (hat  different  orders  prevailed  in  antiquity. 


THE   LAMENTATIONS.  429 

long  ago  by  Lovvth  ^  that  the  verses  here  were  of  unwonted 
length  ;  De  Wette  ^  noticed  that  each  member  of  a  verse  was 
marked  by  a  ccESiira,  corresponding  both  with  the  accent  and  with 
the  sense  :  afterwards  KeiP  made  the  further  observation  that  the 
c^sura  divided  the  verse  into  two  unequal  parts  ;  but  the  subject 
was  only  systematically  investigated  by  C.  Budde,  professor  (at 
that  time)  in  Bonn,  in  an  essay  in  the  ZATW.  1882,  pp.  1-52, 
entitled  "Das  Hebraische  Klaglied."  In  this  essay  Budde 
showed  that  the  form  of  verse  characteristic  of  Lam.  1—4 
recurred  in  other  parts  of  the  OT.,  written  in  an  elegiac  strain, 
and  that  it  was  in  fact  the  rhythm  peculiar  to  Hebrew  elegy.  The 
verse  itself  may  consist  of  one  or  more  members,  but  each  member, 
which  contains  on  an  average  not  more  than  five  or  six  words,  is 
divided  by  a  msura  into  two  unequal  parts,  the  first  being  usually 
about  the  length  of  an  ordinary  verse-member,  the  second  being 
decidedly  shorter,  and  very  often  not  parallel  in  thought  to  the  first. 
An  example  or  two,  even  in  a  translation,  will  make  the  character 
of  the  rhythm  apparent : — 

Lam.  I,  I   How  doth  the  city  sit  solitary,— she  that  was  full  of  people  !^ 

She  is  become  as  a  widow,— she  that  was  great  among  the  nations  : 
The  princess  among  the  provinces,— she  is  become  tributary. 
2,  3  He  halh  hewn  off  in  fierceness  of  anger— all  the  horn  of  Israel : 
He  hath  drawn  back  his  right  hand— from  before  the  enemy  : 
And  he  hath  burned  up  Jacob  as  a  flaming  fire,— it  devoureih 
round  about. 
3,  1-3  I  am  the  man  that  hath  seen  affliction— by  the  rod  of  his  wrath  : 
Me  hath  he  led  and  caused  to  go— in  darkness  and  not  in  light  : 
Surely  against  me  he  ever  turneth  his  hand— all  the  day. 

Occasionally  the  first  member  may  be  abnormally  lengthened  (as 
2,  13^  3,  56.  4,  i8^  20^),  or  if  it  consists  of  long  and  weighty 
words',  it  may  contain  two  only  (as  i,  i'^  ^  already  quoted,  i,  4*=. 
9b  &c.'),  or,  again  (though  this  happens  more  rarely),  there  may 
be  a  slight  collision  between  the  rhythm  and  the  thought  (as 
I  io«  iV-  2,  8^) :  but  the  general  relation  of  the  two  members 
to  one  another  continues  the  same;  the  first  member,  instead  of 
being  balanced  and  reinforced  by  the  second  (as  is  ordmarily  the 
case  in  Hebrew  poetry),  is  echoed  by  it  imperfecdy,  so  that  it 

1  Sacred  Poetry  of  the  Hebrews,  Lect.  xxii. 

2  Comment,  zu  den  Psalmen  (ed.  4),  1836,  p.  55  f. 

3  In  Havernick's  Einleitiing,  iii.  (1849),  p.  5^2. 


430  LITERATURE   OF   THE    OLD   TESTAMENT. 

seems,  as  it  were,  to  die  away  in  it,  and  a  plaintive,  melancholy 
cadence  is  thus  produced.  There  are,  however,  particular  verses 
in  Lam.  i — 4  which,  even  with  the  licences  just  noticed,  cannot  be 
reduced  to  the  type  described:  Budde  himself  supposes  that  in 
these  cases  the  text  has  not  been  transmitted  intact ;  but  whether 
the  corrections  proposed  by  him  be  accepted  or  not,  the  number 
of  such  verses  is  relatively  small,  and  the  tendeticy  of  the  poet  of 
Lam.  I — 4  to  cast  his  separate  verse-members  into  the  type  in 
question  cannot  be  denied. 

The  same  scholar  points  to  other  parts  of  the  OT.  as  exhibiting  a  similar 
structure;  of  which  the  principal  are  perhaps  Is.  14,  4''-2i  ^  (the  elegy  en 
the  king  of  Babylon),  Ez.  c.  19.  26,  17  (from  /Iow)-i2>  (see  QPB^.).  28,  18 f. 
Jer.  9,  9^  (from  P]iyo)- lO-  18.  20-21. ^  22,  6  (from  lypj  )-7.  21-23.  Am. 
5,  2  ;  in  many  of  these  passages  a  \\yp,  or  "lamentation,"  is  expressly 
announced  as  about  to  be  sung ;  it  is,  moreover,  to  be  observed  that  the 
rhythm  seems  to  be  chosen  intentionally,  for  in  the  context  the  ordinary 
poetical  rhythm,  with  verse-members  of  equal  length,  is,  as  a  rule,  employed. 
In  Ter.  9,  16  nii^lpO  lamenting  women,  in  the  parallel  clause  niJODH 
wise  or  cunning  xvomen,  are  summoned  to  chant  the  strain  of  woe, — an  indi- 
cation that  the  HJ^p  or  "lamentation"  was  no  simple  spontaneous  outburst  of 
grief,'  but  a  work  requiring  for  its  production  some  technical  skill ;  the 
women  referred  to  evidently  belonged  to  a  profession,  and  not  improbably 
(to  judge  from  the  analogy  of  what  prevails  in  modern  Syria*)  knew  by  rote 
certain  conventional  types  of  dirge  which  they  were  taught  how  to  apply  in 
particular  cases  (cf,  v.  19^).  Probably  also  the  elegiac  rhythm  which  has 
been  described  was  accompanied  by  a  corresponding  plaintive  melody,  and  in 
any  case  it  was  connected  with  mournful  associations  :  hence  its  adoption  by 
the  prophets  when  they  were  anxious  to  make  an  unusually  deep  impression 
upon  their  he;arers. 

Exquisite  as  is  the  pathos  which  breathes  in  the  poetry  of 
these  dirges,  they  are  thus,  it  appears,  constructed  with  conscious 
art  :  they  are  not  the  unstudied  effusions  of  natural  emotion, 
they  are  carefully  elaborated  poems,  in  which  no  aspect  of  the 
common  grief  is  unremembered,  and  in  which  every  trait  which 
might  stir  a  chord  of  sorrow  or  regret  is  brought  together,  for  the 

^  4''  How  hath  the  oppressor  ceased, — the  raging  [n3n"lD]  ceased! 

T  ■•   :  - 

5    Jehovah  hath  broken  the  staff  of  the  vvacked, — the  sceptre  of  rulers,  &c. 
^•'""'  DSi   nD  ")31  V.  21  being  (with   LXX,  Ew.   &c.)  omitted  (or  dis- 
regarded, as  parenthetic). 

^  I  Ki.  13,  30.  Jer.  22,  18.  34,  5  (the  interjections). 
Wetzslein    ap.    Budde,    pp.    25-28.      See    also    Budde's   article,    "Die 
Hebriiische  Leichenklage,"  in  the  7.ei!schr.  d.  Pal.-Vereins,  vi.  p.  180  ff. 


THE   LAMENTATIONS.  43  I 

purpose  of  completing  the  picture  of  woe.  And  hence,  no  doubt, 
the  acrostic  form  of  the  first  four  dirges.  As  in  the  case  of  the 
Psahns  (p.  346),  the  acrostic  form  is  an  external  principle  of 
arrangement,  where  the  subject  is  one  which  does  not  readily 
admit  of  logical  development ;  and  here  it  secures  the  orderly 
and  systematic  expression  of  the  emotions  with  which  the  poet's 
heart  is  filled. 

Contents  of  the  Poems. — The  aspect  of  the  common  theme, 
which  each  poem  develops,  may  be  said  to  be  indicated  in  its 
opening  words. 

I.  The  desolation  and  misery  ofJernsale7n  ("  How  doth  she  sit 
solitary,  the  city  that  was  full  of  people  ! ").  The  poet  bewails 
the  solitude  and  desertion  of  Jerusalem  :  her  people  are  in  exile; 
the  enemy  have  laid  violent  hands  upon  her  treasures ;  her  glory 
is  departed,  vv.  i-ii^  In  the  middle  of  z;.  11  the  city  itself  is 
supposed  to  speak,  declaring  the  severity  of  her  affliction,  vv 
11^-16;  V.  17  the  poet  speaks  in  his  own  person,  but  v.  18  the 
city  resumes  its  plaint,  though  acknowledging  Jehovah's  righteous- 
ness, and  prays  that  retribution  may  overtake  its  foes,  vv.  18-22. 

II.  Jehovah's  atiger  with  His  people  ("  How  hath  Jehovah 
covered  the  daughter  of  Zion  with  a  cloud  in  His  anger ! "). 
Here  the  stress  lies  on  the  cause  of  the  country's  sufferings; 
Jehovah  has  become  its  enemy,  and  has  cast  off  His  people,  His 
land.  His  sanctuary,  vv.  1-9 ;  the  agony  of  the  residents  in  the 
capital,  the  famine  in  the  streets,  the  contempt  of  the  passers-by, 
the  malicious  triumph  of  the  foe,  are  depicted,  vv.  10-17.  "^^"'e 
nation  is  invited  to  entreat  Jehovah  on  behalf  of  its  dying 
children,  v.  18  f. ;  and  it  responds  in  the  prayer  oivv.  20-22. 

III.  The  nation's  ':omplai?it,  and  its  ground  of  consolation  ("  I 
am  the  man  that  hath  seen  affliction  by  the  rod  of  His  wrath  "). 
Here  the  poet,  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  people — or  the  people 
itself  personified  (p.  367,  note)  ^ — bewails  its  calamities,  vv.  1-20  ; 
vv.  21-39  it  consoles  itself  by  the  thought  of  God's  compassion, 
and  the  purposes  of  grace  which  He  may  have  in  His  visitation; 
vzK  40-54  its  members  are  invited  to  confess  their  guilt,  and  turn 
to  God  in  penitence;  vv.  55-57  the  tone  becomes  more  hopeful; 

^  In  3,  14  U'^'OV  Peoples  for  *DJ^  my  people  must  doubtless  be  read,  with  the 
Peshitto,  and  many  Heb.  MSS.,  and  modern  authorities.  Either  a  letter 
has  fallen  out,  or  a  mark  of  abbreviation  has  been  disregarded.  Comp. 
Cheyne's  crit.  notes  on  Is.  5,  I.  Ps.  45,  9. 


432  LITERATURE   OF   THE    OLD   TESTAMENT. 

and  vv.  58-66  the  poem  ends  with  a  confident  appeal  for  ven- 
geance on  the  nation's  foes. 

IV.  Zions  past  and  present  contrasted  ("  How  is  the  gold 
become  dim  !  how  is  the  most  pure  gold  changed !  ").  The  con- 
trast  between  the  former  splendour  and  the  present  humiliation 
of  Zion  and  its  inhabitants,  vv.  i-i  1  ;  prophets  and  priests  are  so 
stained  by  guilt  that  they  find  no  resting-place  even  among  the 
heathen,  vv.  12-16;  in  vain  do  the  people  seek  to  escape  from 
their  pursuers :  the  hopes  fixed  upon  Egypt  were  disappointed/" 
the  protection  which  they  looked  for  from  "the  breath  of  our 
nostrils,"  Jehovah's  anointed  (Zedekiah),  failed  them,  vv.  17-20. 
But  though  for  a  while  Edom  (see  Ps.  137,  7)  may  triumph, 
Israel's  punishment  will  ere  long  be  completed,  and  the  cup  of 
humiliation  be  passed  on  to  its  foe,  vv.  21-22. 

V.  The  nation's  appeal  for  Jehovah- s  compassionate  regard 
("  Remember,  O  Jehovah,  what  is  come  upon  us  ").  The  poet 
calls  upon  Jehovah  to  consider  the  affliction  of  His  people,  the 
nature  and  severity  of  which  is  indicated  in  a  series  of  character- 
istic traits,  vv.  1-18.  But  Zion's  desolation  brings  to  his  mind 
by  contrast  (Ps.  102,  27)  the  thought  of  Jehovah's  abiding  power, 
on  the  ground  of  which  he  repeats  his  appeal  for  help,  vv.  20-22. 

The  poems  all  have  a  national  significance,  the  poet  speaking 
throughout  in  the  name  of  the  nation.  From  the  historical 
references,  it  is  evident  that  they  were  composed  after  the  capture 
of  the  city,  the  people,  including  the  king  (2,  9),  being  in  exile. 
C.  5  was  perhaps  written  somewhat  later  than  c.  i — 4 :  it  dwells 
less  upon  the  actual  fate  of  Jerusalem  than  upon  the  continued 
bondage  and  degradation  which  was  the  lot  of  the  survivors ; 
V.  8  "  servants  rule  over  us  "  appears  to  allude  to  the  subordinate 
foreign  officials  holding  command  in  Judah ;  and  v.  20  implies 
that  Jehovah's  abandonment  of  Jerusalem  has  lasted  for  some 
time.  From  a  poetical  point  of  view  the  second  and  fourth  poems 
are  generally  considered  to  be  superior  to  the  others. 

Authorship.  There  is  no  statement'  in  the  OT.  as  to  the 
authorship  of  the  Lamentations  ;  but  the  tradition  that  they  were 
written  by  Jeremiah  can  be  traced  back  to   the   LXX ;  ^    it  is 

^  Who  preface  their  translation  of  the  Book  with  the  words  :  "  And  it  came 
to  pass,  after  Israel  was  led  into  captivity,  and  Jerusalem  laid  waste,  that 
.  Jeretiiiah  sat  weeping,  and  lamented  with  this  lamentation  over  Jerusalem, 
and  said,  ..." 


THE   LAMENTATIONS.  433 

found  also  in  the  Targum,i  and  is  alluded  to  in  the  Talmud 
and  by  the  Fathers.  It  cannot,  however,  be  at  once  assumed 
that  this  tradition  has  a  genuine  historical  basis  :  an  interval  of 
at  least  three  centuries  separated  the  LXX  translators  from  the 
age  of  Jeremiah ;  and  the  tradition  may,  for  example,  be  merely 
an  inference  founded  on  the  general  resemblance  of  tone  which 
the  Lamentations  exhibit  with  such  passages  as  Jer.  8,  18 — c.  9, 
c.  14 — 15,  and  on  the  reference  assumed  to  be  contained  in 
3,  14.  53-56  to  incidents  in  the  prophet's  life  (20,  7  ;  38,  6  ff.^). 
The  question,  therefore,  which  we  have  to  ask  is.  Does  the 
internal  evidence  of  the  Book  confirm  the  tradition  or  not? 
Most  modern  critics  ^  answer  this  question  in  the  negative ; 
Keil,  and  especially  Hornblower,*  seek  to  miintain  the  tradition 
of  Jeremiah's  authorship;  Thenius  adopts  an  intermediate  posi- 
tion, holding  c.  2  and  c.  4  to  be  Jeremiah's,  but  not  more. 

Some  of  the  arguments  advanced  on  both  sides  possess  too 
little  of  an  objective  character  to  have  great  value ;  e.g.  the 
improbability  of  the  same  writer  dealing  five  times  with  the  same 
theme,  or  the  different  aesthetic  worth  of  the  different  poems 
(which  leads  Thenius,  for  instance,  to  regard  only  c.  2.  4  as 
worthy  of  Jeremiah's  pen),  or  (on  the  other  side)  the  improba- 
bility of  different  poets  beginning  with  the  same  word  Hoiv.,  c.  i. 
2,  4  (which  is  a  common  elegiac  exclamation,  and  might,  more- 
over, have  been  suggested  to  one  writer  from  another).  Of  more 
substantial  arguments,  there  may  be  cited  in  support  of  the 
tradition  : — 

a.  The  ?ame  sensitive  temper,  profoundly  sympathetic  in  national  sorrow, 
and  ready  to  pour  forth  its  emotions  unrestrainedly,  manifests  itself  both  in 
Lam.  and  in  jer.  {e.g.  c.   ;  \ — 15). 

b.  The  national  calamities  are  referred  to  the  same  causes  as  in  Jer.  ; 
comp.  e.g.  the  allus'ons  to  national  sin  in  I,  5.  8.  14.  18.  3,  43  (cf.  39).  4,  6. 
22.  5,  7.  16  widi  Jer.  14,  7.  16,  10-12.  17,  1-3  <S:c.  ;  to  the  guilt  of  the 
prophets  and  priests  in  2,  14.  4,  13-15  with  Jer.  2,  7.  8.  5,  31.  14,  13  23. 
11-40.  c.  27  &c.  ;  to  the  people's  vain  confidence  in  the  help  of  weak  and 
treacherous  allies  in  I,  2.  19.  4,  17  \\iih  Jer.  2,  18.  36.  30,  14.  ^^^-j ,  5-10. 

c.  Similar  representations  and  ligures  occur  in  both  Lam.  and  Jer.,  e.g.  the 


1  <' 


'Jeremiah  the  prophet  and  chief  priest,  said,  ..." 
2  Though  the  expres-sions  are,  of  course,  really  figurative  ;  and  3,  54  is  in 
express  contradiction  with  Jer.  Z^,  6  {no  water). 

s  Ewald,  Schrader  {Eiiil.\  Noldeke,  Kutnen,  Nagelsbach,  Chcync,  &c. 
<  In  notes  appended  to  his  translation  of  Nagelsbach's  Commentary,  p.  19  fl". 

2  E 


434 


LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 


Jeremiah. 

30,  14- 

13,  22^.  26. 

9,  I.  i8\  13,  i7\  14,  17. 


1 1.  21  ; 

14,  17' 


cf. 

a/. 


4,  6.  20.  6,  I, 


virgin  daughter  of  Zion  broken  with  an  incurable  breach,  i,  15.  2,  13. 
Jer.  8,  21  f.  14,  17  ;  the  prophet's  eyes  flowing  down  with  tears  (below,  d, 
3),  the  haunting  sense  of  being  surrounded  with  fears  and  terrors  {(/,  7),  the 
appeal  for  vengeance  to  the  righteous  Judge,  3,  64-66.  Jer.  ii,  20,  the 
expectation  of  a  similar  desolation  for  the  nations  that  exulted  in  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  4,  21.  Jer.  49,  12. 

d.   Similarities  of  expression,  of  which  the  following  are  the  most  striking  : — 
Lamentations. 
I,  2  (no  comforter  of  all  her  lovers). 
I,  S^-9. 

1,  16*.  2,  ii«.  I8^  3,  48.  49  (eyes 
running  down  with  tears  &c.). 

2,  II.  3,  48.  4,  10  (the  breach  of  the 
daughter  of  my  people) ;  cf.  2,  13 
(the  breach  great),  3,  47. 

2,    14.   4,    13   (sins  of   prophets   and 

priests  ^). 
2,  20.  4,  10  (women  eating  their  own 

children). 

2,  22  ("  w;'  terrors  round  about"). 

3,  14  (I  am  become  a  derision). 
3,    15    (wormwood).    19   (wormwood 

and  gall). 
3,  47  (fear  and  the  snare). 

3,  52  (they  hunt  me). 
4,21'^  (the  cup). 
5.  16. 


6,  14.  8, 
10,  19. 


Cf.  2,  8.  5,  31.  14,  13  f.  23,  II. 

Cf.  19,  9  (Dt.  28,  53). 

6,  25.  20,  10  {'^terror  round  about"). 

20,  7. 

9,  15.  23,  15  (Dt.  29,  17). 

48,  43  ( "  fear  and  the  snare  ami  the 
pit'% 

16,  I6^ 

25, 15.  49,  12. 

13,  i8^ 


Against  the  tradition  may  be  urged  : — 

a.  The  variation  in  the  alphabetic  order,  which  would  tend  at  least  to  show 
that  c.  2.  3.  4  were  not  by  the  author  of  c.  i.  . 

b.  The  point  of  view  is  sometimes  other  than  that  of  Jeremiah,  viz  :  (i)  i, 
21  f.  and  3,  59~66.  It  was  Jeremiah's  conviction  that  the  Chaldceans  were 
executing  Jehovah's  purpose  upon  Judah  ;  this  lieing  so,  would  he,  even 
when  speaking  in  the  nation's  name,  invoke,  or  anticipate,  retribution  upon 

•  them  ?  (2)  2,  9'-.  Do  these  words  read  as  if  they  were  spoken  by  Jeremiah  ? 
do  they  not  rather  read  as  if  they  were  spoken  by  one  who  was  not  himself  a 
prophet?  (3)  4,  17.  The  speaker  here  identifies  himself  with  those  who 
expected  help  from  Egypt,  which  Jeremiah  never  did  {yj ,  5-10) ;  would 
not  Jeremiah  have  written  7/i^/>  rather  than  Oiir?  (4)  4,20.  Considering 
Jeremiah's  view  of  Zedekiah  (24,  8-10  &c.),  is  it  likely  that  he  would  have 
alluded  to  him  in  such  laudatory  terms  as  are  here  employed  ?  ^ 

1  With  "seeing  vanity"  {'^\^  Itn)  comp.  Ez.  12,  24.  13,  6.  7.  9.  23.  21, 
34.  22,  28  :  the  expression  does  not  occur  elsewhere. 

^  5,  7  is  also  pointed  to  as  inconsistent  with  Jer.'s  general  teaching  ;  but 
see  Jer.  15,  4,  and  observe  that  the  other  side  of  the  truth  is  expressed  in  v.  I6^ 


THE   LAMENTATIONS.  435 

c.  The  phraseology  varies  from  that  of  Jeremiah.  Lam.  contains  a  very 
large  number  of  words  not  found  in  Jer.  ;  and  though  the  non-occurrence 
injer.  of  several  of  these  must  be  due  to  accident  (as  '^ro  <-'^icck,  \21U  ^ody 
"IIS^  bird),  and  the  non-occurrence  of  others  may  be  attributed  to  the  peculiar 
character  of  Lam.,  and  is  thus  of  slight  or  no  significance,  yet  others  are 
more  remarkable;^  and,  taken  altogether,  the  impression  which  they  leave 
upon  an  impartial  critic  is  that  their  number  is  greater  than  would  be  the 
case  if  Jeremiah  were  the  author. 

d.  It  may  perhaps  be  doubted  whether  a  writer,  who,  in  his  literary  style, 
followed,  as  Jeremiah  did  (p.  256),  the  promptings  of  nature,  would  subject 
himself  to  the  artificial  restraint  implied  by  the  alphabetical  arrangement  of 
c.  1—4. 

On  the  whole,  the  balance  of  internal  evidence  may  be  said  to 
preponderate  against  Jeremiah's  authorship  of  the  I'.ook.  'J'he 
case  is  one  in  which  the  differmces  have  greater  weight  than  the 
resemblances.  Even  though  the  poems  be  not  the  work  of  Jer., 
there  is  no  question  that  they  are  the  work  of  a  contemporary 
(or  contemporaries) ;  and  the  resemblances,  even  including  those 
of  phraseology,  are  not  greater  than  may  be  reasonably  accounted 
for  by  the  similarity  of  historical  situation.  Many,  in  the  same 
troublous  times,  must  have  been  moved  by  the  experience  of  the 
national  calamities,  as  Jeremiah  was  moved  by  their  prospect ; 
and  a  disciple  of  Jeremiah's,  or  one  acquainted  with  his  writings, 
who,  while  adopting  in  some  particulars  (No.  b)  the  general 
standpoint  of  his  nation,  agreed  in  other  respects  with  the 
prophet,  might  very  naturally  interweave  his  own  thoughts  with 
reminiscences  of  Jeremiah's  prophecies.  When  the  general 
uniformity  of  Jeremiah's  style  is  remembered,  there  is  perhaps  a 
presumption  that,  had  he  been  the  author,  the  number  of  expres- 
sions common  to  Lam.  and  his  prophecies  would  have  been 
greater  than  it  is,  and  that  those  found  in  Lam.,  but  not  occur- 
ring in  Jer.'s  prophecies,  would  have  been  less  alnindant. 

The  question  whether  or  not  all  the  poems  are  by  one  writer,  is  one  which 
cannot  be  detennined  with  certainty.  The  chief  expressions  common  to 
more  than  one  of  the  poems  are  the  following :  "'JV,  DD"lC^  HiN  ti^3n,  "jnx, 


1  As  ^^y  affliction  I,  3.  7-  9-  3,  i-  I9  ;  CtDlf'  i,  4-  I3  16.  3,  1 1  ;  nj-  i,  4. 
5.  12.  3,  32".  S3  ;  0^3n  to  look  I,  II.  12.  3.  63.  4,  16.  5,  I  ;  ^nS  Zc>n/ (alone) 
I,  14.  15.  2,  \.  2.  5.  7.  18.  19.  20".  3,  31-  36.  37-  38 ;  %V  I,  22.  2,  20.  3, 

51 ;  v^n  2, 2.  5.  8.  16;  mr  2, 7. 3,  '7-  31 ;  t^  i^"^'-  "^^'JO  2,  15.  16.  4,  9-  5, 

18  ;    \ip  3,  8.     (In  one  or  two  cases  due  to  the  acrostic.)     In  the  matter  of 
diction  much  that  is  irrelevant  has  been  adduced  on  both  sides. 


43^  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

bb)V,  niT,  C^  (p.  435.  «^^^).  *iy^?0  I,  4-   15-    2,  6.  7.  22;   IV  i,  5.  7-   10. 
4,  12;  Dnnro  I,  7.  3>   19;  D'^OnD  I,  10.  II  Qri  (Kt.  CnviJnJD,  as  I,  7). 

2,  4;  nn  I,  13. 5y  17;  ^y»  "nro^nn  i,  20.  2,  n ;  (nfen  sb  2,  2.  17.  21. 

3,  43;  fiy  n^j  2,  14.  4,  22 ;  ^y  ns  n^'s  2,  16.  3,  46 ;  nj^is  2,  18,  niipn, 

3»  49  ;  n^^'in  i^^  C^X"I  2,  19.  4,  i  ;  nj^JJ  3.  H-  5'  H  (otherwise  applied), 
ihe&c  (though  the  possil)ility  of  imitation  cannot,  it  is  true,  be  altogethei 
exchided)  would  tend  to  show  that  the  author  was  the  same,  Ewald  insisted 
strc^ngly  that  this  was  the  case  ;  Prof.  Smith  is  of  the  same  opinion,  remarking 
that  the  repeated  treatment  of  the  same  theme,  from  different  points  of  view,  is  irv 
harmony  with  the  aim  that  prevails  in  each  individual  poem,  viz.  to  dwell  upon 
ez'erj'  element  and  aspect  of  the  common  woe.  Others  so  estimate  the  poetical 
superiority  of  c.  2.  4.  5  above  c.  i.  3,  as  to  conclude  even  on  this  ground 
alone  that  it  is  not  the  same  poet  who  speaks  throughout.  Either  opinion 
must  be  allowed  to  be  tenable  :  the  former  has  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  proba- 
bility in  its  favour  ;  but  the  criteria  at  our  disposal  do  not  authorize  us  to 
pronounce  dogmatically  upon  either  side. 


§  4.    ECCLESIASTES  (QoHELETH). 

Literature.— H.  Ewald  in  Die  Dichter  des  AB.s  (ed.  2),  ii.  267-329; 
F.  Hitzig  (in  the  Kgf.  Hdb.),  1847,  ed.  2,  by  W.  Nowack,  18S3  ;  C.  D.  Gins- 
burg,  Coheleth,  London  1861  (translation  and  commentary,  with  ihe  h  story  of 
the  interpretation  of  the  book  sketched  very  fully,  pp.  27-243,  495  fif.)  ;  H. 
Gratz,  Koht'let  ilbersetzt  u.  kritisch  erldtitert,  1 87 1  (clever,  but  ofte:i  arbitrary 
and. forced.  See  Kuenen  in  the  Th.  Tijdschr.  1883,  pp.  1 13-144) ;  T.  Tyler, 
Ecdesiastes,  1874 ;  Fr.  Delitzsch,  Hoheslitd  ti.  Koheleth,  1875  ;  E.  H. 
Plumptre  in  the  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools,  1881  ;  E.  Renan,  L!  Ecclesiaste, 
1882  (see  Kuenen,  I.e.);  C.  \\.  H.  Wright,  The  book  of  Koheleth  considered 
in  relation  to  modern  criticisf?i,  and  to  the  doctrines  of  modern  pessimism,  ivith 
a  critical  and  grammatical  commentary  a?id  a  revised  translation,  1883  ;  G. 
Bickell,  Der  Prediger  iiber  den  Wert  des  Daseins,  Wiederherstellung  dts  bisher 
zerstiickelten  Textes,  Uebersetziing  nnd  Erkldrung,  1884  (see  Cheyne,  pp. 
273-278) ;  G.  G.  Bradley  [Dean  of  Westminster],  Lectures  on  Ecclesiasfes, 
delivered  in  Westminster  Abbey,  1885  (explanatory  paraphrase  :  suggestive 
and  useful);  T.  K.  Cheyne,  yi?/5'  atid  Solomoji,  1887,  pp.  199-285,  298-301  ; 
W.  Volck  in  Strack  and  Zockler's  Kgf.  Kommentar,  1889  ;  S.  Cox  in  the 
"Expositor's  Bible,"  1890;  S.  Euringer,  Der  Masorahtext  des  KohdJh 
kritisch  tinterstuht,  1890.     See  further,  Cheyne,  p.  285;  Volck,  p.  Iio. 

The  word  D^Jilp  QoMleth,  in  the  Book  of  which  it  forms  the 
title,  is  a  name  given  to  Solomon  (i,  i.  2.  12.  7,  27.  12,  8.  9.  10) ; 
and  the  Book  itself  consists  of  meditations  on  human  life  and 
society,  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  wise  king.  In  virtue  of  the 
subject  with  which  it  deals,  the  Book  forms  part  of  the  Chokhniah- 
or  Wisdom-literature  of  the  Hebrews  (p.  369).     It  is  written,  as  a 


ECCLESIASTES  (QOHELETH).  437 

whole,  in  prose;  but  when  the  thought  becomes  elevated,  or 
sententious,  it  falls  into  the  poetical  form  of  rhythmic  parallelism. 
The  precise  sense  which  the  word  Qoh'cleth  was  intended  to 
express  is  uncertain  ;  but  it  is  most  probable  that  it  is  applied  to 
Solomon,  regarded  as  a  public  teacher  of  wisdom,  a  "  preacher  " 
or  "debater"  (Plumptre)  in  an  assembly,  setting  forth  before  his 
listeners  the  conclusions  to  which  experience  or  reflexion  had 
brought  him. 

npnp  is  manifestly  connected  with  ^np  assembly,  and  S^npri  to  assemble 

{e.g.  Nu.    10,    7)  ;    and  means  probably  (for  the  Qal  conjiig.    ^r\\>  does  not 

elsewhere  occur)  oiu  who  holds  an  assembly,  or  gathers  a  circle  of  hearers 
round  him,  LXX  UxX'/5o-<a«rT>},-,  Jerome  "  concionator,"  AV.  "The  Preacher." 
But  the  word,  though  construed  as  a  masculine,^  has  a  fcminive  termination  ; 
and  of  this  two  explanations  are  given.  According  to  some  (Ewald,  Hitzig, 
Ginsburg,   Kuenen,   Kleinert),   the  fem.  alludes  to  n^DDPI    Wisdom,  which  is 

T    :   T 

represented  in  Pr.  i,  20  f.  8,  1-4  as  addressing  men  in  the  places  of  concourse  ; 
and  the  name  is  given  to  Solomon,  as  the  impersonation  of  wisdom.  It  is 
an  objection  to  this  view  that  some  of  the  meditations  in  the  Book  are  unsuit- 
able in  the  mouth  of  "Wisdom"  {e.g.  i,  16-18.  7,  23  f.),  and  that  where 
Wisdom  actually  speaks  (as  in  Pr.  I — 9),  her  discourse  is  in  a  widely  difTerent 
strain  from  that  which  prevails  here.  According  to  others,  the  feminine  is  to 
be  explained  in  a  neuter  sense,  either,  in  a  manner  frequent  in  late  Hebrew,^ 
as  denoting  the  holder  of  an  office  (properly  "  that  which  holds  the  office"),' 
or,  as  in  Arabic,  with  an  intensive  force,  the  neuter  gender  exhausting  the 
idea  expressed  by  the  word,  and  so,  applied  to  an  individual,  denoting  him 
as  one  who  realises  the  idea  in  its  completeness.^ 

The  literary  form  of  Qoheleth  is  imperfect.  Except  in  c.  i — 2, 
where  the  author  is  guided  by  the  course  of  his  (real  or  imagined) 
experience,  the  argument  is  seldom  systematically  developed : 
the  connexion  of  thought  is  often  difficult  to  seize ;  the  subject 
is  apt  to  change  with  some  abruptness ;  and  the  Book  shows  no 
clearly  marked  subdivisions.  Nor  are  the  views  expressed  in 
it  perfectly  consistent  throughout :  evidently  it  reflects  the 
author's  changing  moods,  and  these  are  presented  side  by  side 
without  being  always  brought  into  logical  connexion  with  each 
other. 

^  In  7,  27  nSlpn  "ID^^  must,  no  doubt,  be  read  ;  c:.  12,  S. 

"  Comp.  has-Sofereth  "the  scribe,"  Ezr.  2,55;  Pochcreth-hazzebaim  *^  iht 
binder  of  the  gazelles,"  ib.  57  ;  and  see  Strack  and  Siegfried,  Lehrb.  der 
Nenhebr.  Sprache,  p.  54. 

^  So  Ges.,  Del.,  Nowack,  Cheyne. 

4  So  C.  H.  H.  Wright.     Hence  RV.  marg.  "  the  great  orator." 


438  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  author  states  the  conclusions  to  which  his  observations  of 
life  had  brought  him,  in  the  two  sentences  with  which  his  Book 
opens  (i,  2  f.) :  "All  is  vanity.  What  profit  hath  man  of  all  his 
labour  wherein  he  laboureth  under  the  sun  ? "  He  establishes 
these  conclusions  by  a  survey  of  the  different  fields  of  human 
activity,  and  a  demonstration  of  the  fruitlessness  of  human  effort 
upon  each,  i,  4-1 1  he  shows  that  man's  labour  achieves  nothing 
permanent :  the  course  of  human  life  is  as  monotonous  and 
resultless  as  the  operations  of  nature ;  the  wind  moves  round  in 
its  circuits,  as  it  seems,  aimlessly,  and  human  activity  advances 
similarly,  in  a  perpetual  circle,  without  producing  anything 
essentially  new.  He  next  recounts  more  particularly  his  own 
experience.  He  assumes  the  character  of  Solomon,  the  wise  and 
powerful  king  of  Israel,  and  identifies  his  experiences  with  his. 
He  describes  how  he  had  sought  happiness  under  many  forms ; 
and  how  his  search  had  uniformly  failed.  The  pursuit  of  wisdom 
had  proved  disappointing  :  increase  of  knowledge  brought  with  it 
only  fresh  perplexities,  and  an  increasingly  painful  sense  of  the 
anomalies  of  society  (i,  12-18).  From  wisdom  he  had  turned  to 
pleasure;  he  had  provided  himself  with  all  the  enjoyments  and 
luxuries  which  a  king  could  command  ;  but  this  also  brought  him 
no  enduring  satisfaction  (2,  i-ii).  He  turned  to  the  study  of 
human  nature  in  its  wisdom  and  its  folly ;  but  though  he  per- 
ceived wisdom  to  be  better  than  folly,  yet  the  advantage  was  of 
short  duration ;  for  death  placed  the  wise  and  the  fool  upon  the 
same  footing  ;  and  from  another  point  of  view  life  again  appeared 
to  be  unprofitable  and  vain  (2,  12-17).  Nor  was  the  acquisition 
of  riches  more  satisfactory :  for  none  can  tell  who  will  inherit 
them  (2,  18-23).  The  only  conclusion  to  which  his  quest 
brought  him  was  that  there  was  "nothing  better  for  a  man  than 
that  he  should  eat  and  drink,"  and  enjoy  such  pleasure  as 
God  provides  for  him  during  the  brief  span  of  life  that  is  his  lot 
(2,  24-26). 

Qoheleth  next  contemplates  human  activity  under  another 
aspect.  Every  action  in  which  man  can  engage  has  its  allotted 
season;  but  who  can  be  sure  that  he  has  found  this  season? 
God's  plan  can  be  known  but  partially  by  man  (3,  1 1 ) ;  •  hence 
man's  efforts  to  secure  success  are  constantly  liable  to  fail ;  and 
again  nothing  remains  for  him  but  to  enjoy  the  present  (3,  1-15)' 
He   saw  injustice  usurping  the  place  of  justice ;  and  if,  for  a 


ECCLESIASTES    (QOHELETH).  439 

moment,  the  thought  crossed  his  mind  that  wrong  here  might  be 
redressed  hereafter,  it  quickly  vanished,  for  man,  he  argued,  has 
no  pre-eminence  above  a  beast :  the  future  of  both  is  alike  ;  and 
once  more  the  conclusion  follows  that  there  is  nothing  better  for 
man  than  the  enjoyment  of  the  present  (3,  16-22).  He  surveved 
human  society  generally ;  and  saw  in  it  only  trouble,  failure,  and 
disappointment:  the  evils  of  unredressed  oppression  (4,  1-3), 
rivalry  (4,  4-6),  isolation  (4,  7-12),— a  king,  for  example,  begin- 
ning his  reign  brightly,  in  popularity  and  favour,  and  ending  it 
amid  murmurings  and  discontent  (4,  13-16).  5,  1-9  he  intro- 
duces a  series  of  moral  {zw.  1-7)  and  prudential  {v.  ^t^)  maxims, 
intended,  as  it  seems,  to  show  how  at  least  a  jjart  of  the  vexations 
of  Hfe  may  be  escaped.  5,  10-17  he  resumes  his  former  moralising 
strain  :  riches  also  are  too  often  but  a  source  of  anxiety  and  care ; 
they  are  a  blessing  only  when  God  grants  the  f^iculty  to  enjoy 
them  (5,  18-20);  and  it  happens  often  that  He  does  not  do  this 
(6,  1-6).  Men  toil  and  toil,  and  are  never  satisfied ;  in  this  the 
wise  and  the  fool  resemble  each  other :  still  present  enjoyment  is 
better  than  insatiable  desire  (6,  7-9).  Man's  fate  was  fixed  long 
ago;  he  cannot  contend  with  a  power  above  him;  and  no  one 
knows  what  the  future  will  bring  forth  (6,  10^12),  The  question 
"what  is  good  for  man  in  this  life"  (6,  12),  suggests  a  series  of 
reflexions  on  what  it  is  "  good "  for  a  man  to  do  in  order  to 
alleviate  his  vexations ;  to  cultivate  seriousness  in  preference  to 
frivolity  (7,  1-7),  patience  and  resignation  rather  than  an  over- 
anxious temper,  ever  brooding  over  the  wrongs  of  life  (7,  8-22). 
Wisdom,  if  it  could  be  found,  would  indeed  be  man's  best  guide  : 
Qoheleth  has  in  vain  sought  it ;  but  his  attempt  to  read  the 
enigma  of  life  convinced  him  strongly  of  one  fact — and  it  is  intro- 
duced with  both  abruptness  and  emphasis — that  woffian  is  one  of 
the  chief  foes  to  human  happiness — "  whoso  pleaseth  God  shal 
escape  from  her;  but  the  sinner  shall  be  taken  by  her"  (7, 
23-29).  8,  1-9  there  follows  another  series  of  maxims,  teaching 
how  wisdom  may  display  itselr",  and  chiefly  inculcating  prudent 
demeanour  towards  kings  and  others  in  authority  {vv.  5-8  against 
hastily  taking  part  in  a  revolution).  The  righteous  are  speedily 
forgotten,  the  wicked  are  honoured  and  rewarded  ;  hence  the 
best  thing  that  a  man  can  do  is  to  enjoy  life  during  the  time  that 

1  Under  a  government  which  is  a  hierarchy  of  corrupiion  and  oppression, 
be  careful  how  you  criticise  the  acts  of  its  representatives. 


440  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

God  permits  it  (8,  10-15).  ^^^  man's  endeavours  to  understand 
the  work  of  God  are  unavailing;  life  is  evil,  even  while  it  lasts; 
death  comes  and  sweeps  away  all  distinctions;  and  there  is  no 
assured  hope  of  immortality  (8,  16 — 9,  6):  once  more  the  old 
advice  is  repeated,  "  Go  thy  vvay,  eat  thy  bread  with  joy,  and 
drink  thy  wine  with  a  merry  heart ;  for  God  hath  already  accepted 
thy  works  :"  do  thy  pleasure  and  thy  business  while  life  permits; 
for  nothing  can  be  done  when  that  is  ended  (9,  7-10),  Resuming 
his  contemplation  of  society,  Qoheleth  is  struck  by  the  dispro-- 
portion  of  the  rewards  which  attend  merit  and  exertion:  "The 
race  is  not  always  to  the  swift,  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong." 
Wisdom  does  more  than  strength  ;  and  yet  the  poor  wise  man, 
who  delivered  his  city,  was  afterwards  forgotten  (9,  11-16).  9, 
17  — 10,  15  contains  proverbs  on  wisdom,  designed  (as  it  seems) 
to  teach  at  least  its  relative  superiority,  as  a  guide  in  life,  above 
folly,  intermingled  with  some  bitter  reflections  on  the  anomalies 
which  the  author  had  witnessed  in  the  course  of  his  experience — 
misrule,  which  yet  could  not  be  remedied  without  peril,  folly  set 
in  great  dignity,  and  the  rich  sitting  in  low  places  :  "  I  have  seen 
servants  upon  horses,  and  princes  walking  as  servants  upon  the 
earth"  (10,  4-7):  10,  16-20  carries  on  the  strain  of  10,  4-7, 
contrasting  good  and  bad  government,  and  closing  with  a  signifi- 
cant w^arning  of  the  danger  of  criticising  the  acts  of  a  despot 
(cf.  5,  8  f.). 

II,  1-3  the  author  counsels  benevolence;  for  a  time  of  mis- 
fortune may  come,  when  friends  thus  won  may  prove  serviceable. 
Hesitate  not  unnecessarily  in  thy  daily  work ;  for  the  issue  rests 
in  God's  hand  (11,  4-6).  Life,  in  spite  of  its  trials,  is  a  good,  even 
though  its  enjoyment  be  haunted  by  the  thought  of  the  darkness 
that  must  follow  it  (11,  7-8).  Especially,  let  the  young  man 
rejoice  in  his  youth,  ere  the  decrepitude  of  old  age  overtakes  him, 
yet  not  so  as  to  forget  his  responsibility  to  his  Maker.  Man's 
life  ends,  as  it  begins,  in  vanity:  "Vanity  of  vanities,  saith  the 
Preacher:  all  is  vanity"  (11,  9 — 12,  8). 

The  Book  closes  with  an  Epilogue:  (a)  12,  9-10  describing 
"  the  Preacher "  as  a  wise  man,  whose  aim  in  committing  his 
meditations  to  writing  had  been  to  communicate  his  wisdom  to 
others;  {b)  12,  11-12  counselling  attention  to  the  sayings  of  the 
"wise,"  and  exhorting  the  reader  to  be  satisfied  with  the  teach- 
ing which   they  contain  ;  {c)  12,  13-14  defining  the  one  thing 


ECCLESIASTES   (QOHELETH).  44 1 

needful  for  man,  viz.  "Fear  God,  and  keep  His  command- 
ments." 

In  spite  of  the  disconnected  character  of  some  of  the  author's 
utterances,  the  general  tone  and  drift  of  his  meditations  is  unmis- 
takable. Life  under  all  its  aspects  is  dissatisfying  and  dis- 
appointing :  1  the  best  that  can  be  done  with  it  is  to  enjoy — not 
indeed  in  excess,  but  in  a  wise  and  well-considered  moderation, 
and  as  a  gift  intended  by  God  to  be  enjoyed — such  pleasures  as 
it  brings  with  it.^ 

If  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes  is  to  be  properly  estimated,  it  must 
be  read  in  the  light  of  the  age  in  which  it  was  written,  and  the 
temper  of  the  author.  Of  course  Qoheleth  is  not  really  the  work 
of  Solomon.  The  language  (see  below),  the  tone,  the  social  and 
political  allusions,  show  that  it  is,  in  fact,  the  product  of  a  far  later 
age.  The  tone  is  not  that  in  which  Solomon  could  have  sj)oken. 
The  Solomon  who  speaks  here  is  a  different  character  from  the 
Solomon  of  history.  It  is  not  Solomon  the  righteous  judge,  nor 
Solomon  the  builder  of  the  Temple,  nor  even  Solomon  confessing 
his  declension  from  a  spiritual  faith.  There  is  no  note  oi petntence 
in  the  entire  Book.  Nor  are  the  social  and  political  allusions 
such  as  would  fall  from  Solomon's  lips.  The  historical  Solomon, 
the  ruler  of  a  great  and  prosperous  empire,  could  not  have  penned 
such  a  satire  upon  his  own  administration  as  would  be  imi)lied 
if  3,  16  (the  place  of  judgment  filled  by  wickedness),  4,  i  (the 
wrongs  done  by  powerful  oppressors),  5,  8  (one  corrupt  ruler 
above  another  making  appeal  for  redress  useless),  were  written  by 
him. 3  The  author  of  Qoheleth  evinces  no  kingly  or  national 
feeling:  he  lives  in  a  period  of  political  servitude,  destitute  of 
patriotism  or  enthusiasm.  When  he  alludes  to  kings,  he  views 
them  from  below,  as  one  of  the  people  sufiering  from  their  mis- 
rule. His  pages  reflect  the  depression  produced  by  the  corru])- 
tion  of  an  Oriental  despotism,  with  its  injustice  (3,  16.  4,  i.  5, 
8.  8,  9),  its  capriciousness  (10,  5  f.),  its  revolutions  (10,  7), 
its  system  of  spies  (10,  20),  its  ho[jelessness  of  reform.-*  He 
must  have  lived  when  the  Jews  had  lost  their  national  inde- 
pendence, and  formed  but  a  province  of  the  Persian  empire,-- 

1  The  refrain,  "All  is  vanity,  and  the  pursuit  of  wind,"  I,  14-  2,  il  &c. 

2  2,  24.  3,  12.  22.  5,  18  f.  8,  15.  9,  7-IO-  II.  9  f- 

3  Notice  also  the  anachnviisms  in  I,  16.  2,  9. 
<  C(nnp.  Dean  Bradley,  p.  25. 


442  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

perhaps  even  later,  when  they  had  passed  under  the  rule  of  the 
Greeks  (3rd  cent.  B.C.).  But  he  adopts  a  literary  disguise,  and 
puts  his  meditations  into  the  mouth  of  the  king,  whose  reputation 
it  was  to  have  been  the  great  sage  and  philosopher  of  the  Hebrew^ 
race,  whose  observation  and  knowledge  of  human  nature  were 
celebrated  by  tradition,  and  whose  position  might  naturally  be 
supposed  to  afford  him  the  opportunity  of  testing  systematically 
in  his  own  person  every  form  of  human  pursuit  or  enjoyment. 

The  Book  exhibits,  in  a  word,  the  reflections  of  a  spirit,  manf- 
festly  not  of  an  optimistic  temperament,  impelled  to  despair  and 
distrust  of  its  own  future,  as  well  as  of  its  nation's  (6,  12),  by  the 
depressed  and  artificial  circumstances  in  which  the  author  lived. 
Qoheleth  is  not,  like  the  prophets,  animated  by  a  great  religious 
enthusiasm,  enabling  him  to  look  beyond  the  present,  or  sustaining 
him  by  the  thought  of  Israel's  Divine  election  :  he  stands — like  the 
"wise  men  "  of  Israel  generally  (p.  369) — on  the  footing  of  experi- 
ence, and  views  human  life  in  its  sober  reality.  And  the  age  was  a 
darker  one  than  that  which  is  reflected  in  any  part  of  the  Book 
of  Proverbs.  Qoheleth  recounts  the  experiences  through  which 
he  had  himself  passed,  and  the  conclusions  which  his  observ^ation 
of  society  forced  upon  him.  He  recounts,  and  as  he  recounts  he 
generalises,  the  disappointments  which  had  been  his  own  lot  in 
life.  He  surveys  the  life  of  other  men  ;  but  he  can  discover  no 
enthusiasm,  no  energy,  no  faculty  of  grave  and  serious  endeavour. 
He  frames  his  conclusions  accordingly.  It  is  upon  life,  not 
absolutely,  but  as  he  witnessed  and  experienced  it,  that  he  passes 
his  unrelenting  sentence,  "All  is  vanity."  It  was  the  particular 
age  with  which  he  was  himself  acquainted  that  wrung  from  his 
soul  those  melancholy  moralizings  on  the  uselessness  of  human 
exertion,  and  the  inability  of  man  to  remedy  the  anomalies  of 
society.  He  does  not,  however,  stop  here.  He  passes  on  to 
show  what,  under  the  existing  conditions,  is  the  highest  good  for 
man ;  and,  as  the  ordinary  enterprises  of  mankind  are  fore- 
doomed to  failure,  he  finds  it  in  a  wise  and  temperate  enjoyment 
of  the  pleasures  of  life. 

Of  course,  Qoheleth  takes  a  false  view  of  life.  His  aphorisms 
are  indeed  often  pregnant  and  just ;  they  are  prompted  by  a  keen 
sense  of  right ;  and  in  his  satire  upon  society  he  lays  his  finger 
upon  many  a  real  blot.  But  his  teaching,  as  a  whole,  if  followed 
consistently,  would  tend  directly  to  paralyse  human   effort,  to 


ECCLESIASTES   (QOHELETH).  443 

Stifle  every  impulse  to  self-denial  or  philanthropy,  to  kill  all 
activity  of  an  ennobling  or  unselfish  kind.  The  circumstances 
of  his  age  obscured  for  him  the  duty  of  man  to  his  fellow-man. 
A  life  not  circumscribed  by  merely  personal  ends,  but  quickened 
and  sustained  by  devotion  to  the  interests  of  humanity,  is  not 
"vanity,"  or  the  pursuit  of  wind.  It  follows  that,  whatever  justi- 
fication Qoheleth's  conclusions  may  have,  it  is  limited  to  the  age 
in  which  he  himself  lived. 

No  doubt  he  would  have  judged  human  nature  less  despair- 
ingly had  he  possessed  a  clear  consciousness  of  a  future  life. 
But  the  revelation  of  a  future  life  was  only  accomplished 
gradually ;  and  though  there  are  passages  in  the  prophets  which 
contain  this  great  truth  in  germ,  and  though  the  intuition  of  it  is 
expressed  at  certain  sublime  moments  by  some  of  the  Psalmists 
(Ps.  16.  17.  49.  73),  yet  these  passages  altogether  are  few  in 
number,  and  the  doctrine  formed  no  part  of  the  established 
creed  of  an  ancient  Israelite.  Qoheleth  shares  only  the  ordinary 
old  Hebrew  view  of  a  shadowy,  half- conscious  existence  in 
Sheol  (3,  19  f.  6,  6.  9,  5.  10):  he  does  not  believe  in  a  life 
hereafter  in  the  sense  in  which  the  apostles  of  Christ  believed  it.^ 
Even  at  the  end  of  his  book  the  description  of  the  decay  of  the 
body  in  old  age,  until  "the  dust  returns  to  the  earth  as  it  was, 
and  the  spirit  returns  to  God  who  gave  it "  is  followed,  not  by  any 
thought  of  the  beatific  vision  which  may  there  await  it,  but  by 
the  refrain  which  is  the  key-note  of  the  book,  "  Vanity  of  vanities, 
saith  the  preacher,  all  is  vanity."  Not  life  in  the  body  merely, 
the  life  of  the  spirit  even,  including  its  return  to  God,  appears 
thus  to  be  counted  by  him  as  "  vanity."  - 

Nevertheless  the  author  is  no  "  pessimist,"  in  the  sense  in 
which  the  word  is  used  in  modern  times.  He  does  not  believe 
that  the  world  is  growing  worse  and  worse,  and  hastening  to  its 
ruin.     Nor  is  he  ever  tempted  to  abandon  his  theistic  faith.     He 

^  In  the  Targum  to  Qoheleth  (which  is  very  paraphrastic),  as  if  to  counter- 
act what  seemed  to  a  later  age  the  negative  teaching  of  the  Book,  a  reference 
to  a  future  life  and  retribution  (^JINI  K^i?y,  Ninn  Xr^^',  N3"1  XJH)  is 
introduced  with  great  frequency,  and  the  pcssiinisiic  utterances  of  the  author 
are  expressly  limited  to  the  present  life  (pTH  N^7V)- 

2  The  limitation  of  "all  is  vanity"  in  12,  S  to  man's  earthly  life,  as 
opposed  to  a  hi^^her  life  that  is  not  vanity,  adopted  by  some  commentators,  is 
arbitrary,  and  introduces  a  distinction  of  which  the  author  does  not  show- 
that  he  is  conscious.     Comp.  the  just  ;emarks  of  Bickcll,  ji'.  37  45. 


444  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

retains  his  belief  in  God  :  he  is  conscious  of  a  moral  order  in  the 
world,  though  its  operation  is  often  frustrated  :  he  is  aware  of 
cases  in  which  the  man  who  fears  God  has  an  advantage  over 
others  (see  2,  26.  5,  7.  7,  18,  26.  8,  12  f.).  He  holds  that  it  is 
man's  duty  to  enjoy  the  gifts  of  God,  and  also  to  fear  Him.  His 
fear  is  indeed  a  "  pale  and  cheerless "  fear ;  but  it  nevertheless 
exerts  a  constraining  power  over  him.  The  contradictions  in  his 
book  spring  out  of  the  conflict  between  his  faith  and  his  experi- 
ence,— his  faith  tliat  the  world  is.  ordered  by  God,  and  his  experi-^ 
ence  that  events  often  do  not  fall  out  as  he  would  have  expected 
God  to  order  them.  His  theory  of  life  is  imperfect,  because  it 
is  one-sided.  But  the  Bible  contains  not  only  the  record  of  a 
history;  it  exhibits  also,  as  in  a  mirror,  the  most  varied  phases 
of  human  emotion,  suffused  and  penetrated  in  different  degrees 
by  the  Spirit  of  God.  And  so  there  is  a  mood  of  melancholy 
and  sadness  to  which,  in  one  form  or  other,  ihe  human  soul  is 
liable  ;  and  this  has  found  its  most  complete  expression  in 
Ecclesiastes.  It  would  seem  that  "  in  the  great  record  of  the 
spiritual  history  of  "the  chosen  and  typical  race,  a  place  has  here 
been  kept  for  the  sigh  of  defeated  hopes,  for  the  gloom  of  the 
soul  vanquished  by  the  sense  of  the  anomalies  and  mysteries  of 
human  life"  (Dean  Bradley,  p.  39). 

Linguistically,  Qoheleth  stands  by  itself  in  the  OT.  The 
Hebrew  in  which  it  is  written  has  numerous  features  in  common 
with  the  latest  parts  of  the  OT.,  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  Chronicles, 
Esther;  but  it  has  in  addition  many  not  met  with  in  these 
books,  but  found  first  in  the  fragments  of  Ben-Sira  (c.  200  B.C.) 
or  in  the  Mishnah  (c.  200  a.d.).  The  characteristic  of  the 
Hebrew  in  which  these  latest  ])arts  of  the  O T.  are  written  is  that 
while  many  of  the  old  classical  words  and  expressions  still  con- 
tinue in  use,  and,  in  fact,  still  preponderate,  the  syntax  is 
deteriorated,  the  structure  of  sentences  is  cumbrous  and  inele- 
gant, and  there  is  a  very  decided  admixture  of  words  and  idioms 
not  found  before,  having  usually  affinities  with  the  Aramaic,  or 
being  such  as  are  in  constant  and  regular  use  in  the  Hebrew  of 
post-Christian  times  (the  Mishnah,  &c.).  And  this  latter  element 
is  decidedly  larger  and  more  prominent  in  Ecclesiastes  than  in 
either  Esther  or  Ezr.  Neh.  Chron. 

Thus  the  following  expressions  occurring  in  Qoheleth — in  some  cases  new 
words,  in  others  new  or  extended  applicaiions  of  old  words — are  not  found 


ECCLESIASTES   (QOHELETH).  445 

besides  in  Biblical  Hebrew,  but  are  common  either  in  Aramaic  or  in  the 
Mishnah  (or  in  both)  ^  : — 

I-  "ins  =  to  lose:  3,  6.-2.  ^j^  Woe!  4,   10.  5,   16.— 3.  ^D3  to  a-ase :  12, 

3.-4.  pOIJ  a  pit:  10,  8.-5.  Dnin"p  lit.  a  son  of  nobles  =/;-^^7w«;  10, 
1 7-— 6.  )0  pn  outside  of,  except :  2,  25.-7.  C^IPI  to  enjoy  (prop,  to  feel):  2, 
25.-8.  jnon  deficiency:  i,  15.— 9.  j'Sn  (usually  df^j/;r)  in  the  weakened 
sense  of /vw'«^j-j-,  uiatter:  3,  i.  17.  5,  8  [Fleb.  7].  8,  6  [there  is  an  approxi- 
mation to  this  sense  in  Is.  58,  3.  13]. — 10.  Xi"*  to  go  out  of  in  the  sense  of  to 
fulfily  discharge:  7,  18. — 1 1.  Jl'^n''  advantage,  preference,  profit:  i,  3.  2,  11. 
13  ^'i^-  3,  9-  5,  8.  15.  7,  12.  10,  10.  II.— 12.  -|3D  /^"^  fl?-^.-  I,  10.  2,  12.  16. 
3,  15.  4,  2.  6,  10.  9,  6.  7-— 13-  ni"? /^  accompany:  8,  15.  — 14.  nxi?,^  in  the 
%^n%Q pregnant :  11,  5.  — 15.  "]C'0  /c  indulge,  cheer  (peculiar  sense):  2,  3. — 

16.  jnj  /<?  «-."/,  behave  [RV.  wrongly  "guiding  (me)  "]  :  2,  3.  — 17.  p^j  /^  /;^ 
endangered :  10,  9. — 18.   13^  deed,  zaork:  9,  i  (=   ^.dL).  — 19.    pi?,   njiy 

jV^/.-  4,  2.  3.— 20.  \'''^]i  trouble,  business:  I,  13.  2,  23.  26.  3,  10.  4,  8.  5,  2. 
13.  8,  16. — 21.  ■|t^'^  interpretation:  8,  I  (as  in  Aram.,  Dan,  2,  4  &c.  In 
older  Hebrew  p"ins). — 22.  C'  as  the  relative  sign.  This  in  itself  occurs  else- 
vhere  in  the  OT.  (p.  422)  ;  but  in  Qoh.  its  use  is  widely  extended,  and  it 
appears  in  many  combinations,  unknown  otherwise  to  Biblical  Heljrew,  but 
common  in  the  Mishnah,  as  -^-'"^3  «^^  that  which:  2,  7.  9.  11,  8  ;  -x}'2  as, 
when  [normal  Hebrew  l^'i^D]  :    5,    14.  9,  12.  10,  3.  12,  7;     -J^'^    than  that 

[normal  Hebrew  It^'NDj  "•  5,  4  ;  and  esp.  -^TiJD  that  which  [=3  {Vn]  11,9. 

3,  15.  6,  10.  7,  24.  8,  7.  10,  14;    ->ii  np  3.   22;  -li^'x  ^C'3  '''^f^/^J^  that,  8, 

17,  is   modelled  on   the  Aram,   "n  p"»l3  (Gen.  6,   3  Onq.  <S:c.).2— 23.  n^t^* 

in  the  Hit^ p.  :  8,  10  (elsewhere  in  Biblical  Hebrew  the  passive  is  always 
expressed  by  the  Nifal). — 24.  F)''pn  strong:  6,  10. — 25.  |pn  to  be  straight : 
1 5   ^5  »   ipri  ^^  make  straight,  arrange:   7,  13-  12,  9. 

The  following  expressions,  common  in  either  Aramaic  or  post-Bibl.  Hebrew 
(or  in  both),  are  found  besides  in  Biblical  Hebrew  only  in  the  passages  cited, 
being  mostly  from  admittedly  post-exi!ic  books,  though  in  one  or  two 
instances  the  word  occuis  in  isolation  somewhat  earlier  : — 

I.   ;i^j^  if:  6,  6.  Est.  7,  4. — 2.   ^nzi  in  the  sense  to  hasten  (intrans. ) :  5,  i. 

7,  9:  cf.  Est.  2,  9.  2  Ch.  35,  21  (trans.),  and  in  the  Pual  Est.  8,  14.  Pr.  20, 
21  ;  the  Hif.  Est.  6,  14.  2  Ch.  26,  20  (ordinarily  in  Ileb.  the  word  means  to 
terrify).— Z.  pi  then,  thus:  8,  10.  Est.  4,  16.— 4.  .  .  .  NVT  TX\  I,  I7-  i  Ch. 


1  For  particulars,  see  the  glossary  in  Delitzsch's  commentary  (abbreviated 
and  much  spoilt  in  the  translation),  or  in  Wright's  Ecclesiastes,  p.  4S8  (L 

^  -It^'«  fca  cannot  be  called  Hebrew  :  like  ••?D^  nL"N3  Jon.  i,  8  (cf.  h'12 
pT  Jon.  I,  -7  Targ.  ;  ^'01  h^'M  Jud.  8,  I  Targ.),  or  n»^i)  "I'J'X  Dan.  i,  10 
(=:  l!:£ll^5),  it  is  the  phrase  of  an  author  who  thought  in  Aramaic,  and  trans- 
lated the  Aramaic  idiom,  part  by  part,  into  unidiomatic  Hebrew. 


446  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

22,  I  (see  the  author's  Hebrew  Tejises,  §  201.  3). — 5.   pT  tiine:  3,  i,  Neh.  2. 

6.  Est.  9,  27,  31. — 6,  ^syyn  =  rec/;o}n7ig,  account:  7,  25.  27.  9,  10.  7,  29 
("devices").  2  Ch.  26,  15  (in  the  derived  sense  of  "engine"  [=  ingenium]). — 

7.  "ID"!''  in  an  adv.  sense,  exceedifigly,  more:  2,  15.  7,  16.  12,  <^  [inoreover)  \ 
\0i  "inV  norethan:  12,  12  as  Est.  6,  6. — 8.   inK3  li<^-  ^-^^  ^«^>  in  the  weak- 

ened  sense  of  together:  11,  6.   Ezr.  2,  64  (=  Neh.  7,  66).  3,  9.  6,  20.  2  Ch. 

5,  13.  Is.  65,  25  (Aram,  NTPI^,  |,.j^»^]  :  TPISD  is  common  in  the  same  sense 
in  the  Mishnah).— 9.  DiD  (in  Qal)  to  gather:  2,  8.  26.  3,  5.  Ps.  33,  7.  I  Ch. 
22,  2.  Neh.  12,  44.  Est.  4,  16. — 10.  "IC'D  ^<7  <^^  good.,  prosperous:  10,  10.   11, 

6.  Est.  8,  5  ;  p-J'D  2,  21.  4,  4.   5,    10  (HniJ^is  in  Ps.  68,  7  =  'jf^GLT))-  — 

II.  f]iD  'V?^^.-  3,  II.  7,  2.  12,  13.  2  Ch.  20,  16.  Joel  2,   20.  — 12.  DJnS  ^^//V/.- 

8.  II.  Est.  I,  20  (a  Persian  word).  — 13.  t07D'  /f  r///^  over:  2,  19.  8,  9.  Nell. 
5,  15.  Est.  9,  I  ;  D^^tJ^n  5>  18.  6,  2.  Ps.  119,  133;  pjoi?'^*  8,  4.  8.— 14.  Plpn 
to  be  strong,  prevail:  4,  12.  Job  14,  20.  15,  24  (common  in  Aram.).  — 15.  nf 
//!U  (fcm.)  for  nXT :  2,  2.  24.  5,  15.  18.  7,  23.  9,  13.  2  Ki.  6,  19  (N.  Palest, 
[p.  178]).  Ez.  40,  45. 

Another  Mishnic  usage  is  the  constant  use  of  the  perf.  with  simple  waiv  for 
the  classical  impf.  with  waw  conv.  (which  occurs  but  thrice  in  Qoh.,  1,17. 
4,  I.  7)  :  this  appears  with  increasing  frequency  in  the  later  books  of  the  OT., 
but  in  none  so  regularly  as  in  Qoheleth.  There  are  also  many  finer  points  of 
style  and  construction,  which  cannot  well  be  tabulated,  but  which  confirm 
the  evidence  afforded  by  the  vocabulary.  The  linguistic  peculiarities  of 
Qoheleth  are  very  different  in  character  from  those  of  the  Song  of  Songs 
(p.  421  f. )  :  the  latter,  treated  as  dialectical  usages,  are  compatible  (so  far  as 
can  be  judged)  with  an  early  dale  :  the  phraseology  of  Qoheleth  bears 
throughout  the  stamp  of  lateness. 

'\\\(t  precise  date  of  Qoheleth  cannot  be  determined,  our  know- 
ledge of  the  history  not  enabling  us  to  interpret  with  any  con 
fidcnce  the  allusions  to  concrete  events  which' it  seems  to  contain. 1 
But  the  general  political  condition  which  it  presupposes,  and  the 
language,  make  it  decidedly  probable  that  it  is  not  earlier  than  the 
latter  years  of  the  Persian  rule,  which  ended  B.C.  332  (Ewald, 
Oehler,  Ginsburg,  Delitzsch,  Cheyne,  Volck) ;  and  it  is  quite 
possible  that  it  is  later.  Noldeke,  Hitzig,  Kuenen,  lyler,  and 
IDean  Plumptre  (p.  34)  place  it  c.  200  t.^c.,  partly  on  the  ground 
of  language  (which  favours,  even  though  our  knowledge  is  not 
sufficient  to  enable  us  to  say  that  it  requires^  a  date  later  than 
that  assigned  by  Ewald),  partly  (Kuenen)  on  the  ground  of  an 
absence  of  national  feeling,  and  religious  enthusiasm  {e.g.  5,  2),  in 
which  the  author  seems  to  be  a  forerunner  of  the  later  Sad- 
duceeisin,  and  of  the  indifferentism  characteristic  of  a  particular 
^4,  13   16;  6,  2  (perhaps)  ;  8,  10;  9,  13-16;   10,  16;  17. 


ECCLESIASTES  (QOHELETII).  447 

Jewish  party  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  partly  (Tvler 
Plumptre)  on  the  ground  of  traces  which  the  Hook  is  su^ikV.-  ' 
to  contaui  of  Greek  influences,  especially  of  Epicurean  and  ^ 
teaching.  Whether,  however,  such  traces  really  exist,  may  l>c 
doubted;  see  Cheyne,  pp.  260-272,  Nowack,  p.  194  f.  There 
is  force  in  Kuenen's  arguments ;  but  the  paucity  of  independent 
data  respecting  the  condition  of  the  Jews  in  the  3rd  cent. 
B.C.  does  not  enable  us  to  say  whether  they  are  decisive,  or 
whether  the  characteristics  referred  to  may  not  have  shown  them- 
selves earlier.  Nowack  (p.  196  f.)  hesitates  between  the  two 
dates  proposed,  considering  that  the  allusions  are  not  decisive  in 
favour  of  either,  but  allowing  that  the  language,  if  its  testimony. 
in  the  absence  of  more  definite  standards  of  comj)aris(.n,  U- 
rightly  interpreted,  supports  the  later  date.  And,  rdativdy,  a 
date  somewhat  later  than  Ewald's  appears,  indeed,  to  he  the 
more  probable.  ^ 

Integrity  of  Qoheleth.  (i)  It  has  been  questioned  whether  the  Epilogue, 
12,  9-14,  is  the  work  of  the  author  of  the  Book.     The  author's  n     '  ^ 

end  evidently  at  12,  8  :  and  12,  9-14  has  been  regarded  as  a  "c'>n,  , , 

attestation,"  added  by  an  editor,  or  perhaps  by  those  who  admitted  the  Hook 
into  the  Canon,  justifying  its  admission  {w.  9-12),  and  pointing  out  (ti-.  13- 
14)  what  was  the  true  moral  of  its  preaching  (Dean  IMumptrc).  (2)  It  bit 
further  been  questioned-  whether  certain  passages,  not  in  harmony  \»iih  ihc 
general  tenor  of  the  Book,  may  not  be  later  insertions  in  it,  viz.  3,  17.  11,  if>. 
12,  i».  7'^.  (i)  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  sufficient  reason  for  douUinf; 
that  12,  9-12  is  by  the  author  of  the  Book  ;    it  is  true,  these  verses  contain 

1  The  proverbs  of  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  (c.  200  B.C.),  prcserYcd  in 
Rabbinical  writings  (Dukes,  Rabb.  lUitmenUse,  pp.  67  -84).  or  rc^'  ■  '  '  ^ 
the  versions  by  Professor  Margoliouth  {Expositor,  Apr.  1890,  p.  .; 

so  far  as  the  example.^  there  given  are  substantiated— seem  indeetl  to  rv 
a  somewhat  more  advanced  development  of  new  Hebrew  iJun  (>!)■ 
and  so  far  increase  the  probability  of  the  earlier  date  assigned  to  this  B»>-  • 
Ewald.     It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  this  argument  i- 
age  of  transition,  it  is  not  clear  even  that  contemporaries  vv  . 

precisely  the  same  more  modern  words.     That  Ben  Sira  should  use  a  i. 
number  of  the  modern  words  than  Qoheleth  is  only  what  miul.l  be  ex|K- 
sueh  words  are,  indeed,  sufficiently  abundant  in  Qoheleth  (p,  445>J    »"^'  ' 
Sira's  collection  of  proverbs  is  at  least  four  times  as  long  as  Qohdeth.  .:•  : 
embraces  a  much  greater  variety  of  topics.  ,  .,       .  .i_ 

Against  the  views  of  GrHtz  (who  assigns  the  Book  to  the  age  of  Her. -I  the 
Great,  and  supposes  it  to  be  a  satire  on  his  administrnt.on).  and  of  Kenaa 
(c.  125  B.C.),  see  Kuenen,  Th.  Tijdschr.  1883.  pp.  120-141. 

2  See  Cheyne,  pp.  211,  232  ff.,  23S  f. 


448  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

some  unusual  expressions  ;  but  their  general  tone  and  strain  is  quite  that  of 
the  Book  generally  (with  12''  cf.  i,  18).^  12,  13-14  stands  upon  a  different 
footing,  and  must  be  considered  in  connexion  with  (2).  The  difficulty  which 
these  passages  present  is  this.  It  is  clear  that  Qoheleth,  as  a  whole,  knows 
nothing  of  a  future  life  :  and  3,  19-21  (RV.)  the  doctrine  is  expressly  treated 
as  unproven.  3,  17.  11,  9''.  12,  14,  however,  i'lf^w  to  teach  it.  The  attempt 
to  reconcile  them  with  the  rest  of  the  Book  by  the  supposition  that  there  are 
"Two  Voices"-  in  Qoheleth  cannot  be  sustained.  The  author's  aphorisms 
are  no  statements  of  the  arguments  for  and  against  future  retribution  ;  nor  is 
the  higher  faith  (if  it  can  be  so  termed)  of  c.  12  in  any  way  the  outcome  of  a 
previous  train  of  reflection.  It  thus  differs  from  the  poem  of  Tennyson.  In 
the  poem  there  is  a  real  debate  :  and  the  voice  of  doubt,  having  shown  itself 
powerless  in  argument,  is  finally  silenced  by  a  particular  observation  of  the 
poet.  No  such  debate  is,  however,  traceable  in  Qoheleth  :  the  passages  in 
question  are  introduced  abruptly,  and  stand  isolated.  But  3,  17,  by  the 
punctuation  Db'  ("for  he  hath  appointed  a  lime  for,"  &c.)  for  Dl^'  ''''there" 
adopted  by  Delitzsch  and  others,  is  referred  quite  naturally  to  temporal 
judgments,  ii,  9^  12,  14,  as  they  stand,  may  be  interpreted  similarly.^ 
12,  7  expresses  just  the  reversal  of  Gen.  2,  7  ;  the  question  of  the  continued 
consciousness  of  the  "spirit  "  does  not  appear  to  be  before  the  author."*  12, 
1*.  13  are  not  so  readily  explained.  These  passages  emphasize  godliness  in  a 
manner  foreign  to  the  general  spirit  of  Qoheleth,  whose  sinmmwi  bonum  is 
the  discreet  and  temperate  enjoyment  of  life.  The  context  of  12,  i*  (cf.  11, 
10)  would  point  to  the  same  siimtnitvi  bonum  being  inculcated  here,  viz.  the 
enjoyment  of  life  while  the  powers  are  fresh,  rather  than  the  importance  of 
beginning  the  service  of  God  in  youth.  And  if  12,  i*  (to  youth)  be  treated 
as  a  subsequent  insertion,  this  is  the  sense  which  the  original  text  will  have 
expressed  ("or  ever,"  &c.  connecting  with  ii,  10).  12,  13,  similarly,  lays 
stress  upon  a  thought  implicit  in  the  teaching  of  the  book  (2,  24  &c.  :  p.  441), 

^  The  improbabilities  of  the  strange  theory  of  Krochmal,  adopted  by  Gratz, 
and  even  by  Renan,  that  12,  11- 12  were  meant  originally  as  an  epilogue,  not 
to  Qoheleth  alone,  but  to  the  Ilagiographa  generally  i^in  which  it  is  assumed 
that  Qoheleth  once  held  the  last  place),  have  been  exposed  by  Kuenen,  Th. 
Tijdschr.  1S83,  pp.  119-126;  comp.  also  Cheyne,  p.  233.  (Jewish  scholars 
are  often  exceedingly  clever  and  learned  ;  but  they  are  somewhat  apt  to  see 
things,  in  a  false  peispective,  and  to  build  upon  superficial  and  accidental 
appearance,  extravagant  and  far-reaching  hypotheses.) 

2  Cf.  Cheyne,  pp.  245,  301  ;  Dean  Plumptre,  pp.  53,  21 1  f.,  224 f. 

^  If,  however,  it  be  thought  that  these  two  verses  can  only  be  reasonably 
interpreted  of  judgment  hereafter,  there  seems  no  alternative  but  to  treat 
them  as  later  insertions.  Had  this  truth  been  a  certainty  io  Qoheleth  ("and 
know  that  for  all  these  things,"  &c.),  as  it  was,  for  instance,  to  the  author  of 
the  Book  of  Wisdom,  it  seems  impossible  but  that  the  allusions  to  it  would 
have  been  more  frequent  and  distinct,  and,  indeed,  that  the  general  tenor  of 
the  Book  would  have  been  different. 

*  Notice  that  in  I's.  104,  29  the  "spiiit"  (Till)  of  animals  is  "gathered 
in  "  by  God  at  their  death. 


ESTHER.  449 

but  disregards  that  which  is  explicit.  Hence  the  conjecture  (which  would 
also  account  for  the  unfinished  form  of  parts  of  the  Book)  that  the  author's 
meditations  were  left  by  him  at  his  death  in  an  incomplete  state  (Cheyne, 
pp.  204,  &c.),  and  that  12,  i\  13-14  were  added  by  an  editor  for  the  pur- 
pose of  stating  distinctly  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  true  moral  of  the  Book, 
and  disarming  possible  objections  which  the  general  tenor  of  its  teaching  might 
provoke.  The  conjecture,  especially  as  regards  12,  13-14,  must  he  allowed 
to  be  a  plausible  one.  At  the  same  time,  the  thought  is  in  other  parts  of 
Qoheleth  not  entirely  consistent,  or  logically  developed  ;  and  the  author 
himself  may  have  appended  the  two  closing  verses  with  the  same  purpose  in 
view  as  his  supposed  editor.^ 


§  5.  Esther. 

Literature.— H.  A.  C.  Havemick,  Einl.  in  das  AT.  ii.  i  (1839), 
p.  328  ff.  ;  Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  i.  p.  196  f.,  v.  p.  230  ff.  ;  E.  Beriheau 
in  Die  Bb.  Esra,  Neche?/iiah  and  Ester  (in  the  Kgf.  Hdb.\  1862,  ed.  2 
(revised  by  V.  Ryssel),  1887  ;  C.  F.  Keil  in  the  Bibl.  Comt/uvlar  iibcr 
die  Chronik,  Esra,  Nehemia  :i.  Ester,  1870  ;  S.  Oetili  in  Die  Geschiciitlichcn 
Hagiographen,  in  Strack  and  Zockler's  Kgf.  Kofuin.  1889,  p.  227  ff. 

The  Book  of  Esther  relates  how  Esther,  a  Jewess  resident  in 
the  Persian  capital,  Susa,  rose  to  be  queen  of  Ahasuerus,  i.e. 
Xerxes  (b.c.  485 — 465),  and  how,  in  virtue  of  her  position,  she 
succeeded  in  rescuing  her  countrymen  from  the  destruction 
which  Haman,  the  king's  favourite  courtier,  had  prepared  for 
them. 

The  story  may  be  told  briefly  as  follows  : — Ahasuerus,  in  the 
third  year  of  his  reign,  gave  a  great  feast,  first,  for  180  days,  to 
the  principal  men  of  his  kingdom,  and  then,  for  7  days,  to  all  the 
people  of  Shushan  (Susa) ;  on  the  last  day,  he  ordered  his  seven 
eunuchs  to  bring  in  his  queen  Vashti,  in  order  that  she  might 
display  her  beauty  in  presence  of  his  guests.  Upon  her  refusing 
to  comply  with  this  request,  the  king,  fearing  that  her  example 
might  encourage  other  wives  to  disregard  their  husbands'  wishes, 
resolved  to  put  her  away  by  a  royal  edict ;    and,  further,  sent 

^  Gra'tz's  conjecture  on  12,  \^  [ap.  Cheyne,  pp.  225  f.,  300)  is  infelicitous. 
The  originality  of  the  entire  Epilogue  is  elaborately  defended  by  Kuener 
{Onderz.  ed.  i,  iii.  pp.  195-205).  But  he  only  saves  12,  13-14  (p.  204  t.) 
by  understanding  it  to  express,  not  the  highest  end  of  man  absolutely,  but  the 
conditio7i  under  which  enjoyment,  which  Qoheleth  regards  as  the  chit-fend  of 
life,  is  attainable.  This  makes  Qoheleth's  teaching  consistent  ;  but  the 
limitation  is  scarcely  compatible  with  the  terms  of  the  text.  The  truth  is, 
12,  13-14  can  only  be  vindicated  for  the  author  at  the  cost  of  an  inconsistency. 

2  F 


450  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

instructions  into  all  parts  of  his  empire  that  every  man  was  to  be 
master  in  his  own  house  (c.  i).  The  king,  after  his  wrath  had 
subsided,  took  measures  to  supply  Vashti's  place.  Accordingly, 
all  the  most  beautiful  virgins  in  Persia  were  collected  at  Susa, 
and  after  12  months'  preparation,  presented  to  the  king.  His 
choice  fell,  in  the  7th  year  of  his  reign,  upon  Esther,  the 
cousin  and  adopted  daughter  of  Mordecai,  a  Benjaminite  resident 
in  Susa,  who  was  forthwith  installed  formally  in  the  palace  as 
queen.  Shortly  afterwards,  Mordecai  was  enabled,  through 
Esther,  to  give  information  concerning  a  plot  which  two  of  the 
royal  chamberlains  had  formed  against  the  king's  life ;  the  con- 
spirators were  hanged,  and  Mordecai's  good  deed  was  inscribed 
in  the  archives  of  the  kingdom  (c.  2). 

After  this  Ahasuerus  promoted  a  certain  Haman  above  all  his 
other  nobles,  and  directed  his  servants  to  do  obeisance  to  him. 
As  Mordecai  refused,  Haman,  deeming  himself  slighted,  con 
ceived  against  both  him  and  his  people  a  violent  hatred ;  and 
persuaded  the  king,  in  the  12th  year  of  his  reign,  on  the  13th 
day  of  the  ist  month,  to  issue  an  edict,  which  was  published 
throughout  the  empire,  that  11  months  hence,  on  the  13th  day 
of  the  1 2th  month,  Adar,  the  Jews,  in  every  province,  young  and 
old,  should  be  massacred,  and  their  goods  confiscated  (c.  3). 
This  decree  aroused  naturally  the  greatest  alarm  among  the  Jews  ; 
Mordecai,  however,  contrived  to  inform  Esther  of  it,  and  induced 
her  to  intercede  with  the  king  on  behalf  of  her  nation  (c.  4). 
Accordingly,  having  gained  the  king's  favour,  and  obtained  from 
him  a  promise  to  grant  her  what  she  desired,  "  even  to  the  half  of 
his  kingdom,"  she,  in  the  first  instance,  merely  invited  him  and 
Haman  to  a  banquet.  At  the  banquet  the  king  repeated  his 
promise ;  but  Esther  merely  begged  them  to  come  again  on  the 
morrow  to  another  banquet.  Haman,  highly  elated  at  the  honour 
done  to  him,  and  hoping  next  day  to  obtain  from  the  king  an 
order  for  Mordecai's  punishment,  at  his  wife's  suggestion  had  a 
gallows  erected,  50  cubits  high,  for  his  rival's  execution  (c.  5). 

That  n'ght  it  happened  that  the  king,  being  unable  to  sleep, 
ordered  the  archives  of  the  kingdom  to  be  read  before  him. 
Among  the  contents  that  were  read  out  was  the  record  of  the 
])lot  of  the  two  chamberlains,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  it 
had  been  frustrated  by  Mordecai's  timely  information.  Upon 
learning  that  no  reward  had  been  conferred  upon  Mordecai  for 


ESTHER.  451 

his  good  deed,  the  king  asked  Haman,  when  he  arrived  in  the 
morning,  what  should  be  done  to  the  man  whom  the  king 
dehghted  to  honour.  Haman,  imagining  that  the  king  could  be 
thinking  only  of  himself,  named  the  very  highest  marks  of  royal 
approval,  which,  to  his  intense  mortification,  he  was  directed  at 
once  personally  to  bestow  upon  Mordecai.  Having  carried  out 
these  instructions,  Haman  hastened  back  home,  greatly  dejected  ; 
and  his  wife  predicted  yet  worse  things  for  him  in  the  future  (c.  6). 

At  the  banquet,  upon  the  king's  repeating  once  more  his 
previous  offer,  Esther  now  answered  plainly,  and  begged  him  to 
save  her  and  her  people  from  the  destruction  with  which  they 
were  threatened.  The  king,  apparently  surprised,  asked  who  had 
brought  this  danger  upon  them,  and  was  told  in  reply  that  it  was 
Haman.  He  instantly  rose  in  great  wrath,  and  left  the  banquet- 
ing-hall.  Haman  fell  down  upon  his  knees  to  crave  the  queen's 
intercession;  the  king  returning,  and  finding  him  at  her  feet, 
imagined  that  he  was  insulting  her;  and  a  courtier  observing 
opportunely  that  the  gallows  prepared  for  Mordecai  was  ready 
outside,  he  ordered  his  immediate  execution  upon  it  (c.  7). 

Mordecai  was  now  installed  in  Haman's  position ;  and  Esther 
set  herself  to  frustrate,  if  possible,  the  decree  against  the  Jews. 
As  the  Persian  laws  did  not  permit  this  decree  to  be  directly 
revoked,  Ahasuerus,  on  the  23rd  day  of  the  3rd  month,  authorised 
Mordecai  to  issue  an  edict,  which,  like  the  previous  one,  was 
transmitted  to  every  part  of  the  empire,  permitting  the  Jews,  on 
the  day  appointed  for  their  destruction,  to  defend  themselves 
against  their  assailants  (c.  8).  Accordingly,  when  the  13th  of 
Adar  arrived,  the  Jews  in  every  place  acted  in  concert  together, 
and  prevailed  against  their  enemies.  In  Susa  they  slew  500  men, 
including  the  ten  sons  of  Haman ;  and  as  Esther,  in  answer  to 
the  king,  expressed  a  desire  that  the  Jews  might  be  permitted  to 
act  similarly  on  the  next  day,  they  slew  on  the  14th  300  more. 
In  the  provinces  of  the  empire  the  Jews  slew,  on  the  13th, 
75,000  of  their  enemies,  and  observed  the  following  day,  the 
14th,  as  a  day  of  rejoicing.  In  the  capital,  as  two  days  were 
occupied  with  the  slaughter,  the  15th  was  celebrated  as  the  day 
of  rejoicing.  To  commemorate  this  deliverance  from  their 
enemies,  Mordecai  and  Esther  sent  letters  to  the  Jews  dispersed 
throughout  the  empire,  instructing  them  tc  observe  annually  the 
14th  and  15th  of  Adar  *'as  days  of  feasting  and  gladness,  and  of 


452  LITERATURE   OF  THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

sending  portions  one  to  another,  and  gifts  to  the  poor" — the 
14th  in  the  country,  and  the  f5th  in  cities  (9,  19).  The  days 
were  called  the  days  of  Piirim,  with  allusion  to  the  "  lot "  (Pur) 
which  Haman  had  originally  cast  (3,  7)  for  the  purpose  of  fixing 
the  day  of  the  massacre  (c.  9). 

The  Book  closes  with  an  account  of  the  might  and  greatness 
of  Mordecai,  which  it  is  stated  stood  recorded  in  the  royal 
archives  of  Media  and  Persia  (c.  10). 

The  aim  of  the  Book  of  Esther  is  manifest :  it  is  to  explain  the 
origin  of  the  Feast  of  Purim,  and  to  suggest  motives  for  its 
observance.  The  first  subsequent  allusion  to  the  feast  is  in 
2  Mace, — written  probably  about  the  time  of  the  Christian  era, — 
where  it  is  said  (15,  36)  that  the  Jews  resolved  to  celebrate  their 
victory  over  Nicanor  (b.c.  161)  on  Adar  13,  tt/oo  yu,td?  ri^xipa^  t7J<; 
MapSoxoiiKrjs  rjfxipa^.  This  "day  of  Mordecai"  is  evidently 
the  day  appointed  by  Mordecai  to  be  observed  by  the  Jews  in 
commemoration  of  their  deliverance,  viz.  Adar  14.1  In  later 
times  the  Book  of  Esther,  recording,  as  it  did,  a  signal  national 
triumph,  acquired  great  popularity  among  the  Jews  ;  and  was 
even  ranked  by  them  as  superior  both  to  the  writings  of  the 
prophets  and  to  all  other  parts  of  the  Hagiographa. 

That  a  young  Jewess,  resident  in  Susa,  may  have  been  taken 
into  the  harem  of  the  Persian  king,  and  there,  with  the  assistance 
of  a  relative,  may  have  been  the  means  of  averting  from  a  portion 
of  her  fellow-countrymen  the  ruin  which  some  high  official,  whom 
they  had  offended,  had  devised  against  them,  is  fully  within  the 
limits  of  historical  possibility.^  The  historical  character  of  the 
narrative,  as  we  possess  it,  has,  however,  been  very  differently 
estimated  by  different  writers.  To  some  the  narrative  has 
appeared  to  teem  with  improbabilities  ;  by  others  it  has  been 
defended  in  every  particular  as  thoroughly  possible  and  credible. 
It  may  be  admitted  that  it  contains  details  which  it  is  difficult  to 
find  a  standard  for  estimating  objectively.  But  putting  aside  trivial 
or  inconclusive  criticisms,  and  also  disregarding  such  details  as 
may  reasonably  be  attributed  to  the  capricious  character  of 
Xerxes  (which  is  attested  independently  by  Herodotus),  it  can 
still  hardly  be  pronounced  altogether  free  from  improbabilities. 

^  But  the  i^assagc  on\y  />rozh's  that  the  ilay  was  observed  wlien  the  author  of 
2  Mace,  lived  ;  there  is  no  similar  allusion  in  I  Mace.  7,  43.  49. 
^  Com]).  Ewald,  v.  231  ;  N()ldeke,  J  7\  Lit,  p.  S5. 


ESTHER.  453 

Thus  I,  Esther  cannot,  it  seems,  have  been  Ahasuerus'  queen.     Between 
the    7th    and    the  I2th  years  of  his  reign  (2,   16.   3,   7)  Xerxes'  queen  was 
Amestris,  a  superstiiious  and  cruel  woman  (Hdt.  7,  114.  9,  112),  who  cannot 
be  identified  with  Esther,  and  who  leaves  no  place  fur  Esther  beside  her. 
Esther  may  have   been  one  of  the  women  in  the  king's  harem  ;   but  the 
narrative  represents  her  consistently  as  queen,  and  as  sole  queen  (2,  17  &c.). 
Moreover,  the  manner  in  which  she  was  selected  is  in  contlict  with  the  law 
by  which  the  Persian  monarch,  in  his  choice  of  a  queen,  was  limited  to  seven 
noble  families  of  Persia  (cf.   Hdt.  3,  84).     Again,  the  public  notification  of 
the  decree  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews  eleven  months  before  it  was  to  take 
effect  seems  scarcely  probable — the  assumption  that  it  was  Haman's  object 
to  induce  the  Tews  indirectly  to  leave  the  Persian  dominion  being  countenanced 
by  nothing  in  the  narrative,  which,  in  fact,  implies  distinctly  that  their  actual 
ruin  was  contemplated  (3,  9.  4,   1-3.   13  f.).     It  is  remarkable,   also,  that 
though  the  courtiers  (in  spite  of  the  admonition,  2,  10.   20)  are  manifestly 
aware  of  Esther's  relationship  to  Mordecai,  and  Mordecai  is  known  to  be  a 
Jew    (3,  4.    6  &c.),    Haman    seems   not   to   suspect   the   relationship;   and 
Ahasuerus,  although  he  had  himself  (3,  9-1 1)  authorised   the  decree,   not 
only  (6,    10)  honours  the  Jew  Mordecai  (which  might  be  excused  on  the 
ground   of  his   good   deed),   but   is   surprised   to  be   told  of  its   existence 

^7'  5-7). 

2.  To  many  critics,  moreover,  the  narrative  as  a  whole  seems  to  read  as 
a  romance  rather  than  as  a  history  :  the  incidents  at  each  stage  seem  laid 
so  as  to  prepare  for  the  next,  which  duly  follows  \yithout  hitch  or  interrup- 
tion. It  is  true,  certainly,  that  considerable  art  is  shown  in  the  composition 
of  the  Book.  Mordecai  and  Haman  stand  in  manifest  contrast  to  each 
other  :  the  two  edicts  and  the  circumstances  of  their  promulgation  (3,  12-15; 
8,  10-17)  are  similarly  contrasted  ;  the  climax  of  difficulty  and  danger  for 
the  Jews  is  reached,  from  which,  by  an  unexpected  turn  of  events,  they  are 
suddenly  released  :  the  double  banquet  (5,  4-  8.  7,  0  --^^lo^^s  scope  in  the 
interval  for  the  contrasted  pictures,  first  of  Haman's  exultation  (5,  9-14). 
then  of  his  vexation  (6,  11-13) -a  prelude  and  omen  of  the  greater  humilia- 
tion that  is  to  follow  (c.  7)-  Fact,  however,  is  proverbially  sometmies 
stranger  than  fiction  ;  so  that  it  is  somewhat  precarious  to  buUd  a  far-reach- 
ing argument  upon  appearances  of  this  nature.  At  the  same  time,  it  must 
be  allowed  that  incidents  thus  mutually  related  are  aaumidated  in  Esther  ; 
and  they,  at  least,  authorise  the  inference  that,  whatever  materials  the 
narrator  may  have  had  at  his  disposal,  he  has  elaborated  them  with  tl.e 
conscious  design  of  exhibiting  vividly  the  dramatic  contrasts  which  they 
suggested  to  him. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  writer  shows  hiiDself  well  informed  on 
Persian  manners  and  institutions  ;  he  does  not  commit  anachron- 
isms such  as  occur  in  Tobit  or  Judith  ;  and  the  character  of 
Xerxes,  as  drawn  by  him,  is  in  agreement  with  lustory.  Ihe 
conclusion  to  which,  on  the  whole,  the  f:icts  pomt,  and  which 
is  adopted  by  most  moderate  critics  {e.g.  Oetdi,  p.  233),  »s  that 


454  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD  TESTAMENT. 

though  the  narrative  cannot  reasonably  be  doubted  to  have  a 
substantial  historical  basis,  it  includes  items  that  are  not  strictly 
historical  :  the  elements  of  the  narrative  were  supplied  to  the 
author  by  tradition,  and,  aided  by  his  knowledge  of  Persian  life 
and  customs  (for  he  cannot  have  lived  long  after  the  Persian 
empire  reached  its  close),  he  combined  them  into  a  consistent 
picture :  in  some  cases  tlie  details  were  coloured  already  by 
tradition  before  they  came  to  the  author's  hand,  in  other  cases 
they  owe  their  present  form  to  the  author's  love  of  dramatic 
effect.  An  evident  collateral  aim  of  the  narrative  is  to  magnify 
the  importance  and  influence  of  the  Jews.  Of  all  the  maidens 
collected  at  Susa,  it  is  a  Jewess  who  is  the  fortunate  one,  and 
who,  throughout,  is  successful  in  all  that  she  essays  to  obtain 
from  the  king.  Not  the  Jews  only,  but  the  inhabitants  of  Susa 
generally  are  troubled  by  the  first  edict,  as  they  are  delighted  by 
the  second  (3,  15.  8,  15).  Haman,  the  Jews'  enemy,  is  disgraced, 
and  consigned  to  the  fate  which  he  had  prepared  for  Mordecai 
(5,  14.  7,  10):  Mordecai  succeeds  to  his  position  (8,  2.  15;  cf. 

3,  I.  to),  issues  the  decree  which  is  to  neutralise  his  (8,  9  ff. ;  cf. 

4,  12),  and  is  represented  finally  as  invested  with  even  greater 
authority  and  importance  (9,  3^  4;  c.  10).  The  Jews  themselves 
find  favour  with  the  Persians  (8,  16),  are  regarded  with  awe  (8, 
17''.  9,  2^-3),  and  secure  an  unexampled  triumph  over  their  foes.^ 
It  is  in  some  of  the  details  connected  with  his  picture  of  the 
Jews  that  the  author's  narrative  is  most  open  to  the  suspicion  of 
exaggeration.  It  is  probable  in  fact  that  the  danger  which 
threatened  the  Jews  was  a  local  one,  and  that  the  massacre  which 
they  wrought  upon  their  foes  was  on  a  much  smaller  scale  than 
is  represented. 

Materials  do  not  exist  for  fixing  otherwise  than  approximately 
the  date  at  which  the  Book  of  Esther  was  composed.  Xerxes  is 
described  (i,  i  f.)  in  terms  which  imply  that  his  reign  lay  in  a 
somewhat  distant  past  when  the  author  wrote.  By  the  majority 
of  critics  the  Book  is  assigned  either  to  the  early  years  of  the 

^  Notice,  also,  the  second  speech  of  Hainan's  wife  (6,  13),  which  is  both 
in  pointed  contrast  with  her  first  (5,  14),  and  al.-.o  plainly  reflects  the  «a;;-a- 
/<?r' J- point  of  view.  It  is  singular  that  no  motive  is  assigned  for  Mordecai's 
disregard  of  Persian  etiquette:  obeisance  to  a  superior  was  quite  usual  in 
ancient  Israel ;  and  there  is  notliing  to  suggest  that  Haman  claimed  Divine 
honours. 


ESTHER.  455 

Greek  period  (which  began  b.c.  332),  or  to  the  3rd  cent,  b.c.i 
With  such  a  date  the  diction  would  well  agree,  which,  though 
superior  to  that  of  the  Chronicler,  and  more  accommodated  to 
the  model  of  the  earher  historical  books,  contains  many  late 
words  and  idioms,  and  exhibits  much  deterioration  in  syntax. 

The  chnracter  of  the  Hebrew  style  of  Esther  ir.ay  be  inferred  from  the 
remarks  on  p.  473  f.  Words  or  idioms  peculiar  to  Esther,  or  occurring  other- 
wise (in  Biblical  Hel'rew)  only  in  the  passages  cited,  are— jn^^,  HTlw^  i,  S 
(cf.  for  tlie  form  ntD^DC  2  Ch.  30,  17.  ny^i"'  Eccl.  12,  12^),  djx,  "IDD,  1?::X!D 
(cf.  I^IdILd),  nUT]  {hi/.),  pnn,  -in  =  ^  dca-ee  (2,  i.  Job  22,  28),  nn:n,  NL'O 

T  t  -: 

jn  (2,  15.  17.  5,  2\,  for  the  earlier  |n  NVfD,  which  occurs  here  only  in  the 
stereotyped  phrase  5,  8.  7,  3   8,  5),  n)b',  P)^m,  ^m^  (2  Ch.  26,  2ot),  H'jnD, 

t^^irin,  U'y^u,  rh^^r},  ncpn  (Ezr.  7,  6),  yir  5.  9  (as  EccI.  12,  3,  and  in 

Aram.),  p^,  plXC^  vr-^1^'  l^'l^ri,  iH^nn,  nD3  ^5^;  (9,  26).  Several  of 
these  are  of  Aramaic  origin.  ''1X1  =  stiitahle,  2,  9,  is  a  Mishnic  sense  :  Zimz 
{ZDMG.    1873,    P-    685)  notes  also  as  recalling  the  style  of  the    Mishnah 

m\*o  i3y  3>  3  (cf  9>  27  f  2  Ch.  24, 20),  31D  Di^  nry  9.  19.  and  ixi  no. 

9,  26.  See  also  the  citations  from  Esther,  pp.  445  f.,  474  f ,  502  ft".  The 
principal  Persian  words  are:  DVmiD,  i,  3.  6,  9  (also  Dan.  I,  3);  DQ")D 
cotton,  I,  6  ;  DiJlD  decree  (p.  446,  No.  12)  ;  D^iS"l*lL*'nX  satraps  (also  Dan.) ; 
Pi^*^lD  (also  in  Ezr.  in  the  form  pt^lS)  ;  m  ^«w  (also  Ezr.  8,  36,  and  in  the 
Aram,  of  Ezr.  and  Dan.),  D^3?D1  8,  10  (also  in  Syr.),  D^nnC^HX.  niJX  Ifttir 
(also  2  Ch.  30,  I,  6,  and  in  Neh.     Ultimately  Assyrian). 

Whether  the  name  "  Purim"  is  rightly  explained  (9,  26)  is  open  to  doubt. 
The  incident  with  which  the  term  is  connected  (3,  7)  is  altogether  subordinate 
in  the  narrative,  and  not  likely  to  have  given  its  name  to  the  festival.  There 
is  also  a  more  serious  difficulty.  No  Persian  word  resembling  Pur,  with  the 
meaning  "  lot,"  is  known  to  exist. ^  Lagarde  attempts  an  explanation  based 
on  the  reading  of  the  LXX  tppoufat,  in  Lucian's  recension  (pnvplaia. ;  but  this 
can  hardly  be  right  :  the  form  "Purim"  is  supported  by  the  tradition  0/ t/n 
feast  itself,  though  it  must  be  admitted  that  no  plausible  etymology  of  the 
word  has  hitherto  been  found. 


^  Ewald,  Bleek,  Noldeke,  Dillmann,  Bertheau,  von  Orelli  (in  Herzog's 
Encycl.  ed.  2),  Oettli.  Against  the  strange  views  of  Griitz  and  Bluch  on  llic 
date  and  aim  of  the  Book,  see  Kuenen,  §  t^%.  14,  15. 

-  And  elsewhere  ;  but  in  an  abstract  sense    the  form  is  chiefly  late. 

3  Lagarde,  Piiriiii,  ein  Beitrag  zur  Cesch.  dcr  Religion  (1S87),  pp.  18-28. 
The  Pers.  pare  means  "part,  portion"  (,^£/»a,-,  pars);  Inu  th.  ugh  a  woid 
meaning  "lot"  may  acquire  the  derived  sense  of  allotted  portion  (as  Kkr^e;, 
^'^):  Jud.  I,  3),  it  is  manifestly  an  unsound  argument  to  infer  that  a  wor.i 
meaning  properly  "  portion  "  would  acquire  the  meaning  lot.  Lagarde  shows 
that  "lot"  is  expressed  in  Persian  by  altogether  diftcrent  wor-is. 


456  LITERATURE   OE   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Much  fault  has  been  found  with  the  temper  displayed  in  the 
Book  of  Esther  :  it  is  said,  for  instance,  to  breathe  a  spirit  of 
vengeance  and  hatred,  without  any  redeeming  feature ;  and  to  be 
further  removed  from  the  spirit  of  the  gospel  than  any  other  * 
Book  of  the  ()T.  It  is  impossible  altogether  to  acquit  it  of  this 
accusation.  In  the  first  place  (looking  at  the  narrative  as  it 
stands),  the  Jews  had  been  brought  into  a  position  of  mortal 
danger  through  no  fault  of  their  own,  but  by  the  irrational , 
malice  of  a  foe  ;  and  it  was  both  natural  and  right  that  Mordecai 
and  Esther  should  do  what  lay  in  their  power  to  extricate  them 
from  it.  In  what  is  narrated  in  c.  4 — 7  no  blame  can  be  attached 
to  them.  The  terms  of  the  second  decree  were,  however, 
dictated  by  Mordecai  and  Esther  themselves  (8,  8  "  as  it  liketh 
you  ") ;  and  if  all  that  it  authorised  the  Jews  to  do  was  to  act  in 
self-defence  against  any  who  assailed  them,  it  would  be  perfectly 
legitimate.  Unfortunately,  it  seems  to  do  more  than  this.  It 
authorises  the  Jews  to  take  the  lives  of  those  who  surely  must 
have  been  harmless  to  them,  the  "  little  ones  and  the  women  : " 
we  are  told,  further,  that  when  the  terms  of  this  decree  became 
known,  the  people  everywhere  either  actually  rejoiced  or  stood 
in  awe  of  the  Jews  (8,  15^-17);  but  this  being  so,  it  is  scarcely 
credible  that  as  many  as  75,000  persons  would  take  the  aggres- 
sive against  them :  it  seems  consequently  impossible  to  acquit 
Mordecai  of  permitting,  and  the  Jews  of  engaging  in,  an  icnpro- 
voked  massacre.  Nor,  as  it  seems,  can  the  request  in  9,  13  be 
excused.  Not  satisfied  with  the  death  of  Haman's  ten  sons, 
Esther  here  demands  their  pubhc  exposure  on  the  gallows ;  and 
obtains  permission,  besides,  for  a  second  massacre  in  Susa,  where 
500  persons  (as  she  knew,  v.  12)  had  been  massacred  already. 
If  all  these  measures  were  necessary  in  self  defence^  they  need  no 
justification  ;  but  the  terms  of  the  narrative  itself  make  it  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  think  that  this  was  the  case.  Mordecai  and 
his  compatriots  can  only  be  completely  justified  at  the  cost  of 
the  perfect  accuracy  of  the  narrative.  And  this  an  impartial 
historical  criticism  entitles  us  happily  to  doubt. 

Turning  now  from  the  facts  narrated  to  the  narrative,  and 
the  spirit  in  which  it  is  written,  it  is  remarkable  that  whereas 
generally  in  the  OT.  national  and  religious  interests  are  com- 
mingled, they  are  here  divorced :  the  national  feeling  being 
extremely   strong,    and   the    religious    feeling   being   practically 


ESTHER. 


457 


absent  altogether.  In  Ewald's  words,  in  passing  to  Esther  from 
other  books  of  the  OT.,  we  "fall  from  heaven  to  earth."  Not 
only  does  the  name  of  God  not  occur  in  the  Book,  but  the 
point  of  view  is  throughout  purely  secular :  the  preservation  of 
the  race  as  such,  and  its  worldly  greatness,  not  the  perpetuation 
or  diffusion  of  its  religion,  are  the  objects  in  which  the  author's 
interest  is  manifestly  centred.^  This  peculiarity  is  probably  to  be 
explained  from  the  circumstances  under  which  the  Book  arose. 
The  feast  of  Purim,  the  observance  of  which  it  was  intended  to 
inculcate,  had  no  religious  character :  even  in  its  origin,  no 
hint  is  dropped  of  its  having  been  an  occasion  of  thanksgiving  to 
God  :  it  was  merely  a  season  of  mutual  congratulation,  and  of 
sending  gifts  to  the  poor  (9,  17-19.  22  &c.).  Thus  the  feast 
itself  was  the  expression  of  a  purely  national  interest ;  and  the 
Book  reflects  the  same  spirit.  It  is  possible,  moreover,  tliat  the 
author's  temper  was  to  some  extent  moulded  by  the  age  in 
which  he  lived.  The  depressed  condition  of  the  nation,  which 
filled  the  brooding  soul  of  Qoheleth  (p.  441)  with  thoughts  of 
despair,  might  well  arouse  in  a  mind  differently  constituted  feel- 
ings of  antagonism  to  foreign  nations,  and  exaggerate  in  it. the 
sentiment  of  race.  The  national  name,  the  pride  inseparable 
from  it,  the  ambition  to  assert  it  against  all  traducers,  might 
readily,  under  long  continued  depreciation,  assume  an  unhealthy 
prominence.  Even  the  author's  representation,  as  well  as  his 
tone,  seems  sometimes  to  reflect  the  associations  of  his  own  age. 
He  pictures  the  Jews,  for  instance,  as  surrounded  by  their 
"haters"  (9,  i.  5.  16  &c.);  but  no  overt  act  is  attributed  to 
them  :  the  only  real  enemy  of  the  Jews  is  Haman.  It  must  ])c 
admitted  that  the  spirit  of  Esther  is  not  that  which  prevails 
generally  in  the  Old  Testament;  but  we  have  no  right  to  demand, 
upon  a  priori  grounds,  that  in  every  part  of  the  Biblical  record 
the  human  interests  of  the  narrator  sliould,  in  the  same  degree, 
be  subordinated  to  the  Spirit  of  God. 

1  The  only  religious  observance  meniicned  is  that  of  faslin^\     Providence 
is  alluded  to  in  4,  14. 


CHAPTER  XI. 
DANIEL. 

Literature.— F.  Hitzig  (in  the  Kgf.  Handb.),  1850;  H.  Ewald  in 
Die  Proph.  d^s  AB.s  {1S68),  iii.  298  ff.  (in  the  translation,  v.  152  ft'.);  E.  B. 
Pusey,  Dafiiel  the  Prophet ^  1865,  (eel.  3)  1869;  C.  F.  Keil  (in  the  Bihl. 
Comm.),  1869;  O.  Zockler  (in  Lange's  Bil>ehverk),  1869;  F.  Lenormant, 
La  Divination  chez  les  Chaldeens  (1875),  P-  ^69  ff.  ;  J.  M.  Fuller  in  the 
Speaker  s  Commentary  (philology  to  be  often  distrusted)  ;  F.  Delitzsch,  art. 
"Daniel"  in  llQizog's  Peal-Encyclopddie,  ed.  2,  vol.  iii.  (1878);  J.  Meinhold 
in  Strack  and  Zockler's  Kaf.  Komm.  (in  the  part  entitled  Die  GeschichtlicJien 
Hagiographm,  1 889,  p.  257  ft".)  ;  also  Die  Compos,  des  B.  Daniel^  1884,  and 
Beitr'ige  zur  Erkl.  des  B.  Dan,  1888  ;  C.  von  Orelli,  OT.  Prophecy,  p.  454  ff. 

The  Book  of  Daniel  narrates  the  history  of  Daniel  (c.  i — 6), 
and  the  visions  attributed  to  him  (c.  7 — 12).  It  is  written  partly 
in  Hebrew,  partly  in  Aramaic,  viz.  from  2,  4^  (from  "  O  king'") 
to  the  end  of  c.  7. 

C.  I  (introductory).  In  the  3rd  year  of  Jehoiakim  (b.c.  605), 
Nebuchadnezzar  lays  siege  to  Jerusalem  :  part  of  the  vessels  of 
the  Temple,  and  some  Jewish  captives,  fall  into  his  hands. 
Daniel,  and  three  other  Israelitish  youths  of  noble  blood, 
Hananiah,  Mishael,  and  Azariah,  are  instructed  at  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's command  in  the  language  and  learning  of  the  Chaldoeans, 
and  educated  for  the  king's  service ;  they  refrain,  however, 
studiously  from  defihng  themselves  in  any  way  by  partaking  of 
the  meat  and  drink  of  the  king.  At  the  expiration  of  three 
years  their  education  is  completed ;  all  are  distinguished  for 
wisdom  and  knowledge,  Daniel  in  a  pre-eminent  degree,  being 
gifted  in  particular  with  "understanding  in  all  visions  and  dreams." 

C.  2.  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  his  second  year  (b.c.  603-2),  has  a 
disquieting  dream,  which  the  wise  men  of  the  Chaldceans  are 
unable  to  interpret  to  nim.  Daniel,  the  secret  being  revealed  to 
him  in  a  vison  of  the  night  (».  19),  interprets  it  successfully. 
The  king  in  gratitude  exalts  Daniel  to  great  honour;  he  is  made 

458 


DANIEL. 


459 


"chief  governor  over  all  the  wise  men  of  Babylon,"  and  has  a 
permanent  home  at  the  Court,  while  his  three  companions  are 
appointed  admmistrators  of  the  province  of  Babylon. 

Neb.'s  dream  was  of  a  colossal  image,  the  head  of  gold,  the  breast  and 
arms  of  silver,  the  body  of  brass,  the  legs  of  iron,  the  feet  of  iron  and  clay 
mixed;  a  stone  "cutout  without  hands"  suddenly  fell,  smiting  the  feet  of 
the  image,  which  thereupon  broke  up,  while  the  stone  became  a  mountain, 
filling  the  whole  earth.  The  image  symbolizes  the  anti-theocratic  power  of 
the  world  ;  and  its  principal  parts  are  interpreted  to  signify  four  empires  (or 
their  rulers),  the  head  of  gold  being  Nebuchadnezzar  himself.  The  empires 
intended  (except  the  first)  are  not  mentioned  by  name  ;  and  it  is  dis]nited 
which  are  meant.  According  to  the  traditional  view  they  are:  (i)  the 
Chaldcean  ;  (2)  the  Medo- Persian  (Cyrus) ;  (3)  (the  belly)  the  Macedonian 
(Alexander),  followed  by  the  empires  of  the  SeleucifKx  at  Antioch,  and  the 
Ptolemies  in  Egy[)t  (the  thighs) ;  (4)  the  Roman,  afterwards  (the  minylud 
clay  and  iron  of  the  feet)  divided  into  East  and  West  (Constantinople  and 
Rome),  and  ultimately  further  subdivided.  According  to  many  modern  inter- 
preters, the  empires  meant  are:  (i)  the  Chaldaean  ;  (2)  the  Median  ;  (3)  the 
Persian  ;  (4)  the  Macedonian,  issuing  in  the  often  externally  allied,  but 
yet  inwardly  disunited,  empires  of  the  Diadochi  (the  Seleucidoe  and 
Ptolemies). 1  As  the  vision  in  c.  7  is  generally  allowed  to  be  parallel  in 
import  to  the  dream  here,  if  the  fourth  kingdom  there  be  rightly  interpreted 
of  the  empire  of  Alexander,  the  second  interpretation  will  be  the  correct  one. 
In  any  case,  the  "stone  cut  out  without  hands"  represents  the  kingdom  of 
God,  before  which  all  earthly  powers  are  ultimately  to  fall. 

C.  3.  Nebuchadnezzar  erects  in  the  plain  of  Dura,  near 
Babylon,  a  colossal  golden  image,  and  assembles  for  its  dedi- 
cation the  high  officials  of  his  kingdom,  all  being  commanded, 
under  penalty  of  being  cast  into  a  burning  fiery  furnace,  to 
fall  down  and  worship  it  at  a  given  signal.  Daniel's  three  com- 
panions refusing  to  do  this,  are  cast  into  the  furnace ;  but,  to  the 
king's  surprise,  are  wonderfully  delivered  from  the  power  of  the 
flames.  Thereupon  Nebuchadnezzar  solemnly  acknowledges 
the  power  of  their  God,  issues  a  decree  threatening  death  to  any 
who  presume  to  blaspheme  Him,  and  promotes  the  three  men 
in  the  province  of  Babylon. 

1  So  Eichhorn,  v.  Lengerke,  Ewald,  Bleek,  Westcott  {Did.  B.  s.v 
"  Daniel "),  Delitzsch,  Memhold,  Kuenen.  In  favour  of  the  Median  and 
Persian  empires  being  reckoned  separately,  it  is  remarked  that  m  the  r.(...k 
itself  they  are  distinguished  (6,  8  &c.  ;  8,  3),  and  the  rule  of  "  Daru^  the 
Mede  "  (5,  31.  6,  28)  precedes  that  of  Cyrus  the  Persian.  Others  (Berth..l..t, 
Zockler,  Herzfeld)  understand  less  probably:  (i)  the  Chaldean;  (2)  the 
Medo-Persian  ;  (3)  the  Macedonian  ;  .,4)  the  Diadochi. 


460  LITERATURE  OF   THE'  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

C.  4.  The  edict  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  addressed  to  all  peoples 
of  the  earth,  in  which  he  extols  {iw.  1-3.  34-37)  the  power  and 
greatness  of  the  God  of  Israel.  The  occasion  of  the  edict  is 
explained  in  vv.  4-33.  Nebuchadnezzar  had  a  dream  of  a 
mighty  tree,  the  head  of  which  towered  to  heaven,  while  its 
branches  sheltered  the  beasts  and  fowl  of  the  earth :  as  he 
watched  it,  he  heard  the  command  given  that  it  should  be  hewn 
down  to  the  earth.  This  dream,  which  the  Chaldaeans  were 
unable  to  interpret,  was  explained  to  him  by  Daniel.  The  tree 
represented  the  great  king  himself,  in  the  pride  and  splendour 
of  his  empire ;  but  the  time  should  come  when  he  would  be 
humbled,  and  his  reason  would  leave  him  for  seven  years,  that 
he  might  learn  that  the  Most  High  was  the  disposer  of  the  king- 
doms of  the  earth.  At  the  end  of  twelve  months,  as  the  king 
was  contemplating  from  his  palace  the  city  which  he  had  built, 
Daniel's  words  were  suddenly  verified,  and  Nebuchadnezzar  was 
bereft  of  his  reason  for  seven  years.  In  gratitude  for  his  recovery, 
he  now  issued  his  present  edict. 

C.  5.  Belshazzar's  feast.  While  Belshazzar  and  his  lords  are 
at  a  feast,  impiously  drinking  their  wine  from  the  golden  cups 
which  had  belonged  once  to  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  the  fingers 
of  a  man's  hand  appear  writing  upon  the  wall.  The  king,  in 
alarm,  summons  the  wise  men  of  the  Chaldi^ans  to  interpret 
what  was  written  ;  but  they  are  unable  to  do  so.  At  the  sug- 
gestion of  the  queen,  Daniel  is  called,  who  interprets  the  words 
to  mean  that  the  days  of  Belshazzar's  kingdom  are  numbered, 
and  that  it  is  about  to  be  given  to  the  Medes  and  Persians.^ 
Daniel  is  invested  with  purple  and  a  chain  of  gold,  and  made 
a  member  of  the  supreme  "  Board  of  Three  "  {vv.  7.  29 ;  see 
QPB.^  and  RV.  marg.).  The  same  night  Belshazzar  is  slain, 
and  "  Darius  the  Mede  "  receives  the  kingdom. 

C.  6.  Daniel  being  promoted  by  Darius  above  the  other 
princes,  the  latter  in  envy  seek  an  opportunity  to  ruin  him.  They 
accordingly  persuade  the  king  to  issue  a  decree  forbidding  any 
one  to  ask  a  ])ctition  of  God  or  man,  except  the  king,  for  30 
days.  Daniel,  however,  continues  as  before  to  pray  three  times 
a  day  at  his  open  window  towards  Jerusalem.  The  king,  upon 
information  being  brought  to  him,  reluctantly  yielding  obedience 
to  the  law,  orders  Daniel  to  be  cast  into  a  den  of  lions.     Next 

^  On  V.  25  see  QPB.'-^ ;  and  esp.  Nokleke,  Zeitschr.  f.  Assyn-iol.  i.  414  fT. 


DANIEL.  461 

morning  he  is  overjoyed  to  find  him  uninjured,  and  publishes  a 
decree  enjoining  men,  in  all  parts  of  his  dominion,  to  honour 
and  revere  the  God  of  Daniel,  who  had  given  such  wonderful 
evidence  of  His  power. 

In  the  following  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  the  persecutor  of  the  Jews  in  the  2nd  cent,  b.c, 
is  such  a  prominent  figure,  that  a  synopsis  of  the  chief  events  of 
his  reign  will  probably  be  of  service  to  the  reader  ^ : — 

B.C.  176.  Accession  of  Antiochus  to  the  throne  of  Syria  (i   Mace,   i,   10), 
Dan.  [7,  8.  ii.  20].  8,  9.  23.  11,  21. 

,,  175.  Jason,  intriguing  against  his  brother,  Onias  III.,  purchases  the 
high-priesthood  for  himself  from  Antiochus.  Rise  of  a  powerful 
Hellenizing  party  in  Jerusalem,  which  is  patronized  and  en- 
couraged by  Jason  (i  Mace,  i,  11-15.  2  Mace.  4,  7-22). 

,,  172.  Menelaus,  outbidding  Jason,  gets  the  high-priesthood  conferred 
upon  himself.  Onias  III.,  having  rebuked  Menelaus  for  sacri- 
lege, is  murdered,  at  his  instigation,  by  Andronicus,  deputy  of 
Antiochus  (2  Mace.  4,  32-35).  Dan.  [9,  26*].  ii,  22". 

,,  171.  First  expedition  of  Antiochus  against  Egypt  (i  Mace.  I,  16-19). 
Dan.  II,  22-24, 

,,  170.  Second  expedition  of  Antiochus  against  Egypt  (l  Mace.  I,  20). 
Dan.  II,  25-27.  Antiochus  on  his  return  from  Egyjit  enters 
the  Temple,  carries  off  the  sacred  vessels,  and  massacres  many 
Jews  (I  Mace.  I,  21-28.  2  Mace.  5,  11-21).  Dan.  8,  9"-io. 
II,  28. 

,,  169.  Third  expedition  of  Antiochus  against  Egypt.  When  in  sight 
of  Alexandria,  the  Roman  legate,  Popilius  La^nas,  obUges  him  to 
retire,  and  evacuate  the  country  (Polyb.  29,  I  ;  Livy,  44,  19.  45, 
12).  Dan.  II,  29-30'. 

„  169-8.  Fresh  measures  against  Jerusalem.  The  capital  surprised  by 
Apollonius  on  the  Sabbath  day,  and  many  of  the  inhabitants 
either  captured  and  sold  as  slaves,  or  slain.  A  Syrian  garrison 
commanding  the  Temple  established  in  the  citadel ;  flight  of  the 
God-fearing  Jews  from  Jerusalem,  and  prohibition  of  all  practices 
of  the  Jewisii  religion.  The  Temple-worship  suspended,  and  on 
15  Chisleu,  B.C.  168,  the  "abomination  of  desolation"  (a  small 
heathen  altar)  erected  on  the  altar  of  Burnt-offeiing.  Books  of 
the  law  burnt,  and  women  who  had  had  their  children  circum- 
cised put  to  death  (i  Mace,  i,  29-64  ;  2  Mace.  6—7).  Dan.  [7, 
•  21.  24".  25].  8,  II  f.  13'.  24.  25.  [9,  26^  27-'].  II,  3o'-35-'  [36- 
39].  [12,  I.  7.  II]. 


iThe  references  in  Dan.  are  appended  (those  in  c.  II  accordmg  to 
INfeiiihold),  such  as  are  disputed  being  enclosed  in  brackets. 

2  Vv.  30^-32'' alluding  to  the  renegade  Jews  (i  Mace,  i,  15.  43-  52).  32''-35  to 
those  who  remained  faithful,  including  some  who  were  martyrs  {ib.  zik  57.  63). 


462  LITERATURE  OF  THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

B.C.  167.  Revolt  against  the  persecuting  measures  of  Antiochus,  organised 
by  Mattathias  and  his  seven  sons  (the  Maccabees),  (i  Mace.  2). 
Dan.  II,  34  (the  "  little  help  "). 
,,  166.  After  the  death  of  Mattathias,  the  war  of  independence  is  carried 
on  by  his  son  Judas,  who  slays  Apollonius  and  Seron  (i  Mace.  3, 
1-24).  Antiochus  sends  Lysias  with  a  large  army  to  suppress 
the  rebellion  in  Judaea  ;  his  generals,  Nicanor  and  Gorgias,  are 
defeated  by  Ju  ^as  near  Emmaus  (i  Mace.  3,  25 — 4,  27). 
,,  165.  Lysias  himself  defeated  by  Judas  at  Beth-zur,  between  Hebron  and 
Jerusalem  (i  Mace.  4,  28-35);  the  Temple  purified,  and  public 
worship  in  it  re-established,  on  25  Chisleu,  just  three  years  after 
its  desecration.  The  dedication  of  the  altar  continued  during 
eight  days.  The  Temple  hill  and  Beth-zur  fortified  by  Judas 
(i  Mace.  4,  36 — 61).  Offensive  measures  of  Judas  against  Edom, 
Ammon,  Philistia,  &c.  (i  Mace.  5).  In  the  following  year  (164), 
Antiochus,  after  an  abortive  attempt  to  pillage  a  temple  in 
Elymais  in  Persia,  dies  somewhat  suddenly  (i  Mace.  6,  1-16; 
but  see  also  Polyb.  31,  11).  Dan.  [7,  11.  26].  8,  la^.  25  end. 
[9,  26^  27''.  II,  45^  12,  7  ejid.  11  end.  12.  13].' 
The  reader  ought  to  consider  whether,  in  view  of  the  parallelism  which 

appears  generally  to  prevail  between  the  passages  quoted,  the  bracketed  ones 

are  le^^itimately  separated  from  the  rest. 

C.  7.  A  vision,  seen  by  Daniel  in  a  dream,  in  the  first  year  ot 
Belshazzar.  The  vision  was  of  four  beasts  emerging  from  the 
sea,  a  lion  with  eagle's  wings,  a  bear,  a  leopard  with  4  wings  and 
4  heads,  and  a  fourth  beast,  with  powerful  iron  teeth,  destroying 
all  things,  and  with  10  horns,  among  which  another  "little  horn" 
sprang  up,  "  speaking  proud  things,"  before  which  three  of  the 
other  horns  were  rooted  out.  Hereupon  a  celestial  assize  is 
held  :  the  Almighty,  figured  as  an  aged  man,  with  hair  white  like 
wool,  and  snow-like  raiment,  appears  seated  on  a  throne  of 
flame,  and  surrounded  by  His  myriads  of  attendants :  the  beast 
whose  horn  spake  proud  things  is  slain;  and  one  "like  unto  a 
sonV)f  man" — i.e.  a  figure  in  himian  form — comes  with  the 
clouds  of  heaven  into  the  presence  of  the  Almighty,  and  receives 
from  Him  a  universal  and  never-ending  dominion,  vv.  1-15.  In 
TV.  16-28  the  vision  is  interpreted  to  Uaniel :  the  four  beasts  are 
exijlaincd  to  signify  four  kingdoms  ;  and  after  the  destruction  of 
the  fourth,  "the  people  of  the  saints  of  the  Most  High"  will 
receive  the  dominion  of  the  entire  earth. 

^  Sec  further  the  monograph  of  J.  F.  Hoffmann,  Antiochus  IV.  EpiphaneSy 
1873  (who  explains  .some  parts  of  c.  II  differently).  In  illustration  of  the 
f/tara^/^r  of  Antiochus,  see  especially  Polybius,  26,  10.  31,  3-4. 


DANIEL.  463 

The  vision,  as  remarked  above,  is  generally  agreed  to  he  parallel  to  the 
dream  in  c.  2  (the  only  material  difference  being  that  the  symbolism  of  the 
fourth  kingdom  is  more  developed) ;  and  there  is  a  corresponding  divergence 
of  interpretation.     On  the  one  hand,  the  ten  horns  are  supposed  to  be  the 
European  kingdoms   into  which  the    Roman   empire  ultimately  broke  up, 
the  "  little  horn"  being  an  anti-Christian  power  destined  to  arise  out  of  them 
in  the  future  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  ten  horns  are  interpreted  to  represent 
the  successors  of  Alexander,  in  particular  (as  is  commonly  held)  the  Seleucidoe, 
the  *'  little  horn"  being  Antiochus  Epiphanes.     The  latter  view  is  somewhat 
strongly  supported   by  the  sequel  of  the   Book.     The  terms  in  which  the 
"little  horn  "  is  here  spoken  of — his  arrogance,  his  impiety,  his  persecution 
of  the  people  of  God  {vv.  20  f.  25) — are  closely  analogous  to  those  used  in 
8,  9-13.  23-25,  likewise  with  reference  to  a  "little  horn,"  which  is  admitted 
to  signify  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  who  is  also  prominent  in  c.   10 — 12  ;  the 
time,  V.  25,  during  which  his  ambitious  purposes  are  to  take  effect  (3^  years) 
agrees   likewise   very   nearly   with   the   event.      According  to   Ew.,    Del., 
Meinhold  (who  adopt  this  view),  the  ten  horns  are:  (i)  Seleucus  Nicator 
(B.C.    312-280);    (2)   Antiochus    Soter    (279-261);    (3)    Antiochus    Theos 
(260-246) ;     (4)    Seleucus    Callinicus    (245-226) ;     (5)    Seleucus    Ceraunus 
(225-223);  (6)  Antiochus  the  Great  (222-187);  (7)  Seleucus  IV.  Philopator 
(186-176);    (8)   Heliodorus   (treasurer  of  Seleucus  IV.,   who  murdered  his 
master,  but  who  was  prevented  by  two  of  the  courtiers,  in  the  interests  of 
Seleucus'    brother,    Antiochus    Epiphanes,    from    securing   the   throne)  ;    (9) 
Demetrius  Soter  (son  of  Seleucus,  and  so,  after  his  father's  murder,  legitimate 
heir  to  the  crown,  but  detained  at  Rome  as  a  hostage,  whither  his  father  had 
sent  him  to  release  Antiochus  from  the  same  position);  (lo)  Ptolemy  VI. 
Philometor,  who  claimed  the  throne  of  Syria  through  his  mother,  Cleopatra, 
sister  of  Seleucus  IV.    and  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.     (A  slightly  different 
reckoning  in  Kuen.  §  89.  4.)     It  is  objected  to  this  explanation  that  liclio- 
dorus,  Demetrius,  and  Ptolemy  VI. ,  whom  Antiochus  is  regarded  as  having 
supplanted,  were  not  all  strictly   "kings"  {v.  24);  but  we  do  not,  perhaps, 
know  how  they  were  viewed  by  those  living  at  the  time. 

C.  8.  A  vision  of  Daniel  in  the  third  year  of  Belsbazzar. 
A  ram  with  two  horns  appeared,  pushing  towards  the  West, 
North,  and  South,  until  a  he-goat,  with  "  a  notable  horn  "  between 
its  eyes,  emerged  from  the  West,  and,  drawing  nigh,  smote  the 
ram,  and  brake  its  two  horns ;  after  this  the  he-goat  increased  in 
strength  ;  but  ere  long  its  horn  was  broken  :  and  in  place  of  it 
there^ose  up  four  other  horns  towards  the  four  quarters  of  the 
earth.  Out  of  one  of  these  came  forth  a  little  horn,  which 
waxed  exceedingly  great  towards  the  South,  and  the  East,  and 
the  land  of  Judah  :  it  even  exalted  itself  against  the  host  of 
heaven,  and  against  its  Prince  (God),  destroying  His  sanctuary, 
and  interrupting  the  daily  sacrifice  for  2300  "evenings,  morn- 
ings."    The  meaning  of  this  vision  is  explained  to  Daniel  by  the 


464  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

angel  Gabriel :  the  ram  with  two  horns  is  the  Medo-Persian 
empire;  the  he-goat  is  tlie  empire  of  the  Greeks,  the  "notable 
horn"  being  its  first  king  (Alexander),  whose  conquests  are 
signiHcantly  indicated  in  v.  y  ;  the  four  horns  which  follow  are 
the  four  kingdoms  which  arose  out  of  the  empire  of  Alexander 
at  his  deatli  (i.e.  those  of  the  Seleucidce  at  Antioch,  of  the 
Ptolemies  in  Egy])t,  of  Lysimachus  in  Thrace,  and  of  Cassander 
ill  Macedonia).  The  name  of  the  king  symbolized  by  the  "little 
horn"  is  not  stated  ;  but  the  description  given  of  him  (vv.  9-14. 
23-25)  leaves  no  question  that  it  is  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  which, 
indeed,  is  not  here  disputed. 

In  V.  14  the  expression  "evenings,  mornings"  is  peculiar;  and  it  seems 
impossible  to  find  two  events  separated  by  2300  days  (=6  years  4  months) 
which  would  correspond  with  the  description  in  z^.  ^4  f*  The  terms  o(  v.  14  f. 
appear  plainly  to  indicate  the  interval  from  the  time  when  the  sanctuary 
was  first  profaned  to  its  purification  on  25  Chisleu,  B.C.  165.  As  this  was 
approximately  three  years,  it  is  supposed  by  many  that  the  peculiar  expression 
in  V.  14  is  inlen-^led  to  denote  2300  half-days  (  =  3  years  2  months).  In  point 
of  fact,  it  is  true,  just  3  years  had  elapsed  since  the  heathen  altar  was  set 
up  (p.  462)  ;  but  the  sanctuary  may  well  have  been  first  "  trodden  under 
foot"  two  months  previously  (cf.  I  Mace.  I,  37-39).  In  7,  25  the  tribulation 
of  the  saints  is  to  last  3^  years  (cf.  12,  7);  in  12,  ii  from  the  time  that  the 
daily  offering  is  suspended  1290  days  are  counted;  in  12,  12  the  trial  is  to 
termir.ate  after  1335  d.iys.  It  is  difficult  not  to  think  that  the  same  period 
of  S~3h  years  is  intended  in  all  these  passages.  Did  we  know  the  history  of 
the  time  more  accurately,  it  would  probably  appear  why  a  slightly  different 
tennimis  a  quo  (or  ad  quern)  was  fixed  in  the  several  cases. 

C.  9.  In  the  first  year  of  Darius  the  Me.de,  Daniel,  considering 
that  the  70  years  of  desolation  prophesied  by  Jeremiah  (25,  11. 
29,  10)  for  Jerusalem  were  drawing  to  their  close,  implores  God 
to  forgive  His  people's  sin,  and  to  look  favourably  upon  His 
ruined  sanctuary,  vv.  1-19.  The  angel  Gabriel  explains  to 
Daniel  that  it  would  be,  not  70  years,  but  70  weeks  of  years, 
before  the  iniquity  of  the  peojile  would  be  entirely  atoned  for. 
This  entire  period  is  then  divided  into  three  smaller  ones, 
7 -I- 62  4- t;  and  it  is  said  {a)  that  7  weeks  (  =  49  years)  will 
elapse  from  the  going  forth  of  the  command  to  restore  Jerusalem 
to  "an  anointed  one,  a  prince;"  {Jy)  that  for  62  weeks  (  =  434 
years)  the  city  will  be  rebuilt,  though  in  straitened  times;  {c)  that 
at  the  end  of  these  62  weeks  "an  anointed  one"  will  be  cut  off, 
and  the  people  of  a  prince  that  shall  come  wiU  desolate  the  city 
and  the  sanctuary  :  he  will  make  a  covenant  with  many  for  one 


DANIEL.  465 

week  (=7  years),  and  during  half  of  this  week  he  will  cause  the 
sacrifice  and  oblation  to  cease,  until  his  end  come,  and  the  con- 
summation decreed  arrest  the  desolator,  vv.  20-27. 

Of  the  passage  9,  24-27  no  entirely  satisfactory  interpretation  appears  yet 
to  have  been  found.  As  commonly  understood,  it  is  a  prediction  of  the 
death  of  Christ,  and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus.  But  this  view 
labours  under  serious  f^ifficulties.  (i)  If  the  490  years  are  to  end  with  the 
Crucifixion,  A.D.  29,  they  must  begin  c.  458  B.C.,  a  date  which  coincides 
with  the  decree  of  Artaxerxes  and  the  mission  of  Ezra  (Ezra  7).  But  this 
decree  contains  no  command  whatever  **to  restore  and  build  Jerusalem;" 
nor  was  this  one  of  the  objects  of  Ezra's  mission.  (2)  In  the  490  years,  the 
first  49  are  distinguished  from  those  that  follow,  their  close  being  marked  by 
a  break,  as  though  some  epoch  were  signalized  by  it ;  but  no  historical  im- 
portance is  known  to  attach  in  Jewish  history  to  the  year  409  B.C.  (3)  Christ 
did  not  "confirm  a  covenant  with  many  for  one  week"  (  =  7  years):  His 
ministry  lasted  at  most  somewhat  over  3  years  ;  and  if,  in  the  years  following, 
He  is  regarded  as  carrying  on  His  work  through  the  agency  of  His  apostles, 
the  limit,  "  seven  years,"  seems  an  arbitrary  one  ;  for  the  apostles  continued 
to  gain  converts  from  Judaism  for  many  years  subsequently.  (4)  If  the  KV. 
of  z^.  27  {^^for  half  the  week,"  &c.)  be  correct — and  it  is  at  least  the  natural 
rendering  of  the  Heb. — a  reference  to  the  death  of  Christ  would  seem  to  be 
precluded  altogether. 

The  view  taken  by  many  modern  scholars  is  represented  in  its  most 
probable  form  by  Bleek  ('*  Die  Mess.  Weiss,  im  B.  Daniel"  in  iht  Jahrb.f. 
Deutsche  Theol.  i860,  p.  45  ff.:  see  also  the  Speakers  Conttn.  p.  360  ff.)  and 
Meinhold.  V.  25  the  command  (lit.  "word")  is  the  Divine  promise  j^iven 
through  Jeremiah  (31,  38  ff.)  for  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem,  c.  B.C.  5S8  ;  the 
anointed  prince  is  Cyrus  (see  Is.  45,  l.  44,  28),  B.C.  53S  ;  v.  25''  alhuies  to 
the  relatively  depressed  state  of  the  restored  community,  B.C.  53S-172; 
TJ.  26Mhe  "anointed  one"  is  the  High  Priest  Onias  III.,  deposed  in  175, 
assassinated  in  172  ;  vv.  T.d^-i']  allude  to  the  attacks  made  by  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  on  the  Holy  City,  to  the  willing  allies  whom  he  found  among  the 
renegade  Jews,  to  his  suspension  of  the  Temple  services,  and  the  destruction 
which  finally  overtook  him  (B.C.  164).  V.  24  describes  the  Messianic  age, 
to  succeed  the  persecutions  of  Antiochus  (comp.  c.  12),  "\o  anoint  the  most 
holy"  alluding  to  the  re-dedication  of  the  altar  of  Burnt-offering,  B.C.  165 
(it  is  doubtful  if  D''Cnp  L'Hp  is  ever  applied  to  a  person,  see  I  Ch.  23.  13 
RV. :  it  is  applied  to  the  altar  of  Burnt-offering,  Ex.  29,  yj.  40,  10).  That  some 
of  the  expressions  in  this  verse  describe  what  was  only  in  fact  accomplished 
by  Christ,  is  b.it  natural  :  though  the  author  pictured  the  consummation  as 
relatively  close  at  hand,  it  was  actually  postponed,  and  in  its  fulness  only 
effected  by  Him.  The  chief  objection  to  this  interpretation  is  that  the  period 
from  B.C.  53S  to  172  is  366  years  only,  not  434  (=  62  weeks) ;  but,  in  reply, 
it  is  urged  that  we  do  not  know  what  chronology  the  author  followed,  or  how 
his  years  were  computed.  1     The  general  parallelism  of  e-t'.  26"-27-espccially 

1  Comp.  the  somewhat  curious  parallels  quoted  by  Schiirer,  Gesch.  da 
fud.  Volkes  im  Zeitalter  Jesu  Chrisii,  ii.  616  (Eng.  traiisl.  II.  iii.  p.  54)- 

2  G 


4^)6  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

ihe  suspension  of  the  Temple  services  for  3^  years — with  7,  25  and  other 
passages  of  the  Book  where  the  persecutions  of  Aniiochus  are  alludtd  to,  and 
the  fact  that  elsewhere  in  c.  7 — 12  Antiochus  is  the  prominent  figure,  may  be 
said  to  favour  the  second  explanation.  It  ought  to  be  understood  that  the 
osue  is  not  between  one  interpretation  which  is  clear  and  free  from  diffi- 
culty, and  another  that  is  the  reverse  of  this,  but  between  two  (or  perhaps 
more  than  two)  interpretations,  to  both  of  which  objection  may  be  taken. 
On  which  side  the  difficulties  are  least  grave,  it  must  be  left  to  the  reader 
to  decide  for  himself.^  The  two  most  recent  monographs  on  9,  24  ff.  are 
by  J,  W.  van  Lennep,  I?e  '^o  jaaj-iveken  van  Daniel,  Utrecht  18S8,  and  C.  H. 
Cornill,  Die  siebzig  Jahn.vochen  Daniels,  1889. 

C.  10 — 12.  A  vision  of  Daniel  in  the  third  year  of  C\rus,  by 
the  Hiddekel  (the  Tigris).  Daniel  had  fasted  for  21  days,  when 
an  angel  appears  to  him,  and  tells  hini  that  he  had  been  pre- 
vented from  coming  before  by  the  opposition  of  the  "prince" 
{i.e.  the  giiardian-angel)  of  Persia,  but  being  at  length  assisted  by 
Michael,  the  "  prince  "  (guardian-angel)  of  the  Jews,  he  had  been 
able  t('  do  so,  and  was  now  come  in  order  to  give  Daniel  a 
revelation  concerning  the  future,  10,  1-19.  The  angel  that 
speaks  and  Michael  will  have  a  long  contest  on  behalf  of  Israel, 
first  wiih  the  "prince"  (guardian-angel)  of  Persia,  then  with  the 
"  prince  "  of  Greece,  10,20 — 11,  i.  The  details  of  the  contest 
form  the  subject  of  11,  2 — 12,  3.  Here,  under  veiled  names, 
are  described,  first,  briefly,  the  doings  of  four  Persian  kings,  v.  2, 
and  of  Alexander  the  Great  {v.  3),  with  the  rupture  of  his  empire 
after  his  death  {v.  4) ;  afterwards,  more  fully,  the  leagues  and 
conflicts  between  the  kings  of  Antioch  ("  the  kings  of  the  north") 
and  of  Egypt  ("  the  kings  of  the  south  "),  in  the  centuries  follow- 
ing {vv.  5-20) ;  finally,  most  fully  of  all,  the  history  of  Antiochus 
P'.piphanes  {vv.  21-45),  including  his  conflicts  with  Egypt,  and 
the  measures  adopted  by  him  for  suppressing  the  religion  of  the 
Jews-  {vv.  30^-39).  The  death  of  Antiochus  is  followed  by  the 
resurrection  (of  Israelites),  and  advent  of  the  Messianic  age,  12, 
1-3.  The  revelation  is  designed  for  the  encouragement  of  those 
living  "  in  the  time  of  the  end,"  i.e.  under  the  persecution  of 
Antiochus,^  12,  4 — 13,  the  close  of  which  {v.   11   f)  appears  to 

^  See  more  fully,  Pusey,  p.  166  ff.  ;  J.  Drummond,  The  Jeivish  Messiah, 
1877,  p.  243  ff.  ;  and  comp.  Schultz,  AT.   Theologie*,  p.  807  f.  (chap.  xlv.). 

^  The  "end"  in  this  Book  (spoken  from  Daniel's  standpoint)  means 
regularly  the  close  of  the  present  age,  the  "time  of  the  end"  coinciding  with 
the  persecution — or  in  11,  40  (upon  one  view)  with  the  entire  reign — of 
Antiochus:  8,  17.  19  (see  23-26).   11,  35.  40.   12,  4.  9.   13;  cf.  9,  26".  11, 


DANIEL.  ^5pr 

be  placed  1290  (or  1335)  days  after  the  suspension  of  the  daily 
sacrifice  in  B.C.  168  (with  12,  ii^'  cf.  11,  31  ;  8,  11.  13). 

The  allusions  in  v.  5  fif.  to  the  Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucidce  are  explained 
in  the  Commentaries.  V.  18  the  "  captain  "  (RV.  marg.)  is  Lucius  Cornelius 
Scipio,  who  defeated  Antiochus  the  Great  with  severe  loss  at  INLignesia, 
B.C.  190:  V.  20  the  "exactor"  is  Heliodorus  (see  2  Mace.  3),  treasurer  of 
Seleucus  IV.  Philopator.  On  v.  21  fF.  see  the  Synopsis  above.  Some  of  the 
older  interpreters  supposed  that  at  v.  36  there  was  a  transition  from  Antiochus 
to  the  future  Antichrist.  But  whatever  typical  significance  may  attach  to 
the  whole  character  of  Antiochus,  it  can  hardly  be  legitimate,  in  a  continuous 
description,  with  no  apparent  change  of  subject,  to  refer  part  to  the  type  and 
part  to  the  antitype. ^  Vv.  40-45  occasion  difficulty.  They  seem  to  describe 
a  fourth  Egyptian  expedition,  on  which,  however,  our  chief  authorities  are 
silent :  several  of  the  other  details  also  do  not  agree  with  what  is  known 
independently  of  the  closing  events  of  Antiochus'  life.  Hence,  many  under- 
stand these  verses  as  giving  a  summary  of  Antiochus'  career,  a  view  not 
favoured  by  their  position  in  the  chapter.  See  Meinhold,  and  Hoffmann, 
pp.  74  fif.  loi  ff.  (who  points  out  that,  in  view  of  a  statement  of  Porphyry's, 
we  are  not  quite  in  a  position  to  deny  a  fourth  expedition  against  Egypt). 
C.  12  is  to  be  taken  in  close  connexion  with  c.  ii. 

Authorship  and  date.  In  face  of  the  facts  presented  by  the 
Book  of  Daniel,  the  opinion  that  it  is  the  work  of  Daniel  himself 
cannot  be  sustained.  Internal  evidence  shows,  with  a  cogency 
that  cannot  be  resisted,  that  it  must  have  been  written  not  earlier 
than  c.  300  B.C.,  and  in  Palestine ;  and  it  is  at  \e2iS\. pra/mbie  that 
it  was  composed  under  the  persecution  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
B.C.  168  or  167. 

(i.)  The  following  are  facts  of  a  historical  nature  which  point 
more  or  less  decisively  to  an  author  later  than  Daniel  himself: — 

{a)  The  position  of  the  Book  in  the  Jewish  Canon,  not  among  the  prophets, 
but  in  the  miscellaneous  collection  of  writings  called  the  Hagioi;rapha,  and 
among  the  latest  of  these,  in  proximity  to  Esther.  Though  little  definite  is 
known  respecting  the  formation  of  the  Canon,  the  division  known  as  the 
"  Prophets  "  was  doubtless  formed  prior  to  the  Hagiographa  ;  and  had  the 
Book  of  Daniel  existed  at  the  time,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  it  would 
have  ranked  as  the  work  of  a  prophet,  and  have  been  included  among  the 
former. 

{b)  Jesus,   the  son  of  Sirach  (writing  c.   200  B.C.),  in  his  enumeration  of 


45".  The  Messianic  age  (12,  2  f.  &c.)  is  represented  as  beginning  immediately 
after  the  death  of  Antiochus,  the  future  (as  often  in  prophecy)  being  fore- 
shortened (Delitzsch,  p.  478  f. ). 

1  Such  a  transition  is  "  wholly  unfounded  and  arbitrary"  (Westcott). 


468  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Israelitish  worthies,  c.  44 — 50,  though  he  mentions  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel, 
and  (c  "llectively)  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets,  is  silent  as  to  Daniel. 

(c)  That  Nebuchadnezzar  besieged  Jerusalem,  and  carried  away  some  of 
the  sacred  vessels  in  "  the  Mm/  year  of  Jehoiakim  "  (Dan.  i,  i  f. ),  though 
it  cannot,  strictly  speaking,  be  disproved,  is  highly  improbable  :  not  only  is 
the  Book  of  Kings  silent,  but  Jeremiah,  in  the  folUni:ing  year  [c.  25  &c.), 
speaks  of  the  Chaldoeans  in  a  maimer  which  appears  distinctly  to  imply  that 
their  arms  had  not  yet  been  seen  in  Judah. 

[ii)  The  "Chaldaeans"  are  synonymous  in  Dan.  (i,  4.  2,  2  &c.)  with  the 
caste  of  wise  men..  This  sense  ''is  unknown  to  the  Ass. -Bab.  language,  has, 
wherever  it  occurs,  formed  itself  after  the  end  of  the  Babylonian  empire,  and 
is  thus  an  indication  of  the  post-exilic  composition  of  the  Book"  (Schradc-r, 
KAT.  p.  429).  It  dates,  namely,  from  a  lime  when  practically  the  only 
"Chaldxaus"  known  belonged  to  the  caste  in  question  (comp.  Meinhold, 
Beitrage,  p.  28). 

{e)  Bcl>hctzzar  is  represented  as  kiw^  of  Babylon  ;  and  Nebuchadnezzar  is 
.^p.jken  of  throughout  c.  5  {vv.  2.  1 1.  13.  18.  22)  as  \\\?,  fallici'.  In  point  of 
ftct,  Nabonilus  (Nabu-nahid)  was  the  last  king  of  Babylon;  he  was  a 
usirper,  not  related  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  one  Belsharuzur  is  mentioned  as 
his  son.-'  It  may  1  e  admitted  as  prol)able  (though  the  fact  has  not  as  yet 
been  found  to  bj  attested  by  the  inscriptions)  that  Belsharuzur  held  command 
for  his  lather  in  Babylon,  while  the  latter  (see  Sayce,  Fresh  Light ^  &c. 
p.  170  f.)  took  the  field  against  Cyrus;  but  it  is  difficult  to  think  that 
ihi-;  could  entitle  him  to  be  spoken  of  by  a  contemporary  as  **king."^  As 
regards  his  relationship  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  there  remains  the  possibility 
that  Nabu-nahid  may  have  sought  to  strengthen  his  position  by  marrying  a 
daughter  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  which  case  the  latter  might  be  spoken  of  as 
Bclshazzar's  father  (=  grandfather,  by  Hebrew  usage).  The  terms  of  c.  5, 
however,  produce  certainly  the  impression  that,  in  the  view  of  the  writer, 
Belshazzar  was  actually  Neb. 's  son.  Though  Belshazzar  was  a  historical 
character,  who  probably  held  a  prominent  position  at  the  time  of  the  capture 
of  the  city,  it  must  be  owned  that  the  representation  given  is  such  as  to 
sup]jort  somewhat  strongly  the  opinion  that  it  is  founded  upon  the  Jewish 
tradition  of  a  later  age  (cf.  Schrader,  I.e.  p.  434  f.).       * 

(/)  Darius,  son  of  Ahasuerus,  a  Mede,  after  the  death  of  Belshazzar,  is 
**  made  king  over  the  realm  of  the  Chaldaeans"  (5,  31.  6,  i  fF.  9,  i.  11,  i). 
There  seems  to  be  no  room  for  such  a  ruler.  According  to  all  other  authorities, 
Cyrus  is  the  immediate  successor  of  Nabu-nahid,  and  the  ruler  of  the  entire 
Persian  empire.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  Darius  may  have  been  an 
under-king — perhaps  either  identical  with  the  Cyaxares  II.  of  Xenophon,  or 
a  younger  brother  of  Astyages — whom  Cyrus  may  have  made  governor  of 

^  Schra<ler,  KAT.  jx  433  f.  The  succession  is:  Nebuchadnezzar,  ri.c. 
604-561;  Evilmcrodach  (Avil  -  Marduk),  561-559;  Neriglissar,  558-555; 
Laborosoarchod  (9  months),  555  ;   Nabu-nahid,  555   53S. 

^  In  res|K-ct  of  7,  I.  8,  I,  if  tliey  stood  alone,  an  association  with  his  father 
on  tlio  throne  wouKl  be  conceivable.  But  in  5,  28.  30  he  seems  to  be 
described  as  sole  king. 


DANIEL.  469 

Babylon.  In  6,  I,  however,  where  he  organises  the  empire  in  120  satrapies, 
and  in  6,  25,  he  seems  to  be  represented  as  absolute  ruler  of  the  Babylonian 
empire,  without  any  such  limitation  to  his  jurisdiction.  And  in  6,  i  the 
temptation  to  suspect  a  confusion  with  Darius  Hystaspis  is  strong.  Still  the 
circumstances  are  not  perhaps  such  as  to  be  absolutely  inconsistent  with 
either  the  existence  or  the  ofifice  of  "Darius  the  Mede;"  and  a  cautious 
criticism  will  not  build  too  much  on  the  silence  of  the  inscriptions,  where 
many  certainly  remain  yet  to  be  brought  to  light. 

{g)  In  9,  2  it  is  stated  that  Daniel  "understood  by  the  hooks  (CISDD)" 
the  number  of  years  for  which,  according  to  Jeremiah,  Jerusalem  should  lie 
waste.  The  expression  used  implies  that  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah  formed 
part  of  a  collection  of  sacred  books,  which  nevertheless,  it  may  safely  be 
affirmed,  was  not  formed  in  536  B.C. 

(//)  Other  indications  adduced  to  show  that  the  Book  is  not  the  work  of  a 
contemporary,  are  such  as  the  following: — The  improbability  that  Daniel,  a 
strict  Jew,  should  have  suffered  himself  to  be  initiated  into  the  class  of 
Chaldcean  "wise  men,"  or  should  have  been  admitted  by  the  wise  men 
themselves  (c.  i;  cf.  2,  13);  Nebuchadnezzar's  7  years'  insanity  ("lycan- 
thropy"),  with  his  edict  respecting  it  ;  the  absolute  terms  in  which  both  he 
and  Darius  (4,  1-3.  34-37.  6,  25-27),  while  retaining,  so  far  as  appears,  their 
idolatry,  recognise  the  supremacy  of  the  God  of  Daniel,  and  command 
homage  to  be  done  to  Him.  On  these  and  some  other  similar  considerations 
our  knowledge  is  hardly  such  as  to  give  us  an  objective  criterion  for  estimat- 
ing their  cogency.  The  circumstances  alleged  will  appear  improbable  or  not 
improbable,  according  as  the  critic,  upon  independent  grounds,  has  satisfied 
himself  that  the  Book  is  the  work  of  a  later  author,  or  written  by  Daniel 
himself.  It  would  be  hazardous  to  use  the  statements  in  question  in  proof  q{ 
the  late  date  of  the  Book  ;  though,  if  its  late  date  were  established  on  other 
grounds,  it  would  be  not  unnatural  to  regard  some  of  them  as  involving  an 
exaggeralioii  of  the  actual  fact. 

Of  the  arguments  that  have  here  been  briefly  stated,  while 
/  h  should  be  used  with  reserve,  the  rest  all  possess  weight. 
They  do  not,  however,  except  b  (which,  standing  alone,  it  would 
be  hazardous  to  press),  show  positively  that  the  Book  is  a  work 
of  the  2nd  cent.  B.C. ;  they  only  tend  to  show  that  it  reflects  the 
traditions,  and  historical  impressions,  of  an  age  considerably  later 
than  that  of  Daniel  himself. 

(2.)  The  evidence  of  the  language  of  Daniel  must  next  be  con- 
sidered. 

{a)  The  number  of  rersian  words  ^  in  the  Took  (especially  in 

1  Probably  at  least  15  :  viz.  DVOD^D  (p-  474) ;  yiT\^poition  of  food,  dainty; 
Snrj^  certainly  (Noldeke,  in  Schrader,  KAT.-  p.  617);  m.l  limb;  m  hr.o ; 
n  secret  (Miihlau-Volck,  s.v.  ;  NOldcke,  A/and.  Gramm.  \>.  xxxi) ;  |D-ni"nj< 
satrap;  S^TT^^  counsellor  (Noldeke,    Tabari,  p.  462);  -SZ^^  judge ;  {T  kind 


470  LITERATURE   OE   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  Aramaic  part)  is  remarkable.  That  such  words  should  be 
found  in  books  written  after  the  Persian  empire  was  organised, 
and  when  Persian  influences  prevailed,  is  not  more  than  would  be 
expected ;  several  occur  in  Ezr.  Neh.  Est.  Chr.,  and  many  w^ere 
permanently  naturalised  in  Aramaic  (both  Syriac  and  the  Aramaic 
of  the  Targums) ;  but  that  they  should  be  used  as  a  matter  of 
course  by  Daniel  under  the  Babylonian  supremacy,  or  in  the 
description  of  Babylonian  institutions  before  the  conquest  of ' 
Cyrus,  is  surprising.^ 

((^)  Not  only,  however,  does  Daniel  contain  Persian  words,  it 
contains  at  least   three    Greek  words:    DIDV  kUharos,   3,    5.   7 
10.    i5  =  Ki^api?;  )^'\T\^^t^  psaitterln,    3,    5.    7  (pD^DD).    10.    15  = 
i/^aXrr/p'.ov ;  2    n^JDDID    sumponydh,    3,    5.    15     (AV.    dulcimer)  = 
crvfx(f)<jn'ia.^     Whatever   may   be  the   case  with    KiOapi^   it    is    in- 
credible that  il/a\.TrjpLov  and  av/xtfiMvia  can  have  reached  Babylon 
e.  550  B.C.     Any  one  who  has  studied  Greek  history  knows  what 
the  condition  of  the  Greek  world  was  in  that  century,  and  is 
aware  that  the  arts  and  inventions  of  civilised  life  streamed  then 
into  Greece  from  the  East,  not  from  Greece  eastwards.^     Still,  if 
the  instruments  named  were  of  a  primitive  kind,  such  as  the 

(NoM.  Syr.  Gr.  §  146)  ;  D^riQ  message,  order,  and  even  in  the  weakened 
sense  oi  word ;  12"in  lawyer;  "^"^  president ;  pj  holder,  sheath  (Nold.  GGA. 
1884,  p.  1022)  ;  pDS  (p.  475)  ;  niost  likely  also  ^n"lD  hosen  (nmj  3,  2.  3  is 
uncertain:  it  waj>' be  a  textual  corruption,  or  a  faulty  pronunciation,  of  the 
Persian  "I3TJ  treasurer  (as  in  Ezr.) ;  it  may  have  arisen  by  dittography  from 
the  following  ")3m,  as  Lagarde,  Agathangelus,  p.  158,  supposes;  LXX 
and  Theod.  express  in  3,  2.  3  only  seven  titles  of  officers).  Some  of  these 
describe  offices  or  institutions,  and  are  not  found  else;vvhere,  or  only  in  Ezr. 
Neh.  Est.;  others  (as  DiDD-  P^  DTH)  are  used  exactly  as  in  the  later 
Aramaic,  and  are  of  a  kind  that  would  not  be  borrowed  by  one  people  from 
another  unless  intercourse  between  them  had  subsisted  for  a  considerable 
time.  The  writer  has  high  Assyriologicnl  authority  for  the  statement  that 
no  Persian  words  have  hitherto  been  found  in  the  Assjrian  or  Babylonian 
inscriptions  prior  t(i  the  conquest  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus,  except  the  name  of 
the  god  Mithra. 

^  The  same  point  is  urged  by  Meinhold,  Beitrdge,  pp.  30-32.  The  words 
cannot  be  Semitic,  as  the  Speaker  s  Cotnvi.  (in  some  cases)  seeks  to  show. 

2  -<9v  =  |"'-,  as  in  Sanhedrijf=(rv)iilpiov,  p"l"iS1Di<  =  y<rflra3iay,  &c. 

•*  In  3,  10  N''i^D''D,  a  form  which  is  remarkably  illustrated  by  j^QD  = 
ffvu(fuvoi,  in  the  sense  ac^reed,  in  the  great  bilingual  inscription  from  Palmyra 
of  A.D.  137  :  ZDMG.  1883,  p.  569;   1888,  p.  412. 

*  Comp.  Sayce  in  the  Contemp.  Review,  Dec.  1878,  p.  60  ff. 


DANIEL.  471 

KlOapi^  (in  Homer),  it  is /z/^/' possible  that  it  might  be  an  exception 
to  the  rule,  and  that  the  Babylonians  might  have  been  indebted 
for  their  knowledge  of  it  to  the  Greeks  ;  so  that,  had  Din^"? 
stood  alone,  it  could  not,  perhaps,  have  been  pressed.  But  no 
such  exception  can  be  made  in  the  case  of  if/aXT-qptov  and 
crvfXffiwvLa,  both  derived  forms,  the  former  used  first  by  Aristotle 
the  latter  first  by  Plato,  and  in  the  sense  of  concerted  music  (or, 
possibly,  of  a  specific  musical  instrument)  first  by  Polybius.^ 
These  words,  it  may  be  confidently  affirmed,  could  not  have  been 
used  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  unless  it  had  been  written  after  the 
disseminatioti  of  Greek  influences  in  Asia  through  the  conquests  of 
Alexander  the  Great.'^ 

(c)  The  Aramaic  of  Daniel  (which  is  all  but  identical  with  that 
of  Ezra)  is  a  Western  Aramaic  dialect,  of  the  type  spoken  in  and 
about  Palestine?  It  is  nearly  allied  to  the  Aramaic  of  the 
Targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan;  and  still  more  so  to  the 
Aramaic  dialects  spoken  E.  and  S.E.  of  Palestine,  in  Palmyra  and 

1  And,  singularly  enough,  in  his  account  of  the  festivities  in  which  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  indulged  (26,  lO.  5  ;  31,  4.  8).  The  context  does  not  make  it 
cerlain  that  an  instrument  is  denoted  ;  though  in  the. light  of  the  fact  that  tlie 
word  undoubtedly  appears  with  that  sense  afterwards  (see  Du  Cange,  s.v. 
symphonia),  and  of  the  usage  in  Daniel,  this  is  very  probable. 

"^  The  note  on  these  words  in  the  Speaker's  Cojiim.  (p.  281  ff.)  throws  dust 
in  the  reader's  eyes.  None  of  them  can  be  Semitic.  Meier's  attempted 
derivation  of  N''32?D1D  from  PjlD  is  not  possible  :  even  granting  that  a  musical 
pipe  could  be  constructed  out  of  the  marine  or  fluvial  growth  which  the 
Hebrews  called  P|"lD  (see  Dillm.  on  Ex.  13,  18),  J<''J2''D  and  X''J2^'1D  would 
both  be  formations  philologicj;lly  illegitimate,  whether  in  Heb.  or  Aram. 

^  Noldeke,  Encycl.  Brit.  xxi.  647''-8'*=Z)z>  Semit.  Sprachen  (1887),  pp.  30, 
32.  The  idea  that  the  Jews  forgot  their  Hebrew  in  Babylonia,  and  spoke  in 
"  Chaldee "  when  they  returned  to  Palestine,  is  unfounded.  Haggai  and 
Zechariah  and  other  post-exilic  writers  use  Hebrew  :  Aramaic  is  exceptional. 
Hebrew  was  still  normally  spoken  c.  430  B.C.  in  Jerusalem  (Nch.  13,  24). 
The  Hebrews,  after  the  Captivity,  acquired  gradually  the  use  of  Aramaic /r^'/// 
their  neighbours  in  and  about  Palestine.  See  Noldeke,  ZDMG.  187 1 ,  p.  1 29  f.  ; 
Kautzsch,  Gramm.  des  Bibl.  Aram.  §  6  ;  Wright,  Compar.  Gramm.  of  the 
Semitic Languai^es  ( 1S90),  p.  16  :  "Now  do  not  for  a  moment  suppose  that  the 
Jews  lost  the  use  of  Hebrew  in  the  Babylonian  captivity,  and  brought  back 
with  them  into  Palestine  this  so-called  Chaldee.  The  Aramean  dialect,  which 
gradually  got  the  upper  hand  since  4-5  cent.  B.C.,  did  not  come  that  long 
journey  across  the  Syrian  desert ;  it  was  there,  on  the  spot ;  and  it  ended  by 
taking  possession  of  the  field,  side  by  side  with  the  kindred  dialect  of  the 
Samaritans."  The  term  "Chaldee"  f'^r  the  Aramaic  of  either  the  Bible  01 
the  Targums  is  a  misnomer,  the  use  of  which  is  only  a  source  of  confusion. 


472  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Nabatc^ea,  and  known  from  inscriptions  dating  from  the  3rd  cent. 
B.C.  to  the  2nd  cent.  a.d.  In  some  respects  it  is  of  an  earlier 
type  than  the  Aramaic  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  ;  and  this  fact  was 
formerly  supposed  to  be  a  ground  for  the  antiquity  of  the  Book. 
But  the  argument  is  not  conclusive.  For  (i)  the  differences 
are  not  considerable,^  and  largely  orthographical :  the  Targums 
of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  did  not  probably  receive  their  present 
form  before  the  4th  cent.  a.d.  :  ^  and  we  are  not  in  a  position  to 
affirm  that  the  transition  from  the  Aramaic  of  Dan.  and  Ezra  to 
that  of  the  Targums  must  have  required  8-9  centuries,  and  could 
not  have  been  accomplished  in  4-5  ;  (2)  recently  discovered 
inscriptions  have  shown  that  many  of  the  forms  in  which  it  differs 
from  the  Aramaic  of  the  Targums  were  actually  in  use  in  neigh- 
bouring countries  down  to  the  ist  cent,  a.d? 

Thus  the  final  H  (for  N)  in  verbs  J<"p,  and  in  HJX,  HC  mn,  &c.,  occurs 
ciften  in  Nab.  ;  the  Hofal,  and  (probably)  the  passive  of  Pa'al,  in  the  Palm. 
Tariff  (Wright,  Coi/tp.  Gr.  p.  224  f.);  note  also  HT'^J^  iva^  made  in  the 
Mailabah  In'^cr.  ;  the  X  in  the  impf.  of  verbs  x' ?  (not  changed  to  "•)  repeatedly 
in  Nab.  and  the  Tariff;  t<35<"l?D  (with  i^)  Dan.  4,  16.  21  Kt.,  Nab.  4,  8. 
27,  13;  'n^«  (Tg.  n^X)  Nab.  3,  7.  4,  7  &c.  ;  n  (Tg.  1)  and  njl  (Tg. 
]^1),  Ijoth  regularly  in  Palm.  Nab.  ;  t^'1iX  Dan.  4,  13.  14  Kt.,  as  Nab.  2,  7.  9, 
3.  5  &c.  ;  J  retained  in  the  impf  of  verbs  ^'q,  Nab.  2,  2  pDi'',  2,  6  JD^V  3,  5 
&c.  ■;  the  3  pi.  pf  fern,  in  1-,  as  Dan.  5,  5.  7,  20  Kt.,  Nab.  3,  2.  8,  I.  For  the 
suff.  of  3  ps.  pi.,  Nab.  has  D^n-  (the  more  original  form),  Palm.  |in-  ;  Dan. 
ngrees  here  with  Palm.,  Jer.  10,  II  with  Nab.  ;  Ezr.  has  both  forms. 

It  is  remarkable  that,  to  judge  from  the  uniform  usage  of  the  inscriptions 
from  Nineveh,  Babylon,  Tema,  Egypt,  at  present  known,  in  the  Aramaic 
used  officially  (cf.  p.  240;  Is.  36,  ii)  in  the  Assyrian  and  Persian  empires, 

^  They  are  carefully  collected  (on  the  basis,  largely,  of  M'Gill's  investigations) 
by  Dr.  Pusey,  Daniel,  ed.  2,  pp.  45  ff.,  602  ff.  (an  interesting  lexical  point  is 
that  the  vocabulary  agrees  sometimes  with  Syriac  against  the  Targums). 
But  when  all  are  told,  the  differences  are  far  outweighed  by  the  resenibla)icfs  ; 
so  that  relatively  they  cannot  be  termed  impcjrtant  or  considerable.  (The 
amount  of  difference  is  much  exaggerated  in  the  Speaker  s  Coium.  p.  228. 
The  statement  in  the  text  agrees  with  the  judgment  of  Niildeke,  I.e.  p.  648^"). 

^  Dcutsch  in  the  Diet.  B.  iii.  1644,  1652  ;  Volck  in  Ilerzog-,  xv.  366,  370. 

'  See  (chiefly)  De  Vogue,  l.a  Syrie  Centrale  (1868),  with  inscriptions  from 
Palmyra,  mostly  from  1-3  cent.  A.D.  ;  ZDMG.  1888,  370  ff.,  the  bilingual 
Tariff  of  tolls  from  Palmyra,  of  A.D.  137  ;  I'2uting,  Nahatdischc  Inscliriften 
(1SS5),  with  in.scription5  (largely  of  the  reign  of  nn"in  =  'Af£Taj,  2  Cor.  11, 
32)  from  B.C.  9  to  A.D.  75,  and  the  'Z.  f.  Assyriol.  1S90,  p.  290  (a  Nabativan 
inscription  from  Madabah  in  Moab,  of  the  46th  year  of  Aretas,  kindly  pointed 
out  to  the  writer  liv  Prof.  TsTjldcke). 


DANIEL.  47^ 

the  relative  was  "<?,  not,  as  in  Dan.  Ezr.,  and  Aram,  generally,  >T  (*i).  See 
the  Corp.  Iiiscr.  Sent.  Pars  ii.  Tom.  i  passim  (from  c.  725  to  ihc  5ih  ci  nt.  h.c.  : 
Nos.  65,  B.C.  504,  69-71,  B.C.  41S,  407,  408,  being  contract-tableis  from 
Babslon).  Hit  and  Nt  (not  n:n,  ^^^)  are  found  also  in  the  same  inscriptions. 
The  difference  just  noted  certainly  constitutes  an  argument  again.«;t  the 
opinion  that  the  Aramaic  of  Daniel  was  that  spoken  at  Babylon  in  Daniel's 
age.  Its  character  in  other  respects  (apart  from  the  Persian  and  Greek  words 
which  it  contains)  cannot  be  said  to  lead  to  any  definite  result.  Its  resem- 
blance with  the  Aramaic  of  Ezra  (probably  c.  400  B.C.)  does  not  prove  it  to 
be  contemporary  ;  but  at  present  we  possess  no  independent  evidence  showing 
actually  how  long  afterwards  such  a  dialect  continued  in  use.  The  discovery 
of  fresh  inscriptions  may  enable  us  in  the  future  to  speak  more  positively. 

id)  In  order  properly  to  estimate  the  Hebrew  of  Daniel,  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  great  turning-point  in  Hehrew 
style  falls  in  the  age  of  Nehemiah}  The  purest  and  best  Hebrew 
prose  style  is  that  of  JE  and  the  earlier  narratives  incorporated 
in  Jud.  Sam.  Kings  :  Dt.  (though  of  a  different  type)  is  also 
thoroughly  classical :  Jer.,  the  latter  part  of  Kings,  Ezekicl, 
II  Isaiah,  Haggai,  show  (though  not  all  in  the  same  respects  or 
in  the  same  degree)  slight  signs  of  being  later  than  tlie  writings 
first  mentioned;  but  in  the  "memoirs"  ot  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
{i.e.  the  parts  of  Ezra  and  Neh.  which  are  the  work  of  these 
reformers  themselves,  see  p.  511),  and  (in  a  less  degree)  in  the 
contemporary  prophecy  of  Malachi,  a  more  marked  change  is 
beginning  to  show  itself,  which  is  still  more  palpable  in  the 
Chronicles  (end  of  the  4th  cent.  B.C.),  Esther,  and  Ecclesiastes. 
The  change  is  visible  in  both  vocabulary  and  syntax.  In 
vocabulary  many  new  words  appear,  often  of  Aramaic  origin, 
occasionally  Persian,  and  frequently  such  as  continued  in  use 
afterwards  in  the  "New-Hebrew"  of  the  Mishnah  (200  a.d.), 
&c.  :  old  w^ords  also  are  sometimes  used  with  new  meanings  or 
applications.  In  syntax,  the  ease  and  grace  and  fluency  of  the 
earher  writers  (down  to  at  least  Zech.  12 — 14)  has  passed  away  ;* 
the  style  is  often  laboured  and  inelegant :  sentences  constantly 
occur  which  a  pre-exilic,  or  even  an  early  post-exilic,  writer  would 

1  And  not,  as  is  sometimes  supposed,  the  Captivity.  This  appears  ^\\\ 
especial  clearness  from  Zech.,  the  style  of  which,  even  in  the  parts  which  are 
certainly  post-exilic,  is  singularly  pure.  The  diction  of  Zech.  12— 14,  for 
instance,  very  much  resembles  that  of  Amos  ;  and  has  fewer  expressions 
suggestive  of  lateness  than  even  Joel  or  Ruth,  or  the  prose  parts  of  Job. 

2  This  iudgment  is  meant  generally  :  particular  sentences  still  occur,  which 
are  thoroughly  classical  in  style. 


474  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

have  moulded  differently :  new  and  uncouth  constructions  make 
their  appearance.^  The  three  books  named  do  not,  however,  ex- 
hibit these  peculiarities  in  equal  proportions  :  Ecclesiastes  (p.  445) 
has  the  most  striking  Mishnic  idioms  :  the  Chronicler  (p.  502  ff.) 
has  many  peculiarities  of  his  own,  and  may  be  said  to  show  the 
greatest  uncouthness  of  style  ;  but  they  agree  in  the  possession 
of  many  common  (or  similar)  features,  which  differentiate  them 
from  all  previous  Hebrew  wTiters  (including  Zech.  Hagg.  Mai.), ^ 
and  which  recur  in  them  with  decidedly  greater  frequency  and 
prominence  than  in  the  memoirs  of  Ezr.  and  Neh.  And  the 
Hebrew  of  Daniel  is  of  the  type  just  characterised  :  in  all  distinc- 
tive features  it  resembles,  not  the  Hebrew  of  Ezekiel,  or  even  of 
Haggai  and  Zechariah,  but  that  of  the  age  subsequent  to  Nehemiah. 
The  following  list  of  words  and  idioms  in  Daniel,  though  it 
does  not  contain  all  that  might  be  adduced,  may  be  sufficient  to 
substantiate  this  statement : — 

1.  niDTiO  I,  I.  20.  2,  I.  8,  I.  22.  23.  9,  I.  10,  13.  II,  2.  4.  9.  17.  21,  as 

regularly  in  Ezr.  Chr.  Est.  (see  p.  503,  No.  9),     The  phrase  in  I,  i. 

2,  I.  8,  I  . . .  T\\:hxh  ^hz'  nr-'^a,  as  i  ch.  26,  31.  2  ch.  15, 

10.  19.  16,  I.  35,  19  :  the  earlier  language,  in  similar  sentences 
(Kings,  passim),  dispenses  with  DID^D- 

2.  nVpD  I,  2.  5  =  some  of,   where  older  Hebrew  would  use  simply  |0  ; 

a  common  Rabbinical  idiom.  Elsewhere  in  the  OT.  only  Neh.  7, 
70,  in  a  verse  to  which  nothing  corresponds  in  Ezr.  2,  and  which 
there  are  independent  reasons  (Stade,  Gcsch.  ii.  loS)  for  supposing 
not  to  be  part  of  the  original  document. 

3-  ?  "l?^'^?  I,  3.  18.  2,  2  =  /^  command  to  .  .  .,  where  the  older  language 
would  prefer  the  direct  narration:  I  Ch.  13,  4.  15,  16.  21,  18 
[contrast  2  Sa.  24,  11^-12'*].  22,  2.  2  Ch.  14,  3.  29,  21b.  27.  30. 
31,  4.  II.  33,  16.  Neh.  8,  I.  9,  15.  Est.  i,  17.  4,  13.  9,  14. 

4.  CDmS  nodies  (lit.  ^rst  ones)  i,  3.  Est.   i,  3.   6,  9t.     Persian  (Zend 
fratcma^  Sk.  prathema  =  vpuros). 
'  5.  y*lD  kno7uledge  I,  4.  17.  2  Ch.  i,  10.  ll.  12.  Eccl.  10,  2o\.  Aramaic. 

6.   HilD  to  appoint  i,  5.  10.  11.  i  Ch.  9,  29.     The  earlier  language  would 

use  niV  or  'T'pDn.  Only  besides  in  Heb.  l\s.  61,8.  Job  7,  3.  Jon. 
2,  I.  4,  6.  7.  8  (p.  301).     Common  in  Aramaic. 

^  Another  feature  often  observable  in  Hel)rew  of  the  same  age  is  the 
frequent  occurrence  in  it  of  a  word  or  construction  which  occurs  only  excep- 
tionally in  the  earlier  Hebrew.  The  characteristics  noted  in  the  text  do  not, 
however,  belong  to  the  syntax  of  **  New-Hebrew,"  properly  so  called.  This, 
though  different  (in  many  particulars)  from  that  of  the  old  classical  Hebrew, 
has  an  ease  and  naturalness  of  its  own,  which  is  not  shown  by  Hebrew  of  the 
intermediate  stage  (Chr.  Eccl.  Est.  Dan.). 


DANIEL.  475 

7.  I,  5.  12.  14.  15.  9,  24.  25.  26.  12,  12,  the  numeral  after  the  subst.,  as 

constantly  in  Chr.  (sometimes  even  altered  from  Kgs.)  Ezr.  &c. 
Very  rare  in  earlier  Heb.,  except  in  enumerations,  where  different 
objects  have  to  be  contrasted,  as  Gen.  32,  15  f. 

8.  r\):h  "IC^X  =  lest  I,  lof.     Not  properly  Hebrew  at  all  :  see  p.  445. 

9.  3>n  to  inculpate  I,  10 f.     Aram.  \y^^r\    .^fUj^Ki)  and  Talm. 

10.  7''3  age  I,  10 f.     Also  in  Samaritan  and  Talmudic. 

11.  I,  21.  8,   I  the  order  "I^J^H  Cni3.     So  often  in  post-exilic  writings. 

The  older  Heb.  has  nearly  always  the  order  (Til)  ^SdH  :  cf.  Notes 
on  Samuel,  p.  236, 

12.  8,  8".  .  .  .  "iCVyDV  18  .  .  .  i-imni  :  similarly  10,  9.^  II^  15.  I9\  11,  2. 

4.  12,  7b.  A  type  of  sentence  common  in  Chr.,  very  rare  earlier 
(see  ib.  on  I  Sa.  17,  55  ;  and  below,  p.  505,  No.  37). 

13.  T'Onn  8,  II.  12.  13.  II,  31.  12,   II  f  of  the  continual  Burnt-offering, 

as  in  the  Mishnah,  &c.,  constantly.  (In  the  older  Heb.  the  full 
phrase  T'DDn  nbiy  is  always  used,  Nu.  28,  10  &c.  Neh.  10,  34.) 

14.  ("JlOy)  HDy    bi;  lit.  on  my  {thy)    standing  8,    18  (cf.    17).    10,   ii. 

Neh.  8,  7.  9,  3.  13,  II.  2Ch.  30,  16.  34,  31.  35,  lof. 

15.  nV33  to  be  afraid  (not  the  ordinary  word)  8,  17.  I  Ch.  21,  30.  Est.  7,  0. 

np^  in  the  Nif.  occurs  only  in  these  passages. 

16.  *l?:?y  to  stand  up,  where  the  earlier  language  would  use  Dip,  8,  22.  23. 

II,  2-4.  7.  20  f.  31.  12,  1%  as  Ezr.  2,  63.  Eccl.  4,  15  (contr.  Ex.  I,  8). 
I  Ch.  20,  4  (contr.  Ps.  27,  3);  with  ^5^  against  8,  25.   1 1,   14,  as 

1  Ch.  21,  I.  2  Ch.  20,  23.  26,  18  (contr.  Dt.  22,  26) :  in  the  sense  of 
to  be  established  ii,  17^  (contrast  Is.  7,  7). 

17.  V^^  io»  7*  21,  with  an  adversative  force,  as  Ezr.  10,  13.  2  Ch.  i,  4. 

I9>  3-  33>  17'     Not  so  elsewhere. 

18.  n3  ")Vy  to  control pozver  =  to  be  able  10,  8.   16.  ii,  6.   i  Ch.  29,   14. 

2  Ch.  2,  5.  13,  20.  22,  9;  and  without  113  I4i  lO-  20,  37 1-  A 
somewhat  peculiar  phrase. 

19.  n"'DV  he-goat  8,  5,  8.  21.   Ezr.  6,   17  (Aram.).  8,  35.  2  Ch.  29,  21. f 

Aramaic  :  in  the  Targums  for  the  Heb,  "l"'j;Ei^. 

20.  DtJ'"!  to  inscribe  10,  21.     Only  here  in  Biblical  Hebrew.     Aramaic. 

21.  ^''lOyn  II,  II.  13.  14,  not  lit.  to  station,  as  in  the  earlier  books,  but  in 

the  weakened  sense  appoint,  establish  :  see  p.  503,  No.  4. 

22.  t]pn  strength    li,   17.  Est.  9,   29.   lo,  2.     Not  elsewhere  in  Biblical 

Hebrew.     Aramaic.     Comp.  p.  445.  ^o-  ^4  J  P-  44^,  No.  14. 

23.  nDA'O'  II,  24.  Ezr.  9,  7.  Neh.  3,  36.  Est.  9,   10.   15.  16.  2  Ch.  14, 

13.  25,  13.  28,  I4t.      The  older  language  uses  D  (Ezek.  often). 

24.  pDt^/a/ar^  II,  45  f.     A  Persian  word.     Also  in  Syr.  and  the  Targ. 

25.  "iMrn  to  shine  12,  3.     So  only  here.     An  Aramaic  sense.     (In  ordi- 

nary  Hebrew  "I'TlTn  means  to  warn.) 

Comp.  alsoV^Cnn  i7itrans.  9,  5.  II,  32.  12,  10.  Neh.  9,  33.  Ps.  106,  6. 
2  Ch.  20,  35.  22,  3.  Job  34,  i2(Elihu)t;  i)  3^  |nj  10,  12.  I  Ch.  12,  19. 
2  Ch.   II,   16.  Eccl.  I,  13.   17.  7,  21.  8,  9-  16;  T^  '°'  '7-  I  Ch.  13,  I2t; 


47^  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT, 

Dy  pinnn  lo,  2t.  I  Ch.  H,  lO.  2  Ch.  16,9  ;  iTtnn  mtrans,  II,  7.  32  (cf.  l). 

2  Ch.  26,  8.f    inn  9,  24!  /i?  decree,  is  a  Talmudic  term. 

For  instances  of  sentences  constructed  in  the  later,  uncouth  style,  see  8, 
12  ff.  24  ff.  9,  25  ff.  10,  9b.  12,  II,  and  the  greater  part  of  c.  ii.  Some  of 
the  idioms  quoted,  standing  by  themselves,  might  not  be  decisive;  but  the 
accumulation  admits  of  but  one  interpretation.  The  only  part  of  the  Book 
in  which  late  idioms  are  all  but  absent,  is  the  prayer  of  9,  4ff.  ;  but  here 
the  thought  expresses  itself  almost  throughout  in  phrases  borrowed  from 
the  Pent,  (esp.  Dt.)  and  other  earlier  writings  (cf.  Neh.  i,  5fir.,  and  c.  9). 
Evidently  the  style  of  the  Book  as  a  whole  must  be  estimated  from  its  mor^ 
original  and  characteristic  elements.^ 

In  case  the  reader  should  desire  a  corroborative  opinion,  the  judgment  of 
Delitzsch  may  be  quoted.  The  Hebrew  of  Daniel,  writes  Delitzsch  (Herzog, 
p.  470),  "attaches  itself  here  and  there  to  Ezekiel  (cf.  |^p  ny  n,  35-  40.  12, 
4.  8,  17,  with  |»p  py  ny  Ez.  21,  30.  34.  35,  5)  ;  DIN  p  in  the  address  to  the 
seer,  8,  17,  as  regularly  in  Ezekiel  [above,  p.  278],^  and  also  to  Habakkuk 
(cf.  II,  27.  29.  35  with  Hab.  2,  3);  in  general  character  it  resembles  the 
Hebrew  of  the  Chronicler,  who  wrote  shortly  before  ihe  beginning  of  the 
Greek  period  [B.C.  332],  and,  as  compared  cither  with  the  ancient  Hebrew 
or  with  the  Hebrew  of  the  Mishnah,  is  full  of  singularities  {Sojulcrbarkciten) 
and  harshnesses  of  style." 

The  verdict  of  the  language  of  Daniel  is  thus  clear.  The 
Persian  words  presuppose  a  period  after  the  Persian  empire  had 
been  well  established  :  the  Greek  words  demand,  the  Hebrew 
mppcnis,  and  the  Aramaic  peryjiits^  a  date  aftej'  the  conquest  of 
Palestine  by  Alexander  the  Great  (b.c.  332).  With  our  present 
knowledge,  this  is  as  much  as  the  language  authorizes  us  defin- 
itely to  affirm ;  though  o-v/xcfuDVLa,  as  the  name  of  an  instrument 
(considering  the  history  of  the  term  in  Greek),  would  seem  to 
point  to  a  date  somewhat  advanced  in  the  Greek  period. 

^  The  supposition  tliat  Daniel  may  have  unlearnt  in  exile  the  language  of 
his  youth  does  not  satisfy  the  recpiirements  of  the  case  :  it  does  not  explain, 
vi-z. ,  how  the  new  idioms  which  he  acquired  should  have  so  exactly  agreed 
with  those  which  appeared  in  I'alestine  independently  250  years  afterwards. 
Daniel  himself,  also,  it  is  probable,  would  not  (unlike  both  Jer.  and  Ez. ) 
have  uniformly  written  the  name  Nebuchadnezzar  incorrectly  (p.  255). 

-  Delilzscli  means  that  the  writer  borrows  particular  expressions  irom  Ezek. 
He  might  have  added  one  or  two  more  :  as  ^3i*n  8,  9  and  ''DVn  |*1S  U)  i^- 
41  (cf.  45)  of  Canaan  (comp.  Jer.  3,  19.  Ez.  20,  6.  15)  ;  77p  nt^*nj  buniished 
hi-ass  10,  6.  Ez.  I,  7;  QnHH  C'IZlb  clothed  in  lijien  12,  6  f .  Ez.  9.  3.,  The 
statement  in  the  Diet,  of  the  Bible  (ed.  i)  and  the  Speaker  s  Cor/n/i.  (p.  227), 
that  the  language  of  Dan.  bears  "  tlie  closest  affinity"  to  that  of  Ezek., 
appears  to  be  due  to  a  misunderstanding  of  Del.'s  expression  in  Herzog 
(ed.  i).     It  is  totally  incorrect. 


DANIFX. 


477 


(3.)  The  theology  of  the  Book  (in  so  far  as  it  has  a  distinctive 
character)  points  to  a  latt-r  age  than  that  of  the  exile.  It  is  true 
this  argument  has  sometimes  been  stated  in  an  exaggerated  form, 
as  when,  for  instance,  it  is  said  that  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrec- 
tion, or  the  distinction  of  rank  and  otfice  in  the  angels,  is  due 
to  the  influence  of  Parseeism,  or  that  the  ascedcism  of  Daniel 
and  his  companions,  and  the  frequency  of  their  prayers,  &c.,  are 
traits  peculiar  to  the  later  Judaism.  For  exaggerations  such  as 
these  there  is  no  adequate  foundation :  nevertheless  it  is  unde- 
niajle  that  the  doctrines  of  the  Messiah,  of  angels,  of  the 
resurrection,  and  of  a  judgment  on  the  world,  are  taught  with 
greater  distinctness,  and  in  a  more  developed  form,  than  else- 
where in  the  OT.,  and  with  features  approximating  to  (though 
not  identical  with)  those  met  with  in  the  earlier  parts  of  the  Book 
of  Enoch,  c.  100  B.C.  Whether  or  not,  in  one  or  two  instances, 
these  developments  may  have  h^tx^  partially  moulded  by  foreign 
influences,  they  undoubtedly  mark  a  later  phase  of  revela- 
tion than  that  which  is  set  before  us  in  other  books  of  the  OT. 
And  the  conclusion  to  which  these  special  features  in  the  Book 
point  is  confirmed  by  the  ge?ieral  atmosphere  which  breathes  in 
it,  and  the  tone  which  prevails  in  it.  This  atmosphere  and  tone 
are  not  those  of  any  other  writings  belonging  to  the  period  of 
the  exile :  they  are  rather  those  of  a  stage  intermediate  between 
that  of  the  early  post-exilic  and  that  of  the  early  post-Biblical 
Jewish  literature. 

A  number  of  independent  considerations,  including  some  of 
great  cogency,  thus  combine  in  favour  of  the  conclusion  that  the 
Book  of  Daniel  was  not  written  earlier  than  c.  300  b.c.  More 
than  this  can  scarcely,  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge,  be 
affirmed  categorically,  except  by  those  who  deny  the  possibility 
of  predictive  prophecy.  Nevertheless  it  must  be  frankly  owned 
that  grounds  exist  which,  though  not  adequate  to  demonstrate, 
yet  make  the  opinion  2,  probable  one,  that  the  Book,  as  we  have 
it,  is  a  work  of  the  age  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The  interest  of 
the  Book  manifestly  cuhninates  in  the  relations  subsisting  between 
the  Jews  and  Antiochus.  Antiochus  is  the  subject  of  8,  9-14. 
23-25.1  The  survey  of  Syrian  and  Egyptian  history  in  c.  11 
leads  up  to  a  detailed  description  of  his  reign  {vv.  21-45)  :  12,  i. 

1  And,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted,  of  7,  8  fT.   20  fT.,  as  well.     9.  24-7  i^  "o^ 
here  taken  into  account. 


4yS  LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

7.  11-12  reverts  again  to  the  persecution  which  the  Jews  expe- 
rienced at  his  hands.  This  being  so,  it  is  certainly  remarkable 
that  the  revelations  respecting  him  should  be  given  to  Daniel,  in 
Babylon^  nearly  four  centuries  previously :  it  is  consonant  with 
God's  general  methods  of  providence  to  raise  up  teachers,  for 
the  instruction  or  encouragement  of  His  people,  at  the  time 
when  the  need  arises.  It  is  remarkable  also  that  Daniel — so 
unlike  the  prophets  generally — should  display  no  interest  in  the 
welfare,  or  prospects,  of  his  contemporaries ;  that  his  hopes  and 
Messianic  visions  should  attach  themselves,  not  (as  is  the  case 
with  Jer.  Ez.  Is.  40 — 66)  to  the  approaching  return  of  the  exiles 
to  the  land  of  their  fathers,  but  to  the  deliverance  of  his  people 
in  a  remote  future.  The  minuteness  of  the  predictions,  embrac- 
ing even  special  events  in  the  distant  future,  is  also  out  of 
harmony  with  the  analogy  of  prophecy.  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and 
other  prophets  unquestionably  uttered  predictions  of  the  future  ; 
but  their  predictions,  when  definite  (except  those  of  Messianic 
import,  which  stand  upon  a  different  footing),  relate  to  events  of 
the  proximate  future  only ;  when  (as  in  the  case  of  Jeremiah's 
prediction  of  70  years'  Babylonian  supremacy)  they  concern  a 
more  distant  future,  they  are  general  and  indefinite  in  their 
terms.  And  while  down  to  the  period  of  Antiochus'  persecution 
the  actual  events  are  described  with  surprising  distinctness,  after 
this  point  the  distinctness  ceases :  the  prophecy  either  breaks  off 
altogether,  or  merges  in  an  ideal  representation  of  the  Messianic 
future.  Daniel's  perspective,  while  thus  true  (approximately)  to 
the  period  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  is  at  fault  as  to  the  interval 
which  was  actually  to  follow  before  the  advent  of  the  Messianic 
age. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  author  be  a  prophet  living  in  the 
time  of  the  trouble  itself,  all  the  features  of  the  Book  may  be 
consistently  exj^lained.  He  lives  in  the  age  in  which  he  mani- 
fests an  interest,  and  which  needs  the  consolations  which  he 
has  to  address  to  it.  He  does  not  write  after  the  persecutions 
are  ended  (in  which  case  his  prophecies  would  be  pointless),  but 
at  their  begitining^  when  his  message  of  encouragement  would 
have  a  value  for  the  godly  Jews  in  the  season  of  their,  trial. 
He   thus  utters  genuine  predictions ;  2   and  the  advent   of  the 

^  So  Ewald,  p.  155  f.  ;  Delitzsch,  p.  479,  <5lc. 
'  Conip.  especially  8,  25  end  with  the  event. 


DANIEL. 


479 


Messianic  age  follows  rlosely  on  the  end  of  Antiochus,  just  as 
in  Isaiah  or  Micah  it  follows  closely  on  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian  : 
in  both  cases  the  future  is  foreshortened.  The  details  of  the 
Messianic  picture  are  different  from  the  representation  of  the 
earlier  prophets,  because  they  belong  to  a  later  stage  of  revela- 
tion :  so  the  representations  of  Jeremiah,  II  Isaiah,  or  Zechariah 
differ  similarly ;  in  each  case,  the  shape  and  colouring  of  the 
representation  being  correlated  with  the  spiritual  movements  of 
the  age  to  which  it  belongs. 

It  by  no  means  follows,  however,  from  this  view  of  the  Book, 
supposing  It  to  be  accepted,  that  the  narrative  is  throughout  a 
pure  work  of  the  imagination.  That  is  not  probable.  Delitzsch, 
Meinhold,  and  others  insist  rightly  that  the  Book  rests  upon  a 
traditional  basis.  Daniel,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  was  a  historical 
person,!  one  of  the  Jewish  exiles  in  Babylon,  who,  with  his  three 
companions,  was  noted  for  his  staunch  adherence  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  his  religion,  who  attained  a  position  of  influence  at  the 
court  of  Babylon,  who  interpreted  Nebuchadnezzar's  dreams,  and 
foretold,  as  a  seer,  something  of  the  future  fate  of  the  Chaldasan 
and  Persian  empires.  Perhaps  written  materials  were  at  the  dis 
posal  of  the  author :  it  is,  at  any  rate,  probable  that  for  the 
descriptions  contained  in  c.  2 — 7  he  availed  himself  of  some 
work,  or  works,  dealing  with  the  history  of  Babylon  in  the  6th 
cent.  B.C.2  These  traditions  are  cast  by  the  author  into  a  literary 
form,  with  a  special  view  to  the  circumstances  of  his  own  time. 
The  motive  underlying  c.  i — 6  is  manifest.  The  aim  of  these 
chapters  is  not  merely  to  describe  who  Daniel  was,  or  to  narrate 
certain  incidents  in  his  hfe  :  it  is  also  to  magnify  the  God  of 
Daniel,  to  show  how  He,  by  His  providence,  frustrates  the  pur- 
poses of  the  proudest  of  earthly  monarchs,  while  He  defends 
His  servants,   who  cleave  to    Him   faithfully  in   the   midst   of 

1  Whether,  however,  he  is  alluded  to  in  Ez.  14,  14.  20.  28,  3  is  uncertain  : 
the  terms  in  which  Ezek.  speaks  in  c.  14  seem  to  sugijest  a  patriarch  of 
antiquity,  rather  than  a  younger  contemporary  of  his  own. 

2  Thus  there  are  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  Nebuchadnezzar's  lycan- 
thropy  rests  upon  a  basis  of  fact  (Schrader,  KAT.  p.  432  f.).  For  the  same 
reason,  it  is  possible  that  "Darius  the  Mede"  may  prove,  after  all,  to  have 
been  a  historical  character.  Berosus,  a  learned  Chald^ean  priest,  compiled 
his  history  of  Babylonian  dynasties,  c.  300  B.C. ;  and  other  sources  of  informa- 
tion, which  have  since  perished,  may  naturally  have  been  accessible  to  the 
author. 


480  LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

temptation.  The  narratives  in  c.  1 — 6  are  thus  adapted  to 
supply  motives  for  the  encouragement,  and  models  for  the 
imitation,  of  those  suffermg  under  the  persecution  of  Antiochus. 
In  c.  7 — 12,  definiteness  and  distinctness  are  given  to  Daniel's 
visions  of  the  future ;  and  it  is  shown,  in  particular,  that  the  trial 
of  the  saints  will  reach  ere  long  its  appointed  term. 

It  remains  to  notice  briefly  some  features  in  which  the  Book  of 
Daniel  differs  from  the  earlier  prophetical  books.  Its  view  of 
history  is  much  more  comprehensive  than  that  of  the  earlier 
prophets.  Certainly  there  is  a  universal  element  observable  in 
the  writings  of  the  earlier  prophets  (as  when  they  contemplate 
the  future  extension  of  Israel's  religion  to  the  Gentiles) ;  but  it 
does  not  occupy  the  principal  place  :  in  the  foreground  are  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  nation,  social,  religious,  or  political, 
as  the  case  may  be.  Daniel's  view  is  both  wider  and  more 
definite.  He  takes  a  survey  of  a  continuous  succession  of  world- 
empires  ;  points  out  how  their  sequence  is  determined  before  by 
God  ;  declares  that,  when  the  appointed  limit  has  arrived,  they 
are  destined  to  be  overthrown  by  the  kingdom  of  God ;  and 
emphasises  the  precise  moment  when  their  overthrow  is  to  take 
place.  No  doubt  the  motive  of  such  a  survey  is  in  part  suggested 
by  the  course  of  history,  and  the  wnder  and  more  varied  relations 
which  it  opened  to  the  Jews.  From  the  time  of  the  exile,  the 
Jews  were  brought  into  far  closer  contact  with  the  great 
world-empires  than  had  previously  been  the  case  ;  and  as  they 
witnessed  one  empire  giving  place  to  another,  the  problem  of 
their  own  relation  to  the  powers  of  the  world  pressed  upon  them 
with  increasing  directness  and  cogency.  The  older  prophets  had 
promised  to  the  restored  nation  ideal  glories ;  but  the  reality 
had  proved  very  different :  their  promises  had  remained  unful- 
filled;  and  under  Antiochus  Epiphancs,  the  very  existence  of  the 
theocracy  was  threatened,  as  it  had  never  been  threatened  before, 
by  a  coalition  of  heathen  foes  without  with  false  brethren  within. 
Hence  the  question  when  the  heathen  domination  would  cease 
was  anxiously  asked  by  all  faithful  Jews.  And  the  answer  is 
given  in  the  Book  of  Daniel.  Not  writing  as  a  historian,  but 
viewing  comprehensively,  in  the  manner  just  indicated,  the  past, 
the  present,  and  the  future,  as  parts  of  a  predetermined  whole, 
the  author  places  himself  at  the  only  epoch  from  which  this 
would   be   visible    in    continuous    perspective :    \\\)OW   the    basis 


DANIEL.  ^8l 

supplied  him  by  tradition,  he  represents  Daniel,  whose  age  had 
coincided  with  the  last  great  turning-point  in  the  history  of  his 
people,  when  Israel  became  permanently  dependent  upon  the 
great  powers  of  the  world,  as  surveying  from  the  centre  and 
stronghold  of  heathenism  the  future  conflicts  between  the  world 
and  the  theocracy,  and  declaring  the  gradual  degeneration  of  the 
former  (2,  32  ff.),  and  the  final  triumph  of  the  latter.  The 
prophets  do  not  merely  foretell  history  ;  they  also  interpret  it  {e.g. 
Gen.  9,  25-7  ;  Is.  10,  5-7).  And  the  Book  of  Daniel  does  this 
on  a  more  comprehensive  scale  than  any  other  prophetical  book. 
It  outlines  a  religious  philosophy  of  history.  It  deals,  not  with  a 
single  empire,  but  with  a  succession  of  empires,  showing  how  all 
form  parts  of  a  whole,  ordained  for  prescribed  terms  by  God, 
and  issuing  in  results  designed  by  Him.  The  type  of  repre- 
sentation is  artificial ;  but  it  is  adapted  to  the  purpose  required, 
and  is  borrowed  from  the  forms  employed  by  the  older  prophets. 
As  is  common  in  the  case  of  dreams  or  visions,  it  is  largely 
symbolical,  the  symbolism  being  not  of  the  simple  kind  found 
usually  in  the  earlier  prophets  {e.g.  Am.  7 — 8),  but  more  elaborate 
and  detailed,  and  being,  moreover,  sometimes  interpreted  to  the 
seer,  or  even  altogether  set  forth  to  him  (c.  10 — 12),  by  an  angel 
(comp.  Ez.  40,  3  ff. ;  Zech.  i,  8 — 6,  8).  That  the  past  (to  a 
certain  point)  is  represented  as  future,  is  a  consequence  oi  the 
literary  form  adopted  by  the  author  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  unity  of  his  picture  (comp.  Delitzsch,  p.  469).  *'  In  warmth  of 
religious  feeling,  and  in  the  unflinching  maintenance  of  Divine 
truth,  the  Book  resembles  closely  enough  the  writings  of  the  older 
prophets  :  but  also — what  is  here  most  important  of  all — the 
course  of  events  in  the  immediate  future,  the  fall  of  the  tyrant 
after  3^-  years,  and  the  triumph  of  the  saints  of  God,  is  defined 
beforehand  by  the  author  as  certainly  as  by  any  proj)het  of  the 
olden  time.  Upon  this  account  chiefly  he  has  obtained  recogni- 
tion in  the  Jewish  Church,  if  not  as  a  prophet,  at  least  as  a  man 
inspired  of  God.^  It  is,  moreover,  exactly  in  virtue  of  this  true 
perception  of  the  present  and  of  the  immediate  future,  that  his 
book  is  distinguished,  very  much  to  its  advantage,  from  the  later 
Jewish  Apocalypses  "  (Dillmann). 

1  The  author,  it  may  be  noticed,  does  not  claim  to  sponk  with  the  sf'caal 
authority  of  the  "prophet;"  he  never  uses  the  propiietical  asseverations, 
"Thus  saith  the  Lord,"  "  Saith  the  Lord." 

2  H 


482  LITERATURE  OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

On  the  characteristics  of  "apocalyptic"  literature,  see  further  Lucke, 
Versuch  einer  vollst.  Einl.  in  die  Offenh.  des  Johannes,  1852,  pp.  34-55  '■<  -^' 
Hilgenfeld,  i9/fc-/"'^-  Apokalyptik,  1857,  pp.  1-16,34-50;  A.  Dillmann  in 
Schenkel's  Bibel-Lexicon,  iii.  (1872)  art.  "Prophetcn,"  p.  626  f.  ;  E.  Schurer 
[p.  ,65,  «.],  ii.  p.  609  ff.  [Eng.  tr.  IL  iii.  p.  44ff-];  ^^-  Smend,  ZATIV. 
1885,  p.  222  ff.;  H.  Schultz,  Theol.  des  AT:s\  p.  384  f.  The  Book  of 
Daniel  determined  the  form  assumed  by  subsequent  writings  of  the  same  kind  ; 
and  these  ought  properly  to  be  compared  with  it.  Some  account  of  such  of 
them  as  are  extant  will  be  found  in  J.  Drummond,  Th'Jeivish  Messiah,  1877, 
pp.  I-132  ;  in  Schurer,  I.e.  p.  616  ff.  ;  or,  more  briefly,  in  the  Encycl.  Brit. 
art.  "Apocalyptic  Literature."  The  standard  edition  of  the  Book  of  Enoch 
is  that  of  Dillmann  (text,  1851  ;  transl.  and  notes,  1853);  G.  \\.  Schodde's 
English  translation  with  notes  (Andover,  U.S.A.  1882)  may  also  be  consulted 
by  the  reader.  ( Abp.  Laurence  deserves  the  credit  of  having  been  the  first  to 
publish  the  Ethiopic  text  ;  but  his  edition  and  translation  are  both  antiquated.) 

In  estimating  the  critical  view  of  Daniel,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  we 
have  no  right  to  argue,  upon  h  priori  grounds,  if  a  passage  or  book  proves 
not  to  contain  the  predictive  element  so  largely  as  we  had  been  accustomed 
to  suppose,  that,  therefore,  it  can  have  no  place  in  the  economy  of  revelation. 
Prediction  is  one  method,  but  by  no  means  the  only  method,  which  it  pleased 
God  to  employ  for  the  instruction  and  education  of  His  people.  Hence, 
whether,  or  to  what  extent,  a  particular  part  of  Scripture  is  predictive,  cannot 
be  determined  by  the  help  of  antecedent  considerations  :  it  can  only  be 
determined  by  the  evidence  which  it  affords  itself  respecting  the  period  at 
which  it  was  written.  In  interpreting  the  prophets,  it  is,  moreover,  always 
necessary  to  distinguish  between  the  substance  of  a  prophecy  and  the  form 
under  which  it  is  presented  ;  for  the  prophets  constantly  clothe  the  essential 
truth  which  they  desire  to  express  in  imagery  that  is  figurative  or  symbolical 
{e.g.  Is.  II,  15  f.  19,  16  ff.  23,  17  f.  66,  23).  And  the  elements  in  the  Book 
of  Daniel  which,  upon  the  critical  view  of  it,  are  predictive  in  appearance 
but  not  in  reality,  are  just  part  of  the  sytnbo/ic  imagery  adopted  by  the 
writer  for  the  purpose  of  developing  one  of  the  main  objects  which  he  had 
in  view,  viz.  the  theocratic  significance  of  the  history. 

Why  the  Book  of  Daniel  is  written  partly  in  Aram.,  partly  in  Heb.,  is  not 
apparent,  upon  any  theory  of  its  authorship.  The  transition  to  Aramaic  in 
2,  4*^  might  indeed  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  it  was,  or  was  assumed 
to  be,  the  language  used  at  the  Court  of  Babylon  ;  but  this  does  not  explain 
why  the  Aramaic  part  should  include  c.  7.  Meinhold  (reviving  the  view  of 
tome  older  scholars)  holds  that  2,  4''  -c.  6  is  earlier  in  date  than  has  been 
generally  supposed  by  critics,  having  been  written,  he  considers,  in  Aramaic 
c.  300  B.C.,  and  incorporated  by  the  later  author  of  the  rest  of  the  book 
in  his  work  ;  and  he  points  to  certain  differences  of  scope  and  representation  in 
support  of  this  opinion.  Not  only,  however,  would  2,  4'' — c.  6  be  unintel- 
ligible without  the  introductory  particulars  contained  in  I,  I — 2,  4",  but  c.  7, 
though  added  by  the  author  who  {ex  hyp.)  otherwise  uses  Hebrew,  is  in 
Aramaic ;  it  is,  moreover,  so  connected,  on  the  one  hand  with  c.  2,  on  the 
other  wi'h  c.  8 — 12,  that  it  seems  to  forbid  the  distribution  of  the  Aramaic 
and    Hebrew    parts    of   the  book    between  different  writers.     (Comp.   also 


DANIEL.  483 

Kuenen,  §§  87.  5,  6  ;  90.  11,  12.)     Still  Meinhold's  theory  deserves  considera- 
tion ;  and  tliese  objections  to  it  may  not  be  decisive. 

No  conclusion  of  any  value  as  to  the  date  of  Daniel  can  be  drawn  from  the 
LXX  translation,  (i)  The  date  of  the  translation  is  quite  uncertain;  the 
grounds  that  have  been  adduced  for  the  purpose  of  showing  thnt  it  was  made 
in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  himself  being  altogether  insufficient.  (2) 
The  "  Septuagint  "  translation  of  different  books  (or,  in  some  cases,  of  groups 
of  books)  is  of  course  the  work  of  different  hands ;  but  in  all  parts  of  the 
OT.  the  translators  stand  remarkably  aloof  from  the  Palestinian  tradition — 
often,  for  instance,  not  only  missing  the  general  sense  of  a  passage,  but 
showing  themselves  to  be  unacquainted  with  the  meaning  even  of  common 
Hebrew  words.  Thus  the  errors  in  the  LXX  translation  of  Daniel  ineiely 
show  that  the  meaning  of  particular  words  was  unknown  in  Alexandria  at 
the  time,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  when  the  translation  was  made  ;  they 
do  not,  as  has  sometimes  been  supposed,  afford  evidence  that  the  meaning 
was  unknown  in  Palestine  in  the  2nd  cent.  B.C.  The  Greek  translator 
of  the  Proverbs  of  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach,  though  a  grandson  of  the  author 
himself,  nevertheless  often  misunderstood  the  Hebrew  in  which  they  were 
written. 

It  has  been  shown  above  that  the  language  of  Daniel  demands  a  date  as 
late  as  c.  300  B.C.,  if  not  later  ;  does  it,  however,  veto  a  date  as  late  as  B.C. 
168?  Such,  apparently,  is  the  opinion  of  Professor  Margoliouth  {Expositor^ 
April  1890,  p.  300  f. ),  based  on  his  restorations  of  the  original  text  of 
Ecclesiasticus  (above,  p.  447,  note).  The  time  has  not  yet  arrived  for  pro- 
nouncing a  definitive  judgment  upon  this  opinion.  Before  it  can  be  properly 
estimated,  the  restored  text  of  Ben  Sira  must  be  completed  [{ox  something 
turns  on  \}l\q  general  complexion  of  the  zvhole)  :  it  will  then  be  necessary  (i)  to 
test  the  processes  by  which  the  restorations  are  effected,  and  to  di^tinguish 
those  results  which  are  certain  (or  reasonably  probable)  from,  such  as  are 
tentative  or  hypothetical  ;  (2)  to  estimate,  in  the  parts  which  may  be  treated 
as  fairly  substantiated,  the  proportion  which  the  New-Hebrew  words  (or 
idioms)  bear  to  others  ;  and  (3)  to  consider  whether,  in  the  light  of  the  fact 
that  Ecclesiastes,  notwithstanding  its  more  pronounced  Mishnic  colouring, 
still  belongs  to  the  same  general  period  as  Esther  and  Chronicles,  this  pro- 
portion is  such  as  to  neutralise  the  considerations  (p.  477  f.)  which  tend  to 
show  that  the  book  dates  from  B.C.  168  rather  than  from  c.  B.C.  300.  Tiie 
restored  text  of  Ben  Sira  is  at  present  (Feb.  1S91)  not  in  a  sufticiently  ripe 
condition  for  the  conclusions  which  it  may  authorise  to  be  ascertained. 

That  the  Book  of  Daniel,  as  we  have  it,  whatever  basis  of  tradition  it  may 
rest  upon,  is  a  work  of  the  age  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  is  a  conclusion 
accepted  by  even  the  most  moderate  critics,  e.g.  not  only  by  Delitzsch  and 
Riehm  {Eiftl.  ii.  292  fiF.),  but  also  by  Lucke,  p.  41  ;  Strack,  Hdb.  dcr  Theol. 
Wisse7ischaften,\.  (1885)  p.  I72f.i(cf.  Herzog^  vii.  419);  v.  Orelli,  OT. 
Proph.  p.  455  f.  ;  K.  Schlottmann,  Compendium  dcr  ATlichen  Theologie, 
1889,  §  87;  SchUrer,  I.e.  p.  613  ff.  [Eng.  tr.  ib.  p.  49 ff.];  C.  A.  Biiggs, 
Mess.  Proph.  p.  411  f.,  &c. 

1  Einleitunsr  in  das  AT.  (reprinted  separately),  1888,  p.  69  f. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
CHRONICLES,  EZRA,  AND  NEHEMIAH, 

§  I.  Chronicles. 

Literature.— Ewald,  Hist.  i.  p.  169  fif.;  E.  Eertheau  in  the  Kgf.  Hdb. 
1854,  (ed.  2)  1873;  K.  H.  Graf  in  Die  Gesch.  Biicher  des  AT.s,  1866,  pp. 
114-247  ("  Das  B.  der  Chr.  als  Geschichtsquelle  ") ;  C.  F.  Keil  (see  p.  449); 
W^'llhausen,  Hist,  of  Israel,  pp.  171-227  ;  W.  R.  Smith  in  the  Encycl.  Brit. 
(1876)  S.V.;  C.  J.  Ball  in  Bp.  Ellicott's  Comvi.  for  English  Readers  (1883) ; 
Kuenen,  Onderzo:k,  ed.  2  (1887),  i.  p.  433  fif.  ;  S.  Oettli  in  Strack  and 
Zockler's  Kgf.  Komvi.  1889. 

The  Books  of  Chronicles — in  the  Hebrew  canon  one  book — with 
their  sequel,  the  Books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah — in  the  Hebrew 
canon  similarly  one  book,  "Ezra"! — form  the  second  great 
group  of  historical  writings  preserved  in  the  Old  Testament 
(above,  p.  3).  It  is  plain,  from  many  indications,  that  these 
books  form  really  a  single,  continuous  work.  Not  only  is  their 
style — which  is  very  marked,  and  in  many  respects  unlike  that 
of  any  other  Book  of  the  OT. — closely  similar,  but  they  also 
resemble  each  other  in  the  point  of  view  from  which  the  history 
is  treated,  in  the  method  followed  in  the  choice  of  materials,  as 
well  as  in  the  preference  shown  for  particular  topics  (genea- 
logies, statistical  registers,  descrii)tions  of  religious  ceremonies, 
details  respecting  the  sacerdotal  classes,  and  the  organisation  of 
public  worship).  Moreover,  the  Book  of  Ezra-Neh.  begins 
exactly  at  the  point  at  which  the  Book  of  Chronicles  ends,  and 
carries  on  the  narrative  upon  the  same  plan  to  the  time  when 
the  theocratic  institutions  under  which  the  compiler  lived  were 
finally  established  through  the  labours  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 
In  ordinary  Hebrew  texts  (cf.  p.  337,  7iote),  Ezr.-Neh.,  contrary  to 

^  The  division  into  two  books,  in  modern  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Bible, 
arises  from  the  same  cause  as  the  division  of  1-2  Sam.  and  1-2  Kings,  viz. 
the  influence  of  the  LXX  operating  through  the  Christian  Bible. 


CHRONICLES.  4S5 

the  chronology,  precedes  the  Chronicles :  in  the  I.XX,  and  versions 
influenced  by  it,  the  books  are  arranged  in  accordance  with 
chronological  propriety.  It  will  be  convenient  to  follow  the 
same  order  here. 

The  entire  w^ork,  of  which  the  Chronicles  form  thus  the  first 
part,  comprises,  though,  of  course,  not  with  the  same  amount  of 
detail  throughout,  the  period  from  Adam  to  the  second  visit  of 
Nehemiah  to  Jerusalem,  b.c.  432.    Although,  however,  the  narra- 
tive embraces  a  wide  period,  the  aim  with  which  it  is  written  is  a 
limited  one ;  it  is  that,  viz.,  of  giving  a  history  of  Judah,  with 
special  reference  to  the  institutions  connected  with  the  Temple, 
under  the  monarchy,  and  after  the  restoration.     The  author  (who 
seems   to   be   the  same   throughout)   begins,   indeed,   after  the 
manner  of   the  later   Semitic  historians,   with   Adam;  but  the 
genealogies  in  I  i  have  merely  the  object  of  exhibiting,  relatively 
to  other  nations,  the  position  taken  by  the  tribe  of  Judah,  to 
which  I  2  is  w^holly  devoted,  as  I  3  is  devoted  to  the  descendants 
of  King  David.      In  I  4 — 8,  dealing  with  the  other  tribes,  it  is 
the  priestly  tribe  of  Levi  (I  6)  that  is  treated  at  greatest  length. 
Incidentally  in   these  chapters,  more  decidedly  in  9,   1-34,  the 
interest  of  the  waiter  betrays  itself:  his  notices  have  constantly  a 
bearing,  direct  or  indirect,  upon  the  organisation  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal institutions  of  the  /<9j-/-exilic  community.     The  introduction 
(I  I,  I — 9,  34)  ended,  the  history  proper  begins.     The  reign   of 
Saul   is  passed  over  rapidly  by  the  compiler ;    I   9,  35-44  his 
genealogy  is  repeated  from  8,  29-38 ;  I  10  (excerpted  from  i  Sa. 
31)  contains  the  narrative  of  his  death.     Thereupon  the  narrator 
proceeds  to  David's  election  as  king  over  all  Israel  at  Hebron 
(=2   Sa.    5,    i-io),   omitting  as  irrelevant  to  his    purpose   the 
incidents  of  David's  youth,  his  persecution  by  Saul,  the  reign  of 
Ishbosheth,  &c.     He  omits  similarly  events  in  David's  reign  of 
a  personal  or  private  nature  {e.g.  the  greater  part  of  2  Sa.  9 — 20). 
The  account  of  Solomon's  reign  is  excerpted  from  i  Kings  with 
tolerable  fulness.     After  the  division  of  the  kingdom  no  notice  is 
taken  of  the  history  of  the  N.  kingdom,  except  where  absolutely 
necessary   (as  II   22,   7-9);  on  the  other  hand,  the   history   of 
Judah  is  presented  in  a  series  of  excerpts  from  1-2  Kings,  sup- 
plemented by  additions  contributed  by  the  compiler.     Though 
secular  events  are  not  excluded  from  the  record,  the  writer,  it  is 
plain,  dwells  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  upon  the  ecclesiastical 


486  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

aspects  of  the  history.  The  same  interest  is  not  less  apparent  in 
Ezr.-Neh.;  and  hence  the  entire  work  (Chr.  Ezr.-Neh.)  has  been 
not  inaptly  termed  by  Reuss  the  "  Ecclesiastical  Chronicle  of 
Jerusalem." 

The  Hebrew  name  of  the  Chronicles  is  DVOTI  ^"1^1,  lit.  words  (or  acts)  of 
days,  a  term  which,  as  explained  above  (p.  177),  is  used  to  denote  an  official 
diary,  containing  minutes  of  events,  lists  of  officers,  &c.  Its  application  in 
the  present  case  is  due  probably  to  the  fact  that  a  large  proportion  of  the 
contents,  especially  towards  the  beginning  (I  l — 27),  are  of  a  statistical  c^-d.x- 
acter.  In  the  LXX  the  two  books  are  called  •^aptx.y.u'proij.iva,,  a  name  no 
doubt  suggested  by  the  observation  that  they  contain  numerous  particulars 
not  found  in  the  Books  of  Samuel  and  Kings.  The  title  Chronicles  is  derived 
from  Jerome,  who  used  chro7iico?i  to  express  the  Hebrew  D"'0''n  "'"12*7. 

Date  of  Co77iposition. — The  only  positive  clue  which  the  book 
contains  as  to  the  date  at  which  it  was  composed  is  the  genealogy 
in  I  3,  17-24,  which  (if  v.  21  be  rightly  interpreted)  is  carried 
down  to  the  sixth  generation  after  Zerubbabel.  This  would 
imply  a  date  not  earlier  than  c.  350  B.C.  3,  21  is,  however, 
obscurely  expressed  ;  and  it  is  doubtful  if  the  text  is  correct. ^ 
More  conclusive  evidence  is  afforded  by  the  Books  of  Ezra  and 
Neh.,  which  certainly  belong  to  the  same  age,  and  are  commonly 
assumed  to  be  the  work  of  the  same  compiler.  As  will  appear 
below,  these  books  contain  many  indications  of  being  the  com- 
pilation of  an  author  living  long  subsequently  to  the  age  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah  themselves, — in  fact,  not  before  the  close  of  the 
Persian  rule.  A  date  shortly  after  b.c.  332  is  thus  the  earliest 
to  which  the  composition  of  the  Chronicles  can  be  plausibly 
assigned ;  and  it  is  that  which  is  adopted  by  most  modern 
critics.^     From  the  character  of  his  narrative  it  is  a  probable  in- 

^  LXX,  Pesh.  Vulg.  read  four  times  1^3  for  ^^2  ("And  the  sons  of  Hana- 
nia"h :  Pelatiah,  and  Jesaiah  his  son,  Rephaiah  his  son,  Arnan  his  son, 
Obadiah  his  son,  Shecaniah  his  son" — of  the  same  type  as  vv.  10-14), 
yielding  at  once  a  sense  consistent  with  the  context,  but  bringing  down  the 
genealogy  to  the  elnjcnth  generation  after  Zerubbabel.  It  is  quite  possible 
that  this  is  the  true  reading  :  the  later  date  which  it  would  necessitate  for 
the  Chronicles  being  no  objection  to  it.  Keil,  wishing  to  uphold  Ezra's 
authorship,  disputes  the  integrity  of  the  text  in  the  opposite  direction; 
but  the  opinion  that  the  Chronicles  are  Ezra's  composition  is  certainly 
incorrect. 

2  Ewald,  i.  173  ;  B^^rtheau,  p.  xlvi ;  Schrader,  §  238  ;  Dillmann  in  Ilerzog^ 
s.v.  p.  221  ;  Ball,  p.  210  ;  Oettli,  p.  10  :  Kuencn  is  disposed  to  adopt  a  some- 
what later  date,  §  29.  7,  8,  10  {c.  250)  :  Noldeke,  A  T.  Lit.  p.  64,  one  later 


CHRONICLES.  487 

ference  that  the  author  was  a  Levite^  perhaps  even  a  member  of 
the  Temple  choir. 

The  basis  of  the  Chronicles  consists  of  a  series  of  excerpts  from 
the  earlier  historical  books,  Gen.-2  Kings,  with  which  are  com- 
bined materials  derived  by  the  compiler  from  other  sources. 
These  excerpts  are  not  made  throughout  upon  the  same  scale. 
In  the  preliminary  chapters  (I  i — 9)  they  are  often  condensed, 
and  consist  chiefly  of  genealogical  notices  :  in  I  10 — II  36 
(which  is  parallel  to  i  Sa.  31 — 2  Ki.  25)  passages  are  generally 
transferred  in  extenso  with  but  slight  variations  of  expression, 
due,  probably,  in  a  few  cases  (as  they  exist  in  our  present  text) 
to  textual  corruption,  but  more  commonly  originating  with  the 
compiler.  Not  unfrequently,  however,  the  excerpted  narratives 
are  expanded^  sometimes  remarkably,  by  the  insertion  either  of 
single  verses  or  clauses,  or  of  longer  passages,  as  the  case  may 
be.  Minute  particulars  can  naturally  only  be  learnt  from  a  word- 
for-word  collation  of  the  text  of  Chr.  with  the  original  passages 
of  Sam.  Kings,  which  the  reader  is  strongly  recommended  to  make 
for  himself;  but  the  following  synopsis  has  been  arranged  so  as 
to  exhibit  both  the  passages  excerpted  from  the  earlier  narra- 
tives, and  the  more  important  additions  introduced  by  the 
compiler.  The  omissions  in  the  third  column  will  indicate  the 
parts  of  Gen.-2  Kings  which  he  has  passed  over : — 

I.  Preli77iinary  history  (I  I,  I — 9,  34). 
C.  I — 2.  The  pedigree  of  Judah : — 

(  See  Gen,  5.  10.  11. 
The  patriarchal  period,  .         .         .       c.  I.  j|  2;    ''6 

The  12  sons  of  Israel,    ....         2,  1-2.  Gen.  35,  23-6. 

Nu  26  lof 
The    sons   of    Perez,    viz.    Hezron   and    \  j  Gen.  46,    12.    Nu. 


Hamul, i         ^'  <  26,  21. 


The  sons  of  Zerah,         .        •        •        •  °  ' 

The  descendants  of  Hezron— (a:)  through    ] 
Ram,    leading    down    to   David,    vv 


Jc.sh.  7,  I  ;  I  Ki.  4, 

31- 

f  With  77'.  5.  9-12 
comp.  Ru.  4,  19- 
21  ;  with  w.  13- 


10-17;  ((5)  through  Chelubai(  =  Caleb),     \        9-41.      S       17,15.16,6-9, 


w.  18-24  ;  (<r)  through  Jerahmeel,  vv. 
25-41 


J 


2   S.   2,  iS.   17, 
25- 


still,  c.  200.     The  language,  not  less  than  tlie  general  style  and  tunc,  favours 
a  date  subsequent  to  B.C.  300  rather  than  one  prior  to  it. 


488 


LITERATURE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


An  appendix,  largely  geographical,  relat- 
ing to  localities  inhabited  by  descend- 
ants of  Caleb,  (a)  directly,  t'v.  42-49  ; 
{^)  through  his  son  Hur,  vz>.  50-55,    . 

C.  .^.    The  family  and  descemiants  of  David : — 
David's  children,   .         ,         ,         ,         , 


12,42-55. 


3,  1-9. 


10-16. 


17-24. 


\  2  S.  3,  2-5.  5,  14- 
\      16. 

1-2  Kincs. 


David's  descendants — 
(a)  The  kings  of  Jiuiah, 
{b)  The  descendants  of  Jeconiah  (Je- 

hoiachin),     extending     to     some 

generations  after  the  return, 

C.  4 — 7.  Notices  respecting  the  genealogies,  history,  and  military  strength 
of  the  several  tribes : — 

Judah  (including   particulars   respecting    ) 

localities,   esp.    those    prominent   after    [■    4,  I-23. 
the  exile),  ..,...) 


24. 


Simeon, 


Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  E.  half  of  Manas- 
seh,   ....... 

Levi — 

High  priests  from  Zadok  to  Jehozadak 
(B.C.  586),  with  their  pedigree  from 
Aaron,'  ...... 

Genealogies  :  viz.  (a)  two  parallel,  but 
in  part  divergent,  pedigrees,  con- 
necting David's  three  chief  singers, 
Heman,  Asaph,  and  Ethan,  with 
the  three  Levitical  families  of  Ger- 
shon,  Kohath,  and  MeiaT},z>v.  16-30 
and  31-48 ;  {b)  the  line  of  chief 
priests  to  the  time  of  Solomon,  vv. 
_' 49-53  (  =  w.  4-8),  . 
Cities  of  priests  and  Levites, 

The  remaining  tribes  (except  Benjamin), 


Gen.  46,  10.  Ex.  6, 
15.  No.  26,  12  f. 


5, 


6, 


25-27. 

28-33- 

Josh.  19,  2-8. 

34-43- 

1-26. 

'   F.   3  :   Gen.  46,  9. 
Nu.  26,  5  f. 

(   V.    1-3:   Gen.  46, 

I-15. 

I       II.  Ex.  6,  16.  18. 

f      20.  Nu.  3,  2  &c. 

6,  16-53. 


6, 

c.  7 


54-81. 


Vv.  16-19.  22  : 
Ex.  6,  16-24. 

Vv.  26-28.  33-35 
I  S.  I,  I.  8,  2. 


Josh.  21,  10-39. 
Cf.  Gen.  46,  13  &c. 
Nu.  26,  23  f.  &c. 


^  The  notices  in  these  chapters  are  sometimes  obscure,  and  often,  no  doubt, 
fragmentary.     On  c.  2  comp.  Wellh.  Hist.  p.  216  ff. 

^  Several  of  the  persons  here  named  are  not  mentioned  in  the  historical 
books.  On  the  other  hand,  the  ol<l  and  famous  line  which  held  the  priest- 
hood under  Samuel  and  David— Eli,  i'hinehas,  Ahitub,  Ahimelech,  Abiathar 
— is  not  noticed. 


CHRONICLES. 
Benjamin — {a)  generally,        .         .         ,         I  g,  1-32. 

33-40. 


489 


(d)   Pedigree   of   a   family   descended 
from  Saul,        .... 


^.  33  f.:  I  S.   14. 
49-  51-  2  8.  2,8. 
4.  4-  9.  12. 
9,  1-34.   Principal  families  resident  in  Jerusalem  after  the  restoration: 

Cf.    Ezr.    2,    70  = 
Constitution  of  the  restored  community, 


9,  1-2. 
3-17". 


i7*'-26». 

26''-32. 

33-34. 


10,  I-I2. 
13-14. 

11,  1-9. 


Families  resident  in  Jerusalem,  arranged 
by  classes,  ..... 

Particulars  respecting  the  gate-keepers^  . 
Duties  of  the  Levites,  .... 
Two  subscriptions  (to  vv.  14-16;  14-32), 

II.  Judah  under  the  monarchy  (I  9,  35 — II  36). 

Saul's  family  (repeated  from  8,  29-38),   .         9,  35-44. 

Circumstances  of  Saul's  death, 

David  made  king  at  Hebron  :  conquest 

of  Jerusalem,       ..... 
List  of  David's  heroes,  with  notices  of 

their  exploits,     ..... 
Warriors   who  joined    David   in   Saul's 

reign, 

Warriors  who  assisted  at  David's  election 

as  king,       ...... 

The  Ark  brought  from  Kirjath-jearim  to    \  13,  i-c. 

the  house  of  Obed-edom,     .         .         .     \         6-14. 
Hiram  assists  David  :  David's  sons,        ,       14^  1-7. 

'8-16. 
17. 


Nch.    7,    73»: 
Neh.  II,  3\ 

Neh.  II,  4-19*. 


1  S.  31. 

2  S.  5,  1-3.  6-10. 


II,  Io-4I^     2  s.  23,  8-39. 

4i'-47. 


12,  1-22. 
23-40. 


David's  victories  over  the  Philistines, 


2S.  6,  i.^ 
6,  2-11. 
5,  11-16. 
5.  17-25. 


The  Ark   removed   from   the   house    of    f  "** 

I  ~^ — 16    T, 

Obed-edom   to   Zion :    description   of  1     ^  '  •'' 

'16,  4-42. 
the  ceremonial,  .         .         .         .         .     ' 

Prophecy  of  Nathan,      .... 
David's  wars  :  list  of  ministers,       .         . 

War  with  the  Ammonites,      •        •        • 

Exploits  of  David's  heroes,     .        .        . 

David's  census  of  the  people  :  the  pesti- 


6,  I2''-I9\* 


•-16,  43. 
c.  17. 
c.  18. 

19, 1-I9. 

20,  1-3. 

20,  4-8. 
f2I,    I-4». 

4";  5- 


lence  :  his  purchase  of  the  threshing-    -|         6-7, 


floor  of  Araunah, 


6,  i9''-20». 

2S.  7. 

2S.  8. 

2  S.    10,   I-  19. 

II,    I.   26.   12, 

30  f. 
21,  18-22. 
24,  14". 

4"  «;'9. 


S-27. 
28—22,  I. 


*  Expanded. 


2  With  alterations. 


io''-2S. 
•  Abridged. 


490 


LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 


22,  2 — c.  29.  David's  arrangements  for  the  construction  of  the  Temple  and 

the  Tfiaintenance  of  public  service,  and  for  his  army : — 

Instructions  to  Solomon, 

Numbers  (38,000),  families,  and  duties 
of  tae  Levites,    ..... 

The  24  courses  of  priests, 

Heads  of  the  families  of  Kohathites 
and  Merarites  enumerated  in  23,  16-23, 

The  24  courses  of  singers  (4  referred  to 
the  sons  of  Asaph,  6  to  the  sons  of 
Jeduthun,  10  to  the  sons  of  Heman), 

The  courses  of  the  gatekeepers, 

Overseers  of  Temple-treasuries, 

Leviiical  officers  engaged  outside  the 
Temple,     ..... 

The  12  divisions  of  the  army. 

Princes  of  the  tribes  (Gad  and  Reuben 
not  named),         .... 

The  12  superintendents  of  David's  per- 
sonal possessions,  and  his  ministers, 

David's  last  instructions  to  his  people 
and  to  Solomon, 

Offerings  made  in  response  to  his  in- 
vitation,    ..... 


I  22,  2-19. 
c.  23. 
24,  1-19. 
20-31. 

c.  25. 

26,  1-19. 

20-28. 

29-32. 

27,  I-I5- 
16-24. 

25-34. 
c.  28. 

29,  1-9. 


David's  prayer  of  thanksgiving  :  Solomon 
confirmed  as  king  :  death  of  David,    . 


Solomon's  offering  at  Gibeon  :  his  dream, 
Solomon's  horses  and  chariots,        ,         , 


r29,  10-22. 
23».  27. 


I  K.  2,  12'.  II. 


rn 


Preparations   for   building   the   Temple,    J 
and  correspondence  with  Hiram,         .     j 

L 

The   Temple,    with    the   two   pillars   in 
front  of  it, 


23^-26.    ) 
28-30.  \ 
I,    1-2. 

3*. 
3''-6».  13 
6''- 1 2. 

14-17. 

r  2, 1-2.1 18. 


3,4*. 


The  sacred  vessels,  and  the  court. 
Temple  completed,     . 


The 


3-16. 

17. 

3,  1-9. 
10-13. 

14. 

15-17. 

4,  I. 

2-5- 
6-5 


3>  4''-i3- 
10,  26-9. 

5.5'.  15  f. 
5,   2-9;  2    of. 

5.  II- 7,  14. 


of.  6,  1-22.  29-35. 
6,  23-28. 


7,  15-22. 


I. 


7,  23-6. 
7.  38-51- 


^  In  2,  I**  a  brief  allusion  only  to  the  Palace,  I  K.  7,  I- 12. 

*  With  considerable  alterations  and  additic  ns,  esp.  in  w.  4-7,  13  f. 


CHRONICLES. 
The  Ark  taken  into  the  Temple,    . 
The  prayer  of  dedication,       •        . 
Conclusion  of  the  ceremony,  ,        , 

Jehovah's  answer  to  Solomon,        • 


491 


Particulars  respecting  the  organization  of  ^ 

Solomon's  empire,      •         •         .         .    \  .- 

^  12-10. 

\  17-18. 


II  5,  2-1 1\  I  K. 
"'-13*. 

8, 

I-IO'. 

1 3"- 14. 

lO*"-!!. 

6,  1-39- 

40-42. 

8, 

I2-50». 

7,  1-3. 
4-5-  7-10. 
6. 

8, 

62-66. 

7,   II-I2». 
I2b-l6      \ 

9, 

1-3*. 

(to 

chosen),  ) 
16-22. 

3^-9. 

8,  1-2.          cf. 
3-4'.  ii". 

9, 

lO-II. 

Visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba.     Solomon's 
magnificence  and  wealth,    .         , 


Revolt  of  the  Ten  Tribes,       . 
Hostilities  stopped  by  Shemaiah, 


Rehoboam's  reign, 


Abijah, 


9,  1-24. 
25-26. 

27-28. 
29. 
\        30-31- 

c.  10. 

11,  1-4. 

11,5  —  12,1. 

12,  2*. 

2''-S. 

9-III3- 
12.  14-15" 

I5^  16. 


i7*'-24». 

25.^ 

26-28. 

10,  1-25. 
10,    26''.   4,   26. 
21*. 

ID,   27-28. 


11,  42-43. 

12,  I-J9. 
12,  22-24. 


Asa, 


I4i  25. 

14,  26-2S.  21. 

14.  30-3I"'. 

15,  1-2-  7'- 


15,  8.  II. 
12.^ 


13-22. 


b  ^.»  1 


23-24 


^  Expanded. 


2  With  alterations. 


492  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 


Jehoshaphat, 


Jehoram, 

Ahaziah, 

Athaliah, 

Joash,    , 


Amaziah, 


Uzziah, 


Jotham, 


Ahaz,    , 


II  17,  I*.         I  K.  15,  24\ 

i^-ig.  

c.  18.  22,  i-35». 

19,  1-20,30.  

\  20,  3i-33\  22,  41-43*. 


14,  21  f.   15,  2f. 


•26,   1-4. 

5-15. 

16-21.  23.        15,  5/'  7. 


2\  3''-7. 
9. 


15,  33-34.  35". 


'28,  1-4. 

5-15- 
16-17. 

18-19.  

20-21.  27.  8.  20. 

22-25.        cf.  16,  10-17.' 


16,  2-4. 
7.  6^.^ 


With  alterations. 


Abridged. 


^  Expanded 


CHRONICLES. 


493 


'II  29,  1-2.    2K.  iS,  i*'-3. 
29,  3-    I,  21.  4-7«.i 

32,  I.  cf.  18,  13. 


2-8. 

9-21. 

18,  17-19,37.' 

22-23. 

24-33- 

c.  20.-3 

33,1-10.20. 

21,  i-io.  iS. 

11-19. 

33,  21-25. 

21,   lfh24. 

34,  i-e- 

22,  1-2. 

3-7. 

[23,   4-20.2]* 

8-I2\* 

22,  3-6. 7^ 

1 2'- 14. 

1 5-32-. 

22,  8—23,   3. 

35,  I-I9- 

23,    21-23.1 

20-25. 

29-30\l 

36,  1-4. 

23.  3o^  31-33  C' 

36,  5-8. 

23,  36-24,  6.- 

36,  9-10. 

24,  8-17.' 

36,  11-21. 

24,  18—25,  21.2 

36,  22-23. 

Ezra  I,  i-3». 

Ilezekiah,  . 

Manasseh,  . 

Amon,  .  • 

Josiah,  .  • 


Jehoahaz,      . 
Jehoiakim, 
Jehoiachin,    . 
Zedekiah, 
Decree  of  Cyrus, 

Character  of  the  additions.  The  additions  contributed  by  the 
compiler  consist  partly  of  altogether  fresh  matter, —whether 
statistical  information,  or  incidents  recounted  at  length,— partly 
of  detailed  accounts  of  what  is  mentioned  but  briefly  in  the 
earlier  sources,  partly  of  particulars  occupying  one,  two,  three 
verses,  or  even  a  part  of  a  verse,  introduced  into  a  narrative 
borrowed  otherwise  from  Sam.  or  Kings.  All,  long  and  short 
aUke  (except,  indeed,  such  as  comprise  merely  lists  of  names), 
show  the  peculiar  diction  and  mannerisms  of  the  compiler,  and  are 
either  his  own  composition,  or  (the  diction  being  not  merely 
peculiar,  but  late)  must  be  derived  from  a  contemporary  ivriting.^ 
In  respect  of  contents  and  aim,  the  following  features  may  be 
noticed  in  the  additions  : — 

1  Expanded.  '  Abridged.  '  With  alterations. 

*  Referred  in  Kings  to  Josiah's  eighteenth  year  (22,  3.  23,  23). 

5  To  faithfully.  v,     1  »♦  r 

6  The  former  alternative  is  decidedly  the  more  probable;  but  the  latter 
cannot  be  absolutely  excluded.  The  author  of  the  "  Midrash  of  the  Look  of 
Kings"  (p.  497)  may,  for  instance,  have  used  a  style  and  diction  similar  to 
those  of  the  Chronicler. 


494  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

(i.)  They  consist  often  of  statistical  matter,  genealogies,  lists 
of  names,  &c. 

(2.)  Very  frequently  they  relate  to  the  organisation  of  public 
worship,  or  describe  religious  ceremonies,  especially  with  refer-  .- 
ence  to  the  part  taken  in  them  by  Levites  and  singers.^ 

(3.)  In  many  cases  they  have  a  didactic  aim  :  in  particular, 
they  show  a  tendency  to  refer  events  to  their  moral  causes, — to 
represent,  for  instance,  a  great  calamity  or  deliverance  as  the 
punishment  of  wickedness  or  the  reward  of  virtue.  This  feature 
is  especially  noticeable  in  the  case  of  discourses  attributed  to 
prophets.  The  prophets  in  the  Chronicles  are  far  more 
frequently  than  in  the  earlier  historical  books  brought  into  rela- 
tion with  the  kings^  to  whom  they  predict  good  or  ill  success, 
in  accordance  with  their  deserts,  with  much  uniformity  of  expres- 
sion, and  in  a  tone  very  different  from  that  of  the  prophets  who 
appear  in  the  Books  of  Sam.  or  Kings. 

Thus  notice  I  10,  13  f.  the  cause  assigned  for  Saul's  death;  15,  13 
(cause  of  Uzzah's  death) ;  11  12,  2'' (motive  of  Shishak's  invasion);  17,  lo  ; 
22,  7.  9  ;  24,  24  f.  ;  25,  20^  (cause  of  Amaziah's  defeat) ;  26,  10-20  (only  the 
fad  of  Uzziah's  leprosy  is  stated  in  2  Kings) ;  28,  5.  9.  13  (Ahaz's  troubles 
attributed  to  his  idolatry) ;  33,  11-13  (Manasseh's  repentance  followed  by  his 
restoration) ;  35,  21  f.  (Josiah's  death  at  Megiddo  explained  by  his  rejection 
of  a, Divine  warning) ;  36,  12''. 

Examples  of  prophets  :  II  12,  5-8  fShemaiah  announces  Shishak's  invasion, 
and  the  mitigation  of  its  consequences  after  the  king's  repentance) ;  15,  1-15 
Asa's  prosperity  is  ascribed  to  his  obedience  to  Azariah's  exhortations  ;  16, 
7-10  Hanani  declares  to  Asa  the  ground  of  his  imperfect  success  against  the 
Syrians;  19,  1-3  Jehu,  son  of  Hanani,  reproves  Jehoshaphat ;  20,  14-17 
Jahaziel,  a  Levite,  promises  victory  to  the  same  king  ;  20,  37*  Eliezer,  son  of 
Dodavah,  predicts  the  ruin  of  Jehoshaphat's  shipping  on  account  of  his  league 
with  Ahaziah  king  of  Israel;  21,  12-15  the  letter  of  Elijah  announcing 
Jehoram's  sickness  as  a  punishment  for  his  idolatry  :  see  also  24,  20  (Zechariah 
soji  of  Jehoiada) ;  25,  7-9  (the  "  man  of  God  "  who  warns  Uzziah) ;  25,  15  f.; 
26,  5;  28,  9-15  (Oded). 

Attention  should  also  be  directed  to  the  short  insertiotis^  intro- 
duced into  the  narratives  excer[>ted  from  Sam.  or  Kings.  These 
appear  commonly  to  be  designed  with  the  view  of  filling  up 
some  point  in  which  the  earlier  narrative  appeared  to  be  defi- 
cient:  thus  they  state  a  reason  or  add  a  reflexion,  usually, from 
the  points  of  view  which  have  been  just  illustrated. 

'  E.g.  I  15,  4  ff.  16  ff.  16,  41  f.  II  13,  10  f.  I4^  17,  8.  20,  19.  21.  29,  4ff. 

35,  I  ff.  &c. 


CHRONICLES.  ^gr 

Comp.,  for  instance,  the  notices  of  ritual  in  I  15,  27  middle,  28»>-  21  6  f  • 
II  5,  ii-'-is  (the  singers);  6,  6.  13  ;  7,  6  (another  notice  respecting  the 
singers);  8,  ii''.  13-15;  12,  12.  14;  18,  si*';  22,  3\  4";  23,  6.  8\  13 
wz^^/^,  iS'^-ig  (notices  respecting  the  Temple-arrangements) ;  26,  21  middle 
clause  ;  27,  6  ;  32,  22  f.  ;  34,  I2''-I3.  The  aim  of  the  addition  in  I  21,  29  f. 
is  evidently  to  justify  David's  sacrifice  on  Zion,  as  that  of  II  i,  3''-6*  (cf! 
I  16,  39  f.)  is  to  legalise  the  worship  at  the  high  place  of  Gibeon. 

Sources  of  the  Chronicler,  One  main  source  of  the  Chronicler 
has  been  sufficiently  indicated,  viz.  the  earHer  historical  books 
from  Gen,  to  Kings.i     It  remains  to  consider  the  sources  of  the 

additional  matter  which  the  Chronicles  contain.     The  notices 

chiefly  relating  to  tribes  and  families —incorporated  in  the  earlier 
part  of  his  work  (I  i — 9)  were  derived  by  him  in  some  cases, 
perhaps  (4,  22  f.  39-43.  5,  10.  19-22),  from  general  tradition; 
in  other  cases  more  probably  from  written  documents.  It  seems 
that  the  returned  exiles  felt  an  interest  in  reviving  as  far  as 
possible  the  old  status  quo  of  the  community,  and  with  this  end 
in  view  paid  careful  attention  to  such  genealogical  records  as 
existed,  and  took  steps  to  complete  and  restore  them.'^  It  is 
probable  that  lists  drawn  up  now  with  this  object  were  at  the 
disposal  of  the  compiler  (comp.  I  5,  17.  9,  i).  But  from  the 
time  of  David  (inclusive)  the  Chronicler,  like  the  compiler  of 
Kings,  refers,  as  a  rule,^  at  the  end  of  each  reign,  to  some  definite 
source  or  sources  where  further  particulars  are  to  be  fouivd  ("the 
rest  of  the  acts'^  of  .  .  .  behold,  they  are  written  in,"  &c.).  The 
sources  thus  referred  to  are  : 

[a)  "The  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  and  Israel"  II  16,  ii  (Asa).  25,  :6 
(Amaziah).  28,  26  (Ahaz)  :  cf.  below,  k. 

{b)  "The  Book  of  th^  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah"  II  27,  7  (Jothani).  35, 
26  f.  (Josiah).  36,  8  (Jehoiakim). 


^  It  cannot  be  shown  that  the  Chronicler  used  the  sources  (p.  176 f)  ^^ 
Kings.  Not  only  does  he  never  quote  them  as  his  authoriiies,  but  (>cc 
below)  he  quotes  other  authorities  ir. stead  ;  and  many  of  the  passages  coniinoii 
to  Chr.  and  Kings — e.g.  the  judgments  on  the  kings — are  palpably  the  woik 
of  the  compiler  of  the  Book  of  Kings.  See,  for  instance,  II  7,  12*.  16-22. 
14,  1-2.  15,  17.  20,  31-33*.  25,  1-4.  26,  1-4.  28,  1-4.  29,  1-2.  IZ,  7-9 'S.c. 

2  Comp.  (in  B.C.  536)  Neh.  7,  5.  61.  64,  and  (later)  12,  23. 

'  The  exceptions  are  II  21,  20.  22,  9.  23,  21.  33,  24  f.  36  4.  10.  21. 

^Sometimes  with  the  addition  of  the  words  "first  and  last"  I  29,  29. 
II  12,  15  al.,  or  with  other  slight  variations  or  additions  (the  longest  in  I  2}, 
30.  II  24,  27.  zi.  18.  19.  36,  %\ 


49^  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

(c)  "The  acts  of  the  kings  of  Israel "  33,  i8  (Manasseh).^ 

(</)  "The  Midrash  of  ihe  Book  of  Kings  "  24,  27  (Joash). 

{e)  "  The  word-;  of  Samuel  the  seer,  and  the  words  of  Nathan  the  prophet, 
and  the  words  of  Gad  the  seer"  I  29,  29  (David). 

(/)  "  The  words  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  and  the  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the 
Shilonite,  and  the  vision  of  Iddo  the  seer  respecting  Jeroboam  the  son  of 
Nebat  "  II  9,  29  (Solomon). 

{g)  "The  words  of  Shemaiah  the  prophet  and  of  Iddo  the  seer  for  reckon- 
ing by  genealogies"  12,  15  (Rehoboam). 

{h)  "The  Midrash  of  the  prophet  Iddo"  13,  22  (Abijah).  , 

(/)  "I'he  words  of  Jehu,  son  of  Ilanani,  which  are  inserted  in  the  Book  of 
the  Kings  of  Israel"  20,  34  (Jehoshaphat). 

[J)  "The  rest  of  the  acts  of  Uzziah,  first  and  last,  did  Isaiah  the  prophet, 
the  son  of  Amoz,  write  "  26,  22. 

{k)  "The  vi•^ion  of  Isiiah  the  prophet,  the  son  of  Amoz,  in  the  Book  of 
the  Kings  of  Judah  and  Israel"  32,  32  (liezekiah). 

(/)  "The  words  of  Hozai "  [or  "of  the  seers,"  LXX,  Berth.  Kuen.  :  see 
V.  18]  33,  19  (Manasseh). 

Allusion  is  made  also  (w)  in  I  5,  17  (in  the  account  of  Gad)  to  a  genea- 
logical register  compiled  in  the  days  of  Jothani  and  of  Jeroboam  II.  ;  in 
I  23,  27.  27,  24  {n)  to  "  the  later  acts  (or history)  of  David  ;  "  and  {0)  to  "the 
chronicles  of  king  David,"  into  which  the  census  taken  by  Joab  was  not 
entered  ;  and  [p]  in  II  35,  25  to  a  collection  of  "lamentations." 

It  is  generally  ailou-ed  that  the  first  three  of  these  titles,  a,  b,  c, 
and  the  "Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel"  referred  to  under  /,  are 
different  names  of  one  and  the  same  work,  which  embraced  a 
history  of  both  kingdoms,  and  of  which  the  full  title  was  "The 
Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah"  (or  "of  Judah  and 
Israel "),  but  which  was  sometimes  referred  to  more  briefly,  the 
term  "  Israel "  being  understood  in  its  wider  sense  as  denoting 
the  entire  nation.  It  seems  clear  that  the  compiler  means  to 
refer  to  one  book,  and  not  to  two;  for  (i)  the  book  under  its 
full  title  "  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah "  is  mentioned  as 
the  authority  for  the  reigns  of  Josiah  and  Jehoiakim,  after  the 
N;  kingdom  had  ceased  to  exist ;  and  (2)  the  book  under  its 
shorter  title  "Kings  oi IsraeV  alone  is  referred  to  for  the  reigns 
of  two  kings  of  Judah,  Jehoshaphat  and  Manasseh  (Nos.  /,  c). 
That  this  book  is  not  the  existing  Book  of  Kings  is  clear  from 
the  fact  that  the  compiler  cites  it  for  particulars  respecting 
matters  not  mentioned  in  that  book.^     Nor  was  it  identical  with 

^  In  I  9,  I  either  b  ox  c  will  be  referred  to,  according  as  the  verse  is  con- 
strued with  LXX,  AV.,  Kuen.,  or  with  Berth.,  Keil,  RV.,  Oettli. 

^  As  I  9,  I  genealogies  ;  II  27,  7  the  wars  of  Jotham  ;  33,  18  the  prayer  of 
Manasseh  ;  36,  8  acts  and  "abominations"  of  Jehoiakim. 


CHRONICLES.  497 

either  of  the  books  cited  as  authorities  in  the  Book  of  Kings  : 
for  these  were  hvo  distinct  works  (p.  176  f ),  in  which  the  history 
of  each  kingdom  was  treated  separately.  Whether  d  ("the 
Midrash  of  the  Book  of  Kings ")  is  also  the  same  as  a,  b,  c  is 
uncertain ;  on  the  one  hand,  the  peculiar  title  would  suggest  a 
distinct  work  ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  apparent  why,  if  (as 
its  title  shows)  it  was  a  comprehensive  work,  dealing  with  the 
kings  generally,  it  should  be  cited  for  one  reign  only.  Whether 
it  be  the  same  work^  or  not,  it  may  be  inferred  from  its  title 
that  its  aim  was  to  develop  the  religious  lessons  deducible  from 
the  history  of  the  kings. 

The  term  Midrash  occurs  only  here  and  13,  22  in  the  OT.,  thou(;h  it  is 
common  in  post-Biblical  literature.  C^IT  is  to  search  out,  iiivestigaie,  explore  ; 
as  applied  to  Scripture,  to  discover  or  develop  a  thought  not  apparent  on 
the  surface, — for  instance,  the  hidden  meaning  of  a  word,  or  the  particulars 
implied  by  an  allusion  [e.g.  what  Abraham  did  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  what 
Eldad  and  Medad  said  when  they  prophesied,  the  circumstances  of  Mo«es' 
death,  &c.).  The  Midrash  may  be  defined  as  an  imaginative  development  of 
a  thought  or  theme  suggested  by  Scripture,  especially  a  didactic  or  homiletic 
exposition,  or  an  edifying  religious  story  (Tobit  and  Susannah  are  tiius 
"  Midra^him").  To  judge  from  the  title,  the  book  here  referred  to  will 
have  been  a  work  on  the  Book  of  Kings,  developing  such  incidents  as  were 
adapted  to  illustrate  the  didactic  import  of  the  history.  And  this  seems  in 
fact  to  be  the  motive  which  prevails  in  many  of  the  narratives  in  the 
Chronicles  :  they  are  pointed  illustrations  of  some  religious  or  moral  truth. 

The  "words"  of  the  several  prophets  referred  to  in  e,/,  &c., 
have  been  supposed  to  point  to  independent  historical  mono- 
graphs, written  by  the  prophets  with  whose  names  they  are  con- 
nected. But  it  is  observable  that  the  "words  of  Jehu"  (/")  and 
the  "  vision  of  Isaiah  "  {k)  are  cited,  not  as  independent  works, 
but  as  sections  incorporated  in  the  "  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  " 
(or  "Judah  and  Israel"):  and  if  the  more  probable  reading  in 
n  33,  19  be  adopted,  the  same  will  be  true  of  the  "words  of  the 
seers,"  cited  as  an  authority  for  the  reign  of  Manasseh  (see  v.  18). 
This  being  so,  the  question  arises  whether  the  other  "  words " 
(or  "acts")  of  prophets  {e,  /,  g)  were  not  also  portions  of  the 
same  historical  work.  For,  except  in  the  passages  quoted,  where 
the  "words"  are  referred  to  as  part  of  the  "Book  of  Kings,"  it 

1  So  Ewald,  //isL  i.  187  ;  \Vellh.  Nis/.  p.  227  ;  Kuenen,  p.  493-  Kerth. 
p.  xxxi,  Sci^ader,  §  232*,  Dillm.  p.  223,  Ball,  p.  212,  Oeltli,  p.  7,  ihink  ihcm 

distinc*. 

2  I 


498  LITERATURE   OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT. 

is  the  compiler's  habit  to  quote  but  one  authority  at  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  each  king,  which  is  always  either  the  "  Book  of 
Kings  "  or  the  "  words  "  of  some  prophet ;  and  hence,  in  view  of 
the  express  statement  respecting  the  "  words  "  of  Jehu  and  the 
*'  vision  "  of  Isaiah,  it  is  supposed  by  most  critics  that  the  other 
prophetic  histories  referred  to  were  really  integral  parts,  or  sec- 
tions, of  the  same  great  historical  compilation,  which  embraced 
the  history  of  particular  prophets,  and  was  hence  familiarly^ 
quoted  under  their  names.^  However,  this  conclusion,  though 
not  an  improbable  one,  does  not  follow  necessarily  from  the  pre- 
misses \  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  compiler  may  have 
meant,  in  ^,  f^  and  g^  to  refer  to  independent  writings. ^  In  j 
the  terms  of  the  citation  are  different ;  and  it  is,  on  the  whole, 
more  probable  that  an  independent  work  is  referred  to  :  for,  as 
Ew.  {I.e.)  remarks,  a  section  of  a  prophetical  work  dealing  with 
the  reign  of  Uzziah  would  hardly  be  named  after  Isaiah,  as  he 
only  assumed  prominence  as  a  prophet  in  the  last  year  of  that 
king  (Is.  6,  i).3  Once  {h)  the  "Midrash"  of  a  prophet,  Iddo, 
is  cited  :  this  will  be  either  a  particular  section  of  the  "  Midrash 
of  the  Book  of  Kings"  (^),  or,  more  probably,  a  separate  work 
of  the  same  character,  which  was  either  attributed  to  Iddo  as  its 
author,  or  in  which  the  prophet  Iddo  played  a  prominent  part. 

The  question  arises  whether  the  parts  peculiar  to  Chr.  are 
excerpts  from  any  of  these  works,  in  the  same  sense  in  which 
other  parts  are  excerpts  from  Sam.  and  Kings.  If  they  are,  as 
their  style  is  not  only  peculiar,  but  late.,  the  work,  or  works,  from 
which  they  are  taken  must  have  been  composed  at  a  date 
scarcely  earlier  than  that  of  the  Chronicles  itself,  and  by  an 
author  writing  in  a  similar  style  and  with  a  similar  aim.  The 
style  is  conclusive  evidence  that  no  part  of  the  additions  can  be 
an  excerpt  from  the  autograph  of  any  pre-exilic  prophet :  if  such 
autographs  were  accessible  to  the  compiler,  the  information 
derived  from  them  must  have  been  entirely  recast  by  him,  and 

1  So  Ewald,  i.  185  ;  Berth,  p.  xxxi  f.  ;  Dillmann,  p.  223  ;  Kuen.  p.  487  ; 
Ball,  p.  212(5;  Oetili,  p.  8. 

-  The  existence  of  which  is  allowed  also  by  Ewald  and  Dillmann,  ll.cc. 

2  The  existing  Book  of  Isaiah,  of  course,  cannot  be  meant ;  for  neither  in 
6,  I  nor  in  any  other  part  of  it  are  particulars  of  the  life  or  reign  of  Uzziah 
recorded.  In  II  12,  15  the  words  "for  reckoning  by  genealogies "  probably 
indicate  that  the  section  referred  to  either  began  with,  or  included,  some 
genealogical  notices. 


CHRONICLES.  499 

presented  in  his  own  fashion. ^  The  speeches  contained  in  the 
additions  form  no  exception  to  what  has  been  said :  they  exhibit 
uniformly  the  singularities  of  the  Chronicler's  own  style,  and 
are  one  and  all  his  composition. 

The  most  important  of  the  sources  cited  appears  to  have  been 
the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah.  The  contents  and 
character  of  this  book  can  only  be  determined  inferentially.  It 
follows,  of  course,  from  the  title,  that  it  must  have  contained  a 
history  of  both  kingdoms  :  from  I  9,  i  it  would  seem  that  genea- 
logies were  included  in  it,  and  that  a  part  at  least  of  the  statisti- 
cal information  contained  in  I  i — 8,  and  perhaps  also  in  other 
parts  of  the  book,  was  derived  from  it.  The  narratives  peculiar 
to  the  Chronicles  are  often  thought  to  be  based  upon  this  work ; 
though  whether  they  were  presented  in  it  nearly  in  the  form  in 
which  we  now  read  them,  or  how  far  they  were  recast  by  the 
Chronicler,  cannot  be  readily  decided.  The  most  probable  view 
of  the  "  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  "  is  that  it  was  a 
/^j/-exilic  work,  incorporating  statistical  matter,  and  dealing 
generally  with  the  history  of  the  two  kingdoms  in  a  spirit  con- 
genial to  the  temper  and  interests  of  the  restored  community.  A 
book  thus  constituted  would  supply  materials  which  a  writer, 
having  the  aims  of  the  Chronicler  in  view,  could  at  once  utilise, 
and  would  also  provide  to  some  extent  a  model  on  which  he 
might  work  himself. 

The  relation  of  the  Chronicles  to  the  canonical  Book  of  Kings  on  the  one 
hand,  and  to  this  "  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  "  on  ihc  other,  is 
generally  represented  by  the  following  scheme  •.—'^ 

1.  The  Book  of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  {a). 

2.  The  Book  oi  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  {b). 


The  Canonical  sLk  of  Kings  (.).  "The  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel 

anil  Judah     \d]. 


The  Canonical  Book  of  Chronicles. 
This  scheme  is,  of  course,  only  approximate.     It  takes  no  account  of  the 
elemen^iUe^^ 

1  The  statement  in  the  Speakers  Comnu,  that  the  language  of  much  of  I  .6, 
4-42  is  "remarkably  archaic,"  is  the  very  reverse  of  tne  fact. 

2  Graf,  Gesch.  B.  p.  192  ;  Berth,  pp.  xl-xli  .Vc. 


500  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

the  former,  for  instance,  from  prophetical  narratives  (p.  178  f. ),  in  the  latter 
from  genealogical  or  other  records.  It  must  be  admitted  also  that  we  do  not 
knozo  that  a  and  b  were  used  in  the  compilation  of  d ;  the  materials  used 
may  have  been  obtained  from  other  sources,  even  including  (as  Kuen.  sup- 
poses) c. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  province  of  the  present  work  to 
examine  the  relation  of  the  narrative  of  Chronicles  to  that  of 
Sam.  and  Kings,  except  so  far  as  may  serve  to  illustrate  the 
method  or  point  of  view  of  the  compiler.  The  following  general 
remarks  must  therefore  suffice.  It  does  not  seem  possible  to 
treat  the  additional  matter  in  Chronicles  as  strictly  and  literally 
historical.  In  many  cases  the  figures  are  incredibly  high  :  ^  in 
others,  the  scale  or  magnitude  of  the  occurrences  described  is 
such  that,  had  they  really  happened  precisely  as  represented,  they 
could  hardly  have  been  passed  over  by  the  compiler  of  Samuel 
or  Kings ;  elsewhere,  again,  the  description  appears  to  be  irre- 
concilable with  that  in  the  earlier  narrative ;  while  nearly  always 
the  speeches  assigned  to  historical  characters,  and  the  motives 
attributed  to  them,  are  conceived  largely  from  a  point  of  view 
very  different  from  that  which  dominates  the  earlier  narrative, 
and  agreeing  closely  with  the  compiler's.  The  peculiarities  of 
the  historical  representation  which  prevails  in  the  Chronicles  are 
to.  be  ascribed,  no  doubt,  to  the  influences  under  which  the 
author  lived  and  wrote.  The  compiler  lived  in  an  age  when  the 
theocratic  institutions,  which  had  been  placed  on  a  new  basis 
after  the  return  from  Babylon,  had  long  been  in  full  operation, 
and  when  new  religious  interests  and  .a  new  type  of  piety — of 
course  with  points  of  contact  with  the  old,  but,  at  the  same  time, 
advancing  beyond  it — had  been  developed,  and  asserted  them- 
selves strongly.  Hie  Chronicler  reflects  faithfully  the  spirit  of 
his  age.  A  new  mode  of  viewing  the  past  history  of  his  nation 
began  to  prevail  :  pre-exilic  Judah  was  pictured  as  already  in 
possession  of  the  institutions,  and  governed — at  least  in  its 
greater  and  better  men — by  the  ideas  and  principles,  which  were 
dominant  at  a  later  day ;  the  empire  of  David  and  his  successors 

^  It  is  illegitimate  to  explain  these  as  due  to  textual  corruption  ;  the  num- 
bers in  the  Chronicles  are  systematically  higher  than  in  other  parts  of  the 
OT.;  and  no  reason  exists  for  supposing  the  text  of  these  books  to  have  been 
specially  subject  to  error  in  transmission.  Besides,  numbers  written  in  full 
would  not  be  readily  corrupted  :  the  supposition  that  letters  were  used  for 
numercds  in  the  sacred  autographs  is  destitute  of  foundation. 


CIIRONrCLES.  qoi 

was  imagined  on  a  scale  of  unsurpassed  power  and  magnificence  ; 
the  past,  in  a  word,  was  idealised,  and  its  history  (where  neces- 
sary) rewritten  accordingly.  Thus  the  institutions  of  the  present, 
which,  in  fact,  had  been  developed  gradually,  are  represented  as 
organised  in  their  completeness  by  David :  the  ritual  of  the 
Priests'  Code  is  duly  observed ;  the  Passovers  of  Hezekiah  and 
Josiah  (the  former  of  which  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Book  of 
Kings  at  all,  the  latter  only  briefly)  are  described  with  an  abund- 
ance of  ceremonial  detail,  suggested  no  doubt  by  occasions  which 
the  compiler  had  witnessed  himself;  David  organises  a  vast 
military  force,  and  amasses  for  the  Temple  enormous  treasures; 
his  successors  have  the  command  of  huge  armies,  and  arc 
victorious  against  forces  huger  even  than  their  own.  In  these 
and  similar  representations  there  is  certainly  much  that  cannot 
be  strictly  historical :  but  the  Chronicler  must  not  on  this 
account  be  held  guilty  of  a  deliberate  perversion  of  history  ;  he 
and  his  contemporaries  did  not  question  that  the  past  was 
actually  as  they  pictured  it,  and  the  Chronicler  simply  gives 
expression  to  this  persuasion.  It  is  not  necessary  to  deny — on 
the  contrary,  it  is  highly  probable — that  a  traditional  element 
lies  at  the  basis  of  his  representations  ;  but  this  element  has 
been  developed  by  him,  and  presented  in  a  literary  form,  with  the 
aim  of  giving  expression  to  the  ideas  which  he  had  at  heart, 
and  of  inculcating  the  lessons  which  he  conceived  the  history 
to  teach. 

There  is,  for  instance,  no  improbability  in  the  statement  that  David 
amassed  materials  for  a  Temple,  though  ttie  details  as  recorded  in  Ctir.  must 
be  greatly  exaggerated  (in  I  22,  14  David  states  that  he  has  accumulated 
100,000  talents  of  gold  and  1,000,000  talents  of  silver  :  contrast  the  very  much 
more  moderate  estimate  of  even  Solomon's  revenue  in  I  Ki.  10,  14  f.) ;  and 
the  manner  in  which  David  expresses  his  aims  and  wishes  is  entirely  lh.it  of 
the  compiler  and  his  age.  In  2  Sa.  6  we  appear  to  possess  a  tolerably 
circumstantial  account  of  the  transference  of  the  ark  from  Kiijaih-jearim  to 
Zion,  and  if  the  ground  of  Uzzah's  misfortune  was  really  at  the  lime  attri- 
buted to  the  Levites  not  having  borne  the  ark  as  (acconlin^'  to  the  Priests' 
Code)  they  should  have  done,  and  if  afterwards  they  and  the  .dingers  took  the 
prominent  part  in  the  ceremony  ascribed  to  them  in  I  Ch.  15--16,  the  silence 
of  the  earlier  narrative  is  inexplicable.  On  the  basis,  perhaps,  of  a  retjister 
of  names  handed  down  from  David's  time,  the  Chronicler  appears  here  to 
have  constructed  a  picture  of  the  ceremony  which,  in  his  eyes,  was  woriliy  of 
the  occasion,  and  which  he  has  inserted  into  the  narrative  excerj.tcd  by  him 
from  Samuel  (comp.  p.  356).     Both  here  and  elsewhere  it  is  difticull  not  to 


502  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

think  that  the  representation  has  been  modified  in  details  so  as  to  accord 
with  the  conceptions  of  the  Chronicler's  own  age.^ 

We  are,  of  course,  very  imperfectly  informed  as  to  the  precise 
nature  of  the  sources  used  by  the  Chronicler ;  but  it  has  been 
supposed,^  not  improbably,  that  the  new  point  of  view  from 
which  the  history  is  regarded,  and  its  didactic  treatment,  had 
already  appeared  in  the  ''  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and 
Judah."  Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  two  of  the  sources 
quoted  by  him  are  expressly  termed  Midrashif?i  (p.  497  f.). 
From  what  has  been  said,  the  importance  of  the  Chronicles  as 
evidence  respecting  the  ideas  and  institutiotis  of  the  period,  c. 
300  B.C.,  in  which  the  compiler  himself  lived,  will  be  apparent. 

The  style  of  the  Chronicles  is  singular.  Not  only  does  it  dis- 
play the  general  novelties  of  vocabulary  and  syntax  indicated  on 
}x  473  f.,  showing  either  that  the  language  itself  is  in  decadence, 
or  that  the  author  has  an  imperfect  command  of  it ;  but  it  has  in 
addition  numerous  peculiarities  and  mannerisms  of  its  own,  not 
found  in  other  post-exilic  writings,  which  are  often,  if  the  Book 
be  read  carefully,  perceptible  even  in  a  translation.  It  is  im- 
possible to  exemplify  here  all  the  characteristics  of  the  Chron- 
icler's style  :  the  following  are  some  of  those  which  are  the  most 
striking  and  of  most  frequent  occurrence.  In  some  instances 
they  appear  in  germ,  or  occasionally  (cf.  p.  474,  n.)^  at  an  earlier 
period  of  the  language ;  in  others,  they  consist  of  a  peculiar 
aj)plication  of  old  words.  The  occurrences  in  Ezr.-Neh.  are 
included  in  the  list. 

!•  b*n'nn  ^0  l>^  reckoned  genealogically :  I  4,  33.   5,    I.  7.    17.  7,  5.  7.  9. 

40.  9,    I.   22.   II   12,    15.  31,  16.    17.   18.    19.   Ezr.  2,  62  (  =  Neh.  7, 
64).  8,  1.3.  Neh.  7,  5t.     t^'n''  genealogy,  Neh.  7,  5!.     A  late  word 

only  found  in  these  books. 
2.  TV?  abundantly :  I  4,  38.  12,  40.   22,  3  bis.  4.  5.  8.  14.  15.  29,  2.  21. 
II  I,  15  (  =  9,  27=1  Ki.  10,  27).  2,  8.  4,  18.  9,  1.9.  II,  23.  14,  14. 
15,  9.  16,  8.  17,  5.  18,  I.  2.  20,  25.  24,  II.  24.  27,  3.  29,  35.  30,  5. 

^  Comp,  the  remarkable  changes  in  2  Ch.  23,  as  compared  with  2  Ki.  11, 
The    singers,    who,  in  the  register  of  u.c.    536,  and  even  by  Neh.,  are 

distinguished  from  the  Lcvites,  and  named  after  them  (Ezr.  2,  40  f.  70  ;  Neh. 

7,  I.  10,  28)  are,  in  Chr.,  classed  as  belonging  to  t/iefn{\  9,  33.  15,  16  ff.  &c.). 

It  seems  as  though  in  the  interval  the  singers  had  come  to  be  reckoned  as 

Levites  ;  and  the  new  point  of  view  is  reprt  sented  by  the  Chronicler. 
'  E.g.  by  Berth,  p.  xxxvii :  Dillm.  p.  224  ;  cf.  above,  p.  499. 


CHRONICLES.  503 

13.  24.  31,  5.  32,  5.  29.  So  Neh.  9,  25.  Zech.  14,  14.  In  the 
earlier  hooks  ihe  usige  here  and  there  approximates  ;  but  generally 
"^"h  occurs  in  them  only  in  a  co7nparison  —  in  respect  of  mitlliluiie 
(as  Jud.  6,  5).  The  earlier  language,  where  the  Chr.  has  3">S 
would  use,  as  a  rule,  D"'3"l  or  ni'Il- 

3.  ^:;iO  trespass  (subst.  and  verb):   I  5,  25.  9,  I.  10,  13.  II    I2,  2.  26,  16. 

18.  28,  19.  22.  29,  6.  19.  30,  7.  33,  19-  36,  14-  Kzr.  9,  2.  4.  ID,  2. 
6.  10.  Neh.  I,  8.  13,  27.  A  favourite  term  with  Chr.:  <ee  also  p. 
127,  No.  43.     (In  I  2,  7,  from  Josh.  7,  I  P.) 

4.  I^DVn  metaph.  /^  establish,  appoint  (a  weakened  sense :  in  earlier  books, 

lit.  to  station):  I  6,  16  [AV.  31].  15,  16.  17.  16,  17  (=  Ps.  105,  10). 
17,  14.  22,  2.  II  8,  14.  9,  8.  II,  15-  22.  19,  5.  8.  20,  21.  24,  13  (cf. 
Ezr.  2,  68).  25,  5.  14.  30,  5-  3i,  2.  zz,  8  [2  Ki.  *nnj].  35,  2.  Ezr. 
3,  8.  Neh.  4,  3.  6,  7-  7,  3-  io>  33-  12,  31.  i3.  "•  30-  ^^'^-  i',  i'- 
13.  14.  Cf.  Ps.  107,  25.  (Also  II  34.  32  used  specially.  In  II  23, 
10.  19.  29,  25.  33,  19.  Ezr.  3,  10.  Neh.  4,  7-  I3.  I9  the  lit.  sense  is 
more  prominent :  in  Neh.  3,  I  ff.  6,  I.  7,  I,  of  setting  up  doors.) 

5  U^Th^7\  n^n  house  of  God:  I  6,  33  [AV.  48],  and  33  tinges  besides,  as 

well  as  often  in  Ezr.  and  Neh.  So  Dan.  I,  2  (in  Kings  &c.,  always 
"  house  of  the  Lord,"  which  also  occurs  frequently  in  Chr.).  Comp. 
above,  p.  20,  towards  the  top. 

6  )On  to  establish,  prepare,  in  different  applications  :  I  9,  32-  12,  39-  1$.  ' 

&c.  (about  40  times  in  all),  and  Ezr.  3,  3  ;  e^P-  ^i^^^  ^^  ^'  ''^  ""' ^'^ 
the  heart,  I  29,  18.  II  12,  14.  19,  3-  20,  33-  30.  I9-  ^^zr.  7,  10. 

7  cm  /^  ^^^>^  /^,  ^«^/«^>^  ^/(God).  in  a  general  sense  =  to  rtvere :  I  10, 

14.  13,  3.  15,  13.  21,  30.  II  I,  5-  12.  14.  14.  4.  7  [H.  3;  6].  15.  2.  .2. 
13.  16  12. '17,  3.  4.  19,  3.  20,  3.  22,  9.  26.  5  &c.  -re  than  o 
times  altogether).  Ezr.  6,  21.  7.  10.  (A  weakened  sense  of  t  e 
Heb.  word.  In  the  earlier  hist,  books  very  much  rarer,  and  only 
oiz.  special  inquiry,  as  i  Ki.  22,  5.  2  Ki.  22,  13.) 

8.  prnnn  /.  strengthen  oneself:  I  n,  10.  19,  I3  (=  ^  ^a.  10    12^.  Ui,  i- 

12,  13.  13.  7.  8.  21.  15,  8.  16,  9.  17,  I.  21,  4.  23,  I.  25,  II.  27.  6. 
32    5       Use  in  earlier  books  both  rarer  and  more  distinctive. 

9.  r,y2Sr^  kingdom:  i  li,  10  and  nearly  30  times  besides.   _^^[- ^'  '■J' 
^         56   7,  I.  8,  I.  Neh.  9,  35.   12,  22.     Regularly  also  in  Est.  Dan 

Very  rlre  in  the  older  language;  which  uses  nDt^^DD.  or  sometimes 

.0.  nr^^^i^lt^nexion  with  God  :  I   12,  I.  «5,  2.  H  18    3.  (i-;^ 

half-verse  inserted  into  the  narrative  of  i  ki.  22).  26,  7  ,  cf.  14. 

oc    8    -3-?   S'  in  the  passive,  I  5,  20.  II  26,  15. 

25,  8.  32,  b     in  t       P  ,  ^^   j^^^  g^  ^^_     ^  ^^^^on 

II.  ^rjp  /^  receive:  1  12,  ib.  21,  11.  a^  ^y, 

"Aramaic  word.     Or>ly  besides  Pr.  .9,  ^o.  Jub  2,   .0.  Est.  4.  4-  9. 
2  5.  27;  and  ir.  the  Aram,  of  Daniel.  .ir^Si-     -l 

.z  mP^3  up:  /» ^«../««^'^  -'""  •  ■  ■-  5'-  "■  *■■  "  "■  ^-  '  ■ 

,9.  E.r.  8.  »-_N-  ■•  ■fjj'f-i   ,^,  ,   ,,,  5.   2,,,  ,7.  =9,  3.  =5.  I 
.13,  riPV^''  "P"'^''^'^^  ^^  exceeaiii^i;'  .  ^     ^, 


504  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

I,  I.  i6,  12.  17,  12.  20,  19.  26,  8.  34,  4.  This  metaph.  use  of 
upwards  as  a  mere  intensive  =  "exceedingly"  is  exclusively  a  late 
one,  and  confined  to  these  passages.     (Ezr.  9,  6  the  use  i-;  different.) 

14.  niVlX  lands  (see  p.  278,  No.  4)  :  I  14,  17.  22,  5,  29,  30.  II  9,  28.  12, 

8.  13,  9.  15.  5.  17,  10.  20,  29.  32,  13  his.    17.   34,  2>Z.   Ezr.  3,  3.  9, 

I.  2.  7.  II.  Neh.  9,  30.  10,  29:  even  '■^ lands  of  Israel  and  Judah," 
I  13,  2.  II  II,  23. 

15.  I^H^  tindersiandhig,  of  those  technically  skilled  :  I   15,   22.  25,   7.  8. 

27,  32.  II  34,  12.  Ezr.  8,  16.  Comp.  {a)  II  26,  5  ;  (/;)  more  gener- 
ally, Neh.  8,  2.  3    10,  29;  [c)  transit.,  II  35.  3.  Neh.  8,  7.  9. 

16.  i5^ni  nnin  I  i6,  4.  23,  30.  25,  3.  11  5,  13.  31,  2.  Ezr.  3,  n.  Neh.  12,  24. 

17.  TWiT]  Joy :  I   i6,  27  [substituted  for  niXDH  Ps.  96,  6].   Neh.  8,  10. 

Ezr.  6,  16  (Aram.)t.  An  Aramaic  word.  The  cognate  verb  Ex. 
18,  9(E).  Ps.  21,  7.  Job  3,  6t. 

18.  y23i  to  hufnb'e  oneself  ox  be  humbled  (esp.   morally*):  I  20,  4.  If  7, 

14*.  12,  6*.  7  his*.  12*.  13,  18.  30,  II*.  32,  26*.  33,  12*.  19*. 
23*.   34,  27  bis  (first  time  =  2  Ki.  22,    19).   36,    12*  :  cf.  to  Ittimble 

I  17,  10.  II  18,  I  (=  2  Sa.  8,  i).  28,  19.  Observe  how  this  word 
appears  frequently  in  a  short  insertion  introduced  into  an  excerpt 
from  Kings. 

19.  HDl^K  guilt:  I  21,  3.  II  24,  18.   28,   10.    13.  33,  23.  Ezr.  9,  6.  7.  13. 

15.  10,  10.  19.     Uncommon. 

20.  C'Dl  substance:  I  21,  17.  27,  31.  28,  I.  II  20,  25.   21,    14.   31,   3.   32, 

29.  35,  7.  Ezr.  I,  4.  6.  8,  21.  10,  8.  Dan.  11,  13.  24.  28.  The 
use  of  this  word  is  somewhat  peculiar  :  see  p.  125,  No.  17, 

21.  nVD  to  oversee:  (iz)  generally  I  23,  4.   II  2,  I.  17.  34,  12.  13.  Ezr.  3, 

8.  9t ;  [h)  in  music,  to  lead:  I  15,  21.  (Only  so  besides  in  the  titles 
to  Psalms  and  Plab.  3,  19  :  HV^dS  AV.  to  the  precentor.) 

22.  ''DiyDC^  Hear  me  (esp.  at  the  beginning  of  a  speech)  :  I  28,  2  (David). 

II  13,  4  (Abijah).  15,  2  (Azariah).  20,  20  (Jehoshaphat).  28,  ii 
(Oded).  29,  5  (Hezekiah).  One  of  the  many  marks  which  the 
speeches  in  Chr.  contain  of  the  compiler's  hand.  The  only  othei 
speech  in  the  OT.  which  so  begins  is  Gen.  23,  8. 

23.  an^nn  to  ojfer freely :  I  29,  5.  6.  9.  14.  17.  II  17,   16.   Ezr.  I,  6.  2,  68 

[changed  from  p:  Neh.   7,  71].  3,  5.  7,  13.  15.   16  (Aram.).  Neh. 

II,  2.     Only  besides  Jud.  5,  2.  9  (differently). 

24.  Riches  and  honour :  I  29,  12.  28.  II    I,    II.    12.    17,   5.    18,    I.    32,  27. 

The  example  ^hows  how  a  combination  of  ordiiiary  words  may  be  a 
favourite  wi'h  a  particular  writer. 

25.  ptlin  tnultitiide  :  II  ii,  23  (>trangely).  13,  8.  14,  lo.  20,  2.  12.  15.  24. 

32,  7.  Dan.  II,  10-13.      Only  used  exceptionally  \n  early  proe. 

26.  And  the  fear  of  Jehovah  zuas  upon  .  .  .   II   14,  14.  [Ileb.  13]  17,  lo. 

(19,  7.)  20,  29:  cf.  I  14,  I7^ 

The  following  are  chiefly  instances  of  singular  syntactical  usages  : — 

27.  Sentences  expressed  jieculiarly  (without  a  subject,  or  sometimes  with- 

out a  verb) :  I  5,  21  1JQD  T'Ji^V  9,  33'  (cf-   Lzr.  3,  3).  15,   13'-  ^ 


CHRONICLES.  cjO" 

II,  22^    15,   3.   16,   10.   I2»>.  18,  3.;,./ (altered  from  i  Ki.  22,  4) 
19,  6^  21,  15.  26,  I8^  30,  9.   I7^   3S,  21;  and  some  of  the  cases 
with  J<'p  in  No.  40.     Comp.  Ew.  §  303". 
28.   The  inf.  constr.   u.ed  freely,  almost  a<  a  subst.  :  I  7,  5.  7.  9.  40  (all 
D::'n\^n).  23,  31.  11  3,  3.  24,  14  (cf.  Ezr.  3,  n).  33,  19.  Ezr.  i,  ii 
Neh.  12,  46:  cf.  Est.  I,  7.     Cf.  Evvald,  Zt'/^r/^  §  236\ 

29-  Qvn  nr :  1 12, 22  (Qrn  Dv  nyb)-  n  8,  13. 24,  u  (dv3  ori-).  30, 21. 

Ezr.  3,  4.  6,  9  (Aram.).  Neh.  8,  iSf. 

30.  The  relative  omitted  (very  rare  in  prose  :  see  Notes  on  Samuel,   i   Sa. 

14,  21):  I  15,  i2\  29,  3b.  II  13,  9  (poet.:  cf.  Jer.  5,  7).'i4,  ,c 
(poet.:  cf.  Is.  40,  29).  15,  II.  16,  9.  20,  22.  24,  II.  29,  27.  30 
iS'^-ig*.  31,  iQ,\  Ezr.  i,  5.  Neh.  8,  lo.  13,  23. 

31.  ^^   (very  strangely)  :   I  15,  13.  II  30,  3f. 

32.  i?  with  the  inf.  at  the  end  of  a  sentence:  I  15,  16  ^1p3  D^nS  19.  21. 

22,  5  (^njnb).  25,  5.  II  5,  13.  22,  3b.  25,  19  (varied  curi.aisly  from 
2  Ki.  14,  10).  2^,  19  end.  Ezr.  3,  12. 
S2>-  ?  "l?0^^  =  ^0  purpose,  or  promise  thai  ...  (in  preference  to  quoting 
the  words  used)  :  I  21,  17.  27,  23.  II  i,  18  (as  i  Ki.  5,  19).  6,  i  (as 
I  Ki.  8,  12).  20  (altered  from  i  Ki.  8,  29)  13,  8.  21,  7  (as  2  Ki.  8, 
19).  28,  10.  13.  32,  I.  35,  21.  Neh.  8,  23.  ^o  so !K climes  ^\>o  in 
early  Heb.  Comp.  above,  p.  474.  Cf.  I  17,  25  after  JtN  n!?J 
{altered  horn  2  Sa.  7,  27). 

34.  ""T*   7j;  =  at  the  direction  or  appoinfmmtof:  I  25,  2.   3.   6  l>is.   II  23, 

18".  29,  27.  Ezr.  3,  10.     (An  unusual  sense:  Jer.  5,  31.  -^^^  13.) 

35.  Combinations  of  the  type  nj;^^  '\V^\  l^yi  "T'y,   DVI  DV,  often  with 

p3  prefixed,  to  express  every  several  gate,  city,  day,  &c.  :  I  26,  13. 
28,  i\bis.  118,  14.  II,  12.  19,  5.  28,  25.  31,  19.  32,  28  34,  13. 
35,  15.  Ezr.  10,  14.  Neh.  13,  24.  Est.  I,  S.  22  lis.  2,   ii.    12.   3.  4. 

12.  14.  4, 3.  8.  9.  II.  13.  17.  9,  21.  27.  28  (-im  -in).  Ts.  87,  5. 

The  phrase  in  which  this  idiom  appears  to  have  first  come  into  use 
is  "ini  "in  Dt.  32,  7  ;  but  even  this  occurs  mostly  besides  in  pas- 
sages not  earlier  than  the  close  of  the  exile.  Lam.  5,  19.  Is.  13,  20. 
34,  17.  58,  12.  60,  15.  61,  4.  Jer.  50,  39.  Joel  2,  2.  4,  20,  and 
often  in  the  Psalms,  esp.  those  which  appear  to  be  late.  Except  in 
this  phrase,  the  idiom  is  a  distinctively  late  one,  bein^'  on'y  found  in 
the  passages  quoted.  It  is  common  (especially  with  73)  in  post- 
Kiblical  Hebrew. 

36.  n    for    the    relative    I    26,    28.    29,    17.    II    l,    4  (i7  P^HZ).    29,    36 

(D^"^b^«^  jOjn  ^y).   Ezr.  8,   25.  10,  14.  17.     Very  singular,  an-i  of 

doubtful  occurrence  elsewhere  (see  Ew.  §  331'';  Ces.-Kauiz^cli, 
§  13S.  3*);  and  the  writer's  note  on  i  Sa.  9,  24). 

37.  ...  ni^D21  :   II  7,  I-  29,  29    31,    I.   Ezr.  9,  I.      The  same  order  c  >n- 

staiuly  in  these  books,  as  12,  7.  1 5,  8.  20,  20.  22.  23.  24,  14.  25  iVc. 
The  older  language  in  sucli  cases  w.-uld  either  prefix  \T1  (so  Josh.  8, 
24.  10,  20.  I  Ki.  8,  54  [omitted  in  2  Ch.  7,  i].  9,  r,  and  constantly), 


506  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESrAMEXT. 

or  place  the  infin.  later  in  the  sentence  (as  Gen.  19,  16.  34,  7  c*tc.). 
Cf.  the  author's  note  on  i  Sa.  17,  55. 

Prepositions  used  in  combinations  either  entirely  new,  or  occurrinfj  with 
much  greater  frequency  than  in  earlier  writings  : — 

38.  '^  ly  (where  the  older  language  would  find  ly  or  7  alone  sufficient) : 

(fl)  before  a  subst.,   I  4,  39.    12,  22.  23,  25  D^iyb  Hy  (so  28,  7). 

II  14,  12  -i-i:i?  -ly.  16,  12  ni:'y^^  ny  (so  17,  12.  26,  S).  16,  14 
"i«^b  ny.  26,  15  pimoi?  ny  (so  Ezr.  3,  13).  28,  g''  d^?^::^!?  ny  , 

(so   Ezr.    9,  6'^).    29,    30.   36,    16   S2-ID  pN^  ly.    Ezr.    9,    4"   ny 

myn  nnroi'.  lo,  14  nrn  nmb  ny ;  (^)  before  an  inf.,  i  28,  20 
nib^ij  ny  (so  11 29, 28).  11 24,  10. 26,  16. 31,  r.  10. 32, 24  moi?  ny 

(2  Ki.  20,  I  niD^).  Ezr.  10,  14.  Only  before  in  the  phrase  ly 
.   .   .   ^^ub  Josh.    13,   5  =  Jud.  3,  3,  as  also  I  5,  9.  13,  5.  II  26,  8  ; 

and  in  nm^n  mi^y^  ny  i  Ki.  i8,  29. 

39.  7  as  the   mark  of  the   accus.    after   a   preceding  verbal  suffix,  in  the 

Syriac  fashion  :  I  5,  26.  23,  6.  II  25,  10.  28,  15  ;  carrying  on  the 
suff.  of  a  noun,  II  31,  18.  Ezr.  9,  \^  :  cf.  Ezr.   10,  14".  Nch.  9,  32. 

40.  7  with   the  inf.,   expressing  necessity,  purpose,    intention  (much  more 

freely  and  fcquently  than  l)y  earlier  writers,  and  .sometimes  very  pecu- 
liarly) :  I  9,  25.  10,  13.  22,  5.  II  8,  13.  II,  22.  19,  2.  31,  21.  ^6, 
19  (cf.  26,  5).  Ezr,  10,  12  (RV.).  Neh.  S,  13'':  esp.  after  p{<  or 
K^)  I  5,  I.  15,  2.  23,  26.  11  5,  II.  7,  17.  12,  12.  20,  6.  22,  9.  30,  9. 
35,  15.  Ezr.  9,  15;  d.  2  Ch.  28,  21.  Comp.  the  writer's  Hebrew 
Tenses,  §§  202-6. 

41.  3  expressing   concomitance   [withoitt  a  verb):   I   15,    19.   20.    21.   22. 

16,  6.  25,  6\  II  5,  I2».  7,  6.  13,  \oend.  35,  14.  Ezr.  3,  12". 

42.  1D1''3  DV  ^yh  :  I  16,  37.  II  8,  14.  31,  i6t.     (In  the  earlier  language, 

without  i?;  6'.^".  Ex.  5,  13.) 

43.  ...  [""K^  in  the  condition  of  none  .  .   .  =  ivithout :  I   22,   4.   II  14,  12. 

20,  25.  21,  18  (t^DnO  I^X^:  cf.  36,   16  XD^i^D  ps!?  ny).  Ezr.  9,   14. 
Cf.  ^^  II   15,  3 /.?r.     (Peculiar.     Not  elsewhere.) 
44-   nnini?  :   II  n,  12.  16,  8.  Neh.  5,  i8t. 

45.  PD^  rt!^  regards  all  .    .   .   {—  namely,  in  brief :  Ew.   §  310*):   I   7,   5. 

13,  I.  28,  21b.  II  5^  12.  7,  21  (I  Ki.   9,   8  b  only).   25,   5.  31,    16. 

33,  S**.  Ezr.  I,  5.  (Comp.  p.  125,  No.  14.)  (7  is  also  used  peculiarly 
in  Chr.  in  other  ways,  which  the  reader  must  observe  for  himself, 
or  which  he  may  find  noted  in  the  Commentary  of  Bertheau.) 

46.  The  following  four  technical  ex]:)ressions  occur  only  in  these  books,  the 

first,   second,   and    fourth   with   great   frequency:   D''"1"I"1C*0  singers, 

1  6,  18.  9,  33  &.C.  ;  D^iyiL"  gate-keepers  or  porters  (of  the  Ark  or 
Temple),  I.  9,  17.  18  &c.  ;  D^n^VtD  cymbals,   I   13,   8  {altered  from 

2  ."-^a.    6,    5).    15,    16  (^c.  ;    np7nO  dii'ision,    of  the   courses  of   the 


EZRA   AND   NEHEMIATI.  507 

priests,  &c.  I  23,  6.   24,   i  &c.  (lyiS^*  and  Dp^rn  are  found  else- 
where, but  not  in  these  applications). 

In  addition  to  the  idioms  that  have  been  noted,  hardly  a  verse  occurs, 
written  by  the  Chronicler  himself,  which  does  not  present  singularities  of 
style,  though  they  are  frequently  of  a  kind  that  refuses  \n  he  tabulated. 
Comp.  likewise  above,  pp.  474-6.  He  uses  also  many  z/i(/ic  u/ual  \a.\t  words 
and  expressions,  which  cannot  be  here  enumerated. 

§  2.  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

Literature. — Ewald,  Hzsi.  i.  189  ff.  ;  E.  Beriheau  in  the  A[i(f.  Hdh. 
1862,  ed.  2  by  V.  Ryssel,  1887  ;  C.  F.  Keil  (see  p.  449)  ;  Eh.  Sthrader, 
"  Die  Dauer  des  zweiten  Tempelbaues.  Zugleich  cin  Ik-itrag  zur  Kritik  dcs 
B.  Esra,"  in  the  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1867,  pp.  460-504  (important  ;  pp.  494-8  to 
be  qualified  by  KAT?  p.  374 f.) ;  Rud.  Smend,  Die  Listen  der  Bb.  Esra  u. 
Nehemia  [tabulated  synoptically,  and  discussed] ;  S.  Oettli  (see  p.  484)  ;  A. 
Kuenen,  Onderzoek,  ed.  2,  §§  29,  33-35,  and  De  Chronologie  van  het  Perzische 
tijdvak  der  Joodsche  geschiedenis,  Amsterdam  1890 ;  P.  H.  Hunter,  After  the 
Exile;  a  Hundred  Years  of  Jewish  History  and  Literature,  1890 ;  H.  E. 
Kyle  in  the  Camb.  Bible  for  Schools,  1891. 

Chronological  Table. 


B.C. 

425.   Xerxes  H.  (2  months). 

425.   Sogdianus  (7  months). 

424.   Darius  H.  (Nothus). 

405.   Artaxerxes  H.  (Mnemon). 

359.  Ochus. 

351-331.  Jaddna,    high-priest    (Neh. 

12,  II). 
339.  Arses. 

336.  Darius  Codomannus. 
332.   Persian  empire  overthrown    l>y 
Alexander  the  Great. 


B.C. 

536.  Cyrus. 

529.   Cambyses. 

522.  Pseudo-Smerdis  (Gaumata),  for 
7  months. 

522.   Darius  Hystaspis. 

516.    Completion  of  the  Temple. 

485.  Xerxes. 

465.   Artaxerxes  I.  (Longimanus). 

458.  Mission  of  Ezra. 

444.  Nehemiah'' s  first  zisit  to  Jeru- 
salem (Neh.  2,  l). 

432.  Nehemiah's  second  visit  to  Jeru- 
salem (Neh.  13,  6f.). 

As  remarked  above  (p.  484),  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  form  in  the 
Jewish  canon  a  sin^^le  book,  "Ezra."  This  book  embraces^the 
period  from  the  return  of  the  exiles  under  Zerubbabcl,  B.C.  536,  to 
the  second  visit  of  Nehemiah  in  B.C.  432  ;  but  the  history  is  not 
told  continuously:  it  is  confined  chiefly  to  certain  periods  or 
occasions  of  importance,  viz.  the  return,  and  events  immediately 
following  it  (B.C.  536),  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  (b.c.  520-.6). 
and  the  visits  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  in  n.c.  45^,  444,  and  43^. 


50S  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

Parts  of  the  Bdok  of  Ezra  are  written  in  Aramaic  (4,  8 — 6,  18; 
7,  12-26). 

Contents.  I.  Ezr.  i — 6.  Events  issuing  in  the  restoration  of 
the  Temple.  C.  i.  T'he  edict  of  Cyrus,  granting  the  Jews  per- 
mission to  return  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  take  back  with  them  the 
sacred  vessels  which  Nebuchadnezzar  had  removed  to  Babylon. 
C.  2.  A  register  of  the  numbers  and  families  of  those  who 
availed  themselves  of  this  permission.  C.  3.  The  altar  of  Burnt- 
offering  is  set  up,  and  the  feast  of  Booths  observed  {vv.  1-7);  in 
the  2nd  month  of  the  2nd  year  the  foundations  of  the  Temple 
are  laid  amid  the  mingled  rejoicings  and  regrets  of  the  people 
{vv.  8-13).  C.  4.  The  "adversaries  of  Judah  and  Benjamin" 
(chiefly,  as  the  context  shows,  Samaritans)  ask  permission  to 
assist  in  the  task  of  rebuilding  the  Temple,  which  is  refused  by 
Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  :  they  seek  consequently  to  prejudice  the 
Jews  at  the  court  of  Persia,  and  succeed  in  stopping  the  further 
progress  of  the  restoration  till  the  second  year  of  Darius  (b.c.  520). 
C.  5.  In  this  year,  at  the  instigation  of  the  prophets  Haggai  and 
Zechariah,  the  work  is  resumed  :  Tattenai,  the  Persian  governor 
of  the  provinces  west  of  Euphrates,  and  Shethar-bozenai,  in 
doubt  whether  it  should  be  permitted  to  proceed,  make  a  formal 
application  to  Darius  for  instructions  (5,  3-17);  a  favourable 
answer  is  returned  by  him  (6,  1-12);  the  work  in  consequence 
advances  rapidly  ;  and  the  restored  Temple  is  solemnly  dedicated 
in  the  6th  year  of  Darius,  B.C.  516  (6,  13-18).  There  follows 
a  brief  notice  of  the  Passover  of  the  following  year  (6,  19-22); 
and  with  this  the  first  part  of  the  Book  of  Ezra  ends.  Between 
6,  22  and  7,  i  there  is  an  interval  of  nearly  sixty  years. 

II.  Ezr.  7 — 10.  The  journey  of  the  scribe  and  priest  Ezra  to 
Jerusalem  in  the  7th  year  of  Artaxerxes  (458  B.C.),  and  the  reforms 
inti-oduced  by  him  upon  his  arrival  there.  C.  7,  after  stating  who 
Ezra  was,  and  mentioning  briefly  how  he  obtained  leave  to  return 
to  Jerusalem  with  such  of  the  Jews  as  were  disposed  to  accom- 
pany him  {^v.  i-io),  recites  (in  Aramaic)  the  edict  of  Artaxerxes, 
defining  the  terms  of  Ezra's  commission,  and  authorizing  the 
different  Persian  officers  west  of  the  Euphrates  to  afford  him 
(within  certain  specified  limits)  such  assistance  as  he  might  need 
{^v.  12-26).  The  edict  ended,  Ezra  speaks  in  Xho^  first  person 
to  the  end  of  c.  9.  First,  after  an  expression  of  thankfulness 
(7,  29  f.)  to  the  God  of  his  fathers  for  having  thus  put  it  into  the 


EZRA  AND    NEMEMIAII. 


509 


heart  of  the  Persian  king  to  benefit  his  nation,  he  states  (c.  8) 
the  numbers  of  his  countrymen  who  accompanied  him  to 
Jerusalem,  and  describes  the  journey  thither:  afterwards  (c.  9) 
he  relates  how  he  learnt  that  the  Jews  in  Judah  had  con- 
tracted numerous  foreign  marriages,  for  which  he  makes  solemn 
confession  to  God  in  the  name  of  his  people  {vv.  4-15).  In 
c.  10  the  narrative  is  resumed  in  the  third  person.  Certain  of 
the  leading  Jews  express  their  willingness  to  reform  the  abuse  : 
Ezra,  having  exacted  a  promise  from  them  to  abide  by  their  word, 
summons  a  general  assembly  of  the  people,  and  ex[)oslulaies 
with  them  on  their  dereliction  of  duty  ;  they  undertake  to  put 
away  their  foreign  wives;  and  the  chapter  closes  with  a  li.st  of 
the  offenders. 

The  Book  of  Nehemiah  falls  into  three  main  divisions,  c.  i — 7, 
c,  8 — 10,  c.  II  — 13.  I.  In  Neh.  i — 7  the  narrative  is  told  in 
the yfrj-/ person.  In  c.  1 — 2  Nehemiah  relates  the  occasion  of 
his  visit  to  Jerusalem.  Tidings  reached  him  in  Shushan  of  the 
ruined  condition  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  ;  being  cup-bearer 
to  Artaxerxes,  the  grief  manifest  on  his  countenance  attracted 
the  notice  of  the  king,  and  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  permission 
to  visit  Jerusalem  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  their  restoration. 
Upon  his  arrival  there  he  induced  a  number  of  the  leading 
Jewish  families  to  co-operate  with  him ;  and  successfully 
defeated  the  efforts  made  by  the  Jews'  enemies,  Sanhallat  the 
Horonite,  Tobiah  the  "servant,"  and  Gashmu  the  Arabian  to 
interfere  with  the  progress  of  the  work  (c.  3 — 4).  C.  5  he 
relates  how  he  persuaded  the  wealthier  of  his  fellow-countrymen 
no  longer  to  treat  their  impoverished  brethren  as  slaves  (viz.  by 
holding  them  in  bor.dage  for  debt);  and  describes  his  own 
solicitude  not  to  be  chargeable  to  the  people  during  the  time 
tiiat  he  held  the  office  of  governor  among  them.  C.  6  he 
narrates  the  fresh  efforts  made  by  Sanballat,  Tobiah,  and 
Gashmu  to  hmder  the  completion  of  the  walls,  and  the  series 
of  unsuccessful  attempts  made  by  them  to  allure  him  to  a 
personal  conference.  Provision  having  been  made,  7,  1-3,  for 
the  safe  custody  of  the  gates,  Nehemiah  determines,  7,  4  f ,  to 
take  measures  to  augment  the  number  of  residents  in  the  city. 
Before,  however,  describing  how  he  does  this,  he  inserts  in  his 
narrative  the  list  found  by  him  of  the  exiles  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel    90    years    previousl),    7,    6-73.     This    list    agrees 


510  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

(except  for  verbal  variations,  which,  however,  are  somewhat 
numerous)  with  Ezra,  c.  2. 

II.  Neh.  8 — 10.  In  this  division  of  the  book,  Nehemiah  no 
longer  speaks  in  the  first  person  ;  and  Ezra,  assisted  by  the 
Levites,  appears  as  the  chief  actor.  The  people,  on  the  ist  day 
of  the  7th  month,  assembled  on  "the  broad  space  before  the 
water-gate,''  express  a  desire  to  have  the  Law  read  to  them. 
Ezra,  supported  by  the  Levites,  responds  to  their  request;  and  ^ 
they  are  deeply  impressed  by  the  words  which  they  hear,  8,  1-12. 
On  the  following  day  the  reading  is  continued ;  and  finding  the 
observance  of  the  feast  of  Booths  inculcated  (Lev.  23,  40.  42), 
they  celebrate  it  solemnly  in  accordance  with  the  instructions, 
8,  13-18.  Two  days  after  the  close  of  the  feast,  on  the  24th  of 
the  7th  month,  the  people  assemble  again  in  order  publicly  to 
acknowledge  their  sins,  9,  1-3,  the  Levites — or,  more  probably, 
Ezra  (see  v.  6,  LXX) — leading  their  devotions  in  the  long  con- 
fession, vv.  6-37.     At  the  end,  z'.  38,  the  confession  passes  into 

a  covenant,  which  is  solemnly  sealed  by  Nehemiah  and  other 
representatives  of  the  people,  10,  1-27,  the  terms  of  the 
covenant,  reciting  the  obligations  taken  by  the  people  upon  them- 
selves, being  afterwards  stated  in  detail,  vv.  28-39. 

III.  Neh.  II — 13,  of  miscellaneous  contents,  (i)  C.  11:  a. 
vv.  1-24  (the  sequel  to  7,  4)  the  names  of  those  (one  in  ten) 
taken  by  lot  to  reside  in  Jerusalem;^  Ik  vv.  25-36  a  list  of  the 
villages  and  towns  in  the  neighbourhood  which  were  occupied  by  the 
returned  Israelites.  (2)  12,  1-26  :  a.  vv.  1-9  a  list  of  the  priests 
and  Levites  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  in  536  ;  b.  vv.  lo-ii 
the  series  of  high  priests  from  Jeshua  to  Jaddua  (536-331  B.C.)  ;2 
c.  vv.  12-21  the  heads  of  families  of  the  priests  in  the  time  of 
the  high  priest  Joiakim,  son  of  Jeshua  (499-463  B.C.) ;  d.  vv. 
22-26  chief  Levitical  families  to  the  time  of  Johanan  (383-351). 
(3)  12,  27-43  Nehemiah's  own  account  (in  \\\t  first  person)  of 
the  dedication  of  the  walls.  (4)  12,  44-47  the  appointment,  at 
the  same  time,  ot  officers  to  collect  the  dues  of  the  priests  and 
Levites ;  and  the  liberality  shown  by  the  community  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  porters  and  singers.  (5)  C.  13.  Nehemiah's 
narrative  (in  \)ci&  first  person)  of  his  second  visit  (12  years  later) 
to  Jerusalem,  of  his  removal  of  the  heathen  Tobiah  from  the 

^  V7\  4-19*  are  repeated  in  i  Ch.  9,  3-17". 

■  Forming  the  sequel,  for  the /<?j/-exiUc  period,  to  i  Ch.  6,  3-15* 


EZRA   AND   NEHEMIAH. 


5" 


precincts  of  the  Temple  vv.  4-9,  and  of  the  measures  taken  by 
him  to  secure  the  payments  of  their  dues  to  the  Levites  w. 
10-14,  to  ensure  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  vv.  15-22,  and 
to  prevent  marriages  with  foreign  women  vv.  23-31. 

Structure. — The  Books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  are  a  compila- 
tion made  by  an  author  (to  all  appearance  identical  with  the 
Chronicler)  writing  long  after  the  age  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
themselves,  on  the  basis,  partly,  of  the  authentic  "  memoirs  "  (as 
the  parts  written  in  the  first  person  are  generally  termed)  of  those 
two  reformers,  and  partly  of  other  materials.  The  compilatory 
character  of  the  two  books  is  apparent  from  many  indications  : — 
(i)  The  change,  in  both,  from  the  ist  to  the  3rd  person,  and 
vice  versa,  which  one  and  the  same  writer  might  make,  as  Thucy- 
dides  does,  at  wide  intervals  in  his  work,^  but  which  is  not 
probable  in  nearly  contiguous  sections.  (2)  The  unevenness  in 
the  treatment  of  the  history.  There  are  long  periods  on  which 
the  narrative  is  silent:  in  one  case  especially  (Ezr.  6,  22 — 7,  i), 
an  interval  of  sixty  years  immediately  before  Ezra's  own  time, 
being  passed  over  by  the  words,  "After  these  things,"  in  a 
manner  not  credible  if  the  writer  were  Ezra  himself,  but  perfectly 
natural  if  the  writer  lived  in  an  age  to  which  the  period  B.C. 
516-458  was  only  visible  in  a  distant  perspective.  (3)  The  style 
and  language  differ.  In  certain  parts  of  the  two  books  the 
perso?iality  of  the  writers  is  very  prominent ;  it  is  conspicuous 
both  in  their  tone  and  manner  and  in  their  i)hraseology  :  other 
parts  show  much  less  force  and  originality,  and  at  the  same  time 
exhibit  close  affinities  with  the  style  of  the  Chronicler. 

Passages  bearing  the  impress  of  Ezra's  and  Nehemiah's  personality  hard'y 
need  to  be  quoted  :  some  illustrations  of  Nehemiah's  style  will  be  found 
below.  The  phraseology  of  the  Chronicler  is  especially  noticeable  in  Ezr.  I. 
3.  6,  16-22.  7,  i-io.  Neh.  12,  22-26.  43-47- 

(4)  The  books  contain  internal  marks  of  having  been  compiled 
in  an  age  long  subsequent  to  that  of  Ezr.  and  Neh.  Thus 
notice : — 

{a)  The  phrase  "King  of  Persia,''  Ezr.  i,  I.  2.  8.  3,  7-  4.  3-  5-  7-  24-7. 
I  :  the  addition  would  be  unnecessary  during  the  period  of  the  Persian 
supremacy  ;  and  the  expression  used  by  Ezr.  and  Neh.,  when  speaking  in  their 


1  The  change  from  the  3rd  person  to  the  1st  in  Thuc.  5,  26  arises  m-noi- 
festly  from  the  nature  of  the  fact  to  be  narrated. 


512  LITERATURE   OP^   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

own  person  (Ezr.  7,  27  f.  8,  I.  22.  25.  36.  Neh.  i,  11.  2,  i  ff.  18  f.  5,  4.  I4 
6,  7.  13,  6),  or  in  passages  extracted  from  sources  written  under  the  Persian 
rule  (Ezr.  4,  8.  11.  17.  23.   5,  6  f.  13  f.    17.  6,  i.  3.  13.    15J  7,  7.  u.  Neh. 
II,   23.   24),  is  simply  "the  king"  (so  Hag.    I,    I.    15.   Zech.   7,   i).     The 
observation  is  due  to  Ewald,  Hist.  i.  173. 

{b)  Neh.  12,  II.  22  Jaddua,  three  generations  later  than  Eliashib,  the 
contemporary  of  Nehemiah,  high  priest  B.C.  351-331,  is  mentioned. - 

(<:)  Neh.  12,  22  "Darius  the  Persian"  must  (from  the  context)  be  Darius 
Codomannus,  the  last  king  of  Persia,  B.C.  336-332:  and  the  title  "the 
Persian  "  could  only  have  become  a  distinctive  one  after  the  Persian  period 
was  past. 

(</)  Neh.  12,  26.  47  the  "  days  of  Nehemiah  "  are  spoken  of  in  terms  clearly 
implying  that  the  writer  looked  back  upon  them  as  past. 

{e)  Other  indications  of  the  same  fact  will  appear  below  ;  e.g.  the  position 
of  Ezr.  4,  6-23  (which,  if  it  be  true,  as  seems  to  be  the  case,  that  vv.  7-23 
refer  to  what  happened  under  Artaxerxes,  could  not  possibly  have  been 
placed  where  it  now  stands  by  Ezra,  a  contemporary),  the  contents  and 
character  of  7,  I- 10  &c. 

The  two  books  may  now  be  considered  briefly  in  detail. 

Ezr.  I — 6,  which,  even  if  written  by  P^zra,  would  not  be  the 
work  of  a  contemporary,  consists  only  partially  of  extracts  from 
earlier  documents ;  other  parts  are  shown  by  their  style  to  be  the 
work  of  the  Chronicler,  such  materials,  whether  written  or  tradi- 
tional, as  were  at  his  disposal  being  (in  accordance  with  his 
custom)  considerably  expanded.  In  c.  i  the  edict  of  Cyrus  (to 
judge  from  its  Jewish  phraseology  and  Jewish  point  of  view)  is, 
no  doubt,  recited  only  in  general  terms,  not  reproduced  with 
literal    exactness.^      The    interest    of    the    writer    (as    in    the 

^  In  6,  14''  the  words  "and  Artaxerxes,  king  of  Persia,"  can  hardly  (on 
account  of  the  context)  be  part  of  the  original  narrative. 

^  It  is  sometimes  supposed  that  both  this  genealogy  and  the  one  in  I  Ch. 
3,  21  ff.  may  have  originally  ended  at  an  earlier  stage,  the  later  names  being 
filled  in  subsequently.  But  even  supposing  this  to  have  been  the  case,  the 
other  marks  of  late  composition  which  the  books  contain  would  still  remain. 

^  Comp.  Ewald,  Hist.  v.  48  f. ;  Ryssel,  p.  4  ff. ;  Schrader,  KAT.  p.  372  . 
The  official  title  of  the  Persian  kings  was  not  "King  of  Persia,"  but  "the 
King,"  "  the  great  King,"  "the  King  of  kings,"  "  the  King  of  the  lands," 
&c.  (often  in  combination)  :  see  the  series  of  inscriptions  of  Persian  kings  in 
Records  of  the  Past,  ist  series,  vol.  i.  p.  iii  ff.  (Behistun),  vol.  v.  p.  151  ff., 
vol.  ix.  pp.  65-  8S  ;  also  the  Aramaic  funereal  inscription  found  at  vSaqqarah, 
near  Memphis,  in  1877  (Plate  Ixiii.  of  the  Facsimiles  of  MSS.  and  Inscriptions 
puldished  by  the  Palaeographical  Society,  or  in  the  Corp.  Iiiscr.  Sem.  IL  i. 
No.  122),  dated  the  4th  year  of  [N>3^]D  ^T  N^^D  dNTH,  i.e.  of  "Xerxes, 
King  of  k[ings]  ;  "  and  comp.  Ezr.  7,  12. 


EZRA  AND   N  EH  EM  I  AH. 


513 


Chronicles)  centres  evidently  in  the  Temple;  hence  he  dwells 
more  on  the  restoration  of  the  sacred  vessels  than  on  the  par- 
ticulars of  the  journey  homewards  (contrast  Ezra  himself,  8, 
15  ff.).i  The  register  in  c,  2  has  every  appearance  of  having 
been  drawn  up  under  Zerubbabel ;  but  it  seems  to  have  been 
derived  immediately  by  the  compiler  from  Neh.  7,  where  it  was 
incorporated  by  Nehemiah — who  states  that  he  found  it  himself 
— in  his  memoirs. 

The  passage  Ezr,  2,  68  f.  (on  the  offerings  to  the  treasury  and  for  tlie 
priests'  vestments)  differs  considerably  from  the  parallel  Neh.  7,  70-2  ;  and 
in  neither,  probably,  is  it  quite  in  its  original  form  (of.  Kuen.  §  34.  3  ;  Stade, 
Gesch.  ii.  108).  Ezr.  2,  68  shows  marks  of  the  compiler's  hand  (31jnn, 
T'Oyn,  p.  503  f.,  Nos.  23,  4;  cf.  also  v.  68*  with  i,  3\  4*').  The  intruduc- 
ticn  to  the  sequel  of  the  list  in  Neh.  was  borrowed  by  the  compiler  of  Ezra 
at  the  same  time  (for  the  "seventh  month"  belongs,  in  Neh.,  to  a  year 
previously  stated,  whereas  here  no  year  to  which  it  can  be  referred  has  been 
named)  :  hence  the  remarkable  similarity  of  Ezr.  3,  I  (to  as  one  man  to) 
and  Neh.  7,  73^—8,  i\ 

3,  I — 4,  5  is  similar  in  literary  character  to  c.  i,  c.  3  in  i)ar- 
ticular  displaying  throughout  marks  of  the  compiler's  style,  and 
being  manifestly  his  composition,  constructed,  it  may  be  reason- 
ably supposed,  upon  a  traditional  basis. 

Notice,  for  instance,  v.  2  end,  to  offer  'y\  317132,  2  Ch.  23,  18^ ;  cf.  31,  3. 
35,  12.  26.  Ezr.  6,  18  (Aram.).  Neh.  10,  34.  36  [H.  35.  37].  i  Ch.  16,  40; 
the  man  of  God,  as  I  Ch.  23,  14.  2  Ch.  24.  9  esp.  30,  16  (likewise  of  Moses  : 
of  David  2  Ch.  8,  14.  Neh.  12,  24.  36) ;  v.  3  the  strange  sentence  n^\^{3  ^3 
tlTvhVy      Ch.  16,  10  IDj;  eiJ;T3  '•3  (cf.  p.  502  flf.,  No.  27) ;  31j;h  -\p±  P^^V 

1  Ch.  16,  40.  2  Ch.  2,  3 ;  z'.  4  DV3  DV  {O'.  No.  29) ;  t:C*J7:3  a^cordin^  to 
the  ordinance,  cf.  I  Ch.  23,  31  QH^by  t:DC'D3  -1DDC3  (also   I  Ch.    15,    13. 

2  Ch.  4,  20.  35,  13.  Neh.  8,  18);  v.  5  3n:nn  to  give  freely  [ib.  No.  23); 
vv.  8.  10  n^DVn  to  appoint  (No.  4) ;  v.  8  ^y  HV:  to  preside  oi'er  (No.  21  : 

esp.  I  Ch.  23,  4  mn^  n''3  r\2\6)2hv  nv^i^) ;  v.  10  nn  n^  hv  (n».  34  = 

esp.  2  Ch.  23,  18) ;  z/.  II  T\V\'\T\2'\  ^^13  (No.  16  :  cf.  also  2  Ch.  5,  13  gene^ 
rally);  flfen  UV  the  inf ,  cf  No.  28  ;  v.  12*'  the  use  of  3  (No.  41);  U'''\rO 
h^\>  (phrase  as  2  Ch.  5,  13  :  constr.  with  ^  as  No.  32)  ;  r'.  13  P  ly  (No.  37  ; 
esp.  2  Ch.  26,  15).  See  further  on  this  chapter  Schrader./.r.  p.  481  ff-  ; 
Ryssel,  p.  xxi. 

1  In  the  lanoua-e  of  c.   I,  notice  ^./.  v.  l  (  =  2  Ch.  36,  22).  5  fm  I'Vn, 


I  Ch.  5,  26.   2Ch.   21,  16  [also  Jer.   51.   i»-    ^^^^^'^    ''   '^^^^^  t'.  6  JTOX!:, 
:h.  21,  3.  32,  23  [also  Gen.  24,  53  Jl  '  ^nd  see  the  list,  p.  502  h.,  >-  s.  9, 


as 

2  Ch 

20,  23,  28,  30,  45. 


2  K 


514  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  account,  3,  2  f.,  of  the  erection  of  the  altar  is  confirmed  independently 
by  the  allusion  in  Hag.  2,  14:  but  in  connexion  with  3,  8-13  a  difficulty  arises; 
and  Schrader,  in  his  study  on  Ezr.  I — 6  in  the  St.  u.  Krit.  1867,  adduces 
stronij  reasons  (p.  460  ff. )  for  supposing  the  foundation  of  the  Temple  to  have 
been  ante-dated  by  the  compiler  (comp.  Steiner,  Comm.  on  ^agg.  p.  322, 
and  Kuencn,  §  34.  4).  The  earlier  narrative  of  5,  2  speaks  of  Zerubbabel 
and  Jeshua  as  "beginning  to  build  the  house  of  God,"  not  in  535,  but  in 
520;  Hag.  2,  15.  18  names  expressly  the  24th  day  of  the  9th  month  in 
Darius'  second  year  (520)  as  that  on  which  the  foundations  of  the  Temple 
were  laid  (comp.  Zech.  8,  9) ;  and  the  terms  of  5,  16'^  appear  to  preclude 
the  idea  of  any  interruption  having  occurred  since  the  work  was  begun. 
Thus  all  contemporary  sources  mention  only  a  foundation  of  the  Teinple  in 
the  2nd  year  of  Darius ;  a  foundation  in  the  2nd  year  of  the  return  appears 
to  have  no  better  authority  than  a  tradition  committed  to  writing  some  200 
years  subsequently.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  think  that  this  tradition  can 
have  arisen  without  some  historical  basis  ;  and  the  truth  probably  is  that  the 
ceremony  described  in  Ezr.  3,  8-13  was  one  of  a  purely /brwa/  character, 
such  as  Haggai  could  afford  to  disregard  altogether. 

The  sequel  of  4,  5  is  4,  24.  The  section  4,  6-23 — containing 
the  notice  of  the  letter  to  "  Ahasuerus  "  and  the  correspondence 
with  Artachshasla — relates  to  a  different  and  subsequent  period, 
and  is  here  out  of  place  :  it  relates,  viz.,  to  the  interruptions 
caused  by  the  Samaritans  and  other  enemies  of  the  Jews  to  the 
project  of  rebuilding — not  the  Temple,  but — the  city  walls  (cf. 
Neh.  I,  3),  probably  shortly  before  the  20th  year  of  Artaxerxes 
(B.C.  444),  when  Nehemiah  (Neh.  2,  i)  succeeded  in  impressing 
the  Persian  king  favourably  on  behalf  of  his  nation. 

This  is  apparent  from  two  independent  considerations,  (i)  Achashivh'osh 
and  Ai'tachshasia  in  vv.  6.  7  are  elsewhere  regularly  the  Hebrew  forms  of  the 
names  which  we  know  as  Xerxes^  and  Artaxerxes^  respectively  ;  these  two 
kings,  however,  lived  long  after  the  age  of  Cyrus  or  Darius  {v.  5),  viz.  485- 
465,  and  465-425  ;  (2)  in  4,  1-5  all  that  the  Jews  are  represented  as  con- 
templating is  the  rebuilding  of  the  Te?)iple  ;  so  in  the  sequel,  4,  24,  only  the 
Temple  is  referred  to  ;  ^  in  the  two  letters,  on  the  contrary,  menti(m  is  made 
throughout  of  nothing  but  the  rebuilding  of  the  city  zvalls  {vv.  12.  13.  16.  21). 

^  In  the  Persian  inscriptions  Khshydrsha  or  KJishaydrshd,  with  which  the 
form  used  in  contemporary  Aramaic  (p.  512,  note)  closely  agrees. 

^  In  the  Persian  inscriptions  Artakhshathrd. 

^  The  case  is  the  same  in  c.  5  —  6;  in  5,  3.  8.  9  the  words  rendered 
"walls"  are  different  from  the  one  in  4,  12.  13.  16  (lVL*'=PIeb.  HDirt  ;  e.g. 
2  Sa.  II,  20  Targ. ),  and  do  not  denote  the  walls  of  a  ^//j  (5,  3-  9  SD"1*J'S 
of  uncertain  meaning  ;  5,  8  ~>ri]D  =  Heb.  Tp  ;  e.g.  i  Ki.  6,  5.  6  Targ.,  of  the 
Temple,  and  Dan.  5,  5,  of  Bel>ha2zai's  nnlace). 


EZRA   AND    NEHEMIAH.  515 

This,  however,  was  the  work  which,  as  we  know  from  Neh.,  the  Jews  took 
up  in  the  days  of  Artaxerxes.  The  allusion  in  z/.  12  appears  to  be  to  the  Jews 
who  had  returned  in  458  with  Ezra, 

All  recent  writers  on  Ezra  agree  in  this  view  of  the  contents  of 
4,  6-23  :  they  only  differ  in  their  explanation  of  the  disregard  of 
chronological  sequence  shown  here  by  the  compiler.  Bertheau, 
Keil,  Oettli  suppose  that,  though  aware  in  fact  that  the  section 
related  to  occurrences  some  80  years  later  than  the  period  he 
was  describing  (4,  1-5.  c.  5 — 6),  he  inserted  it  here  "  episodically," 
or  with  the  view  of  "giving  a  synopsis  of  the  entire  scries  of 
hostilities  experienced  by  the  Jews  at  the  hands  of  their  neigh- 
bours." But  this  explanation  cannot  be  deemed  a  probable  one; 
it  is  difficult  to  think  that  a  method  which  could  only  mislead 
and  confuse  the  reader  would  have  been  adopted  by  the  compiler 
intentionally.  It  is  far  more  natural  to  suppose  that,  for  some 
reason,  the  true  reference  of  the  section  was  not  perceived  by 
him  ;  and  that  he  referred  by  error  to  troubles  connected  with 
the  restoration  of  the  Temple  what  related  in  fact  to  the  restora- 
tion of  the  city  walls.^ 

The  letter  to  Artaxerxes,  and  his  reply,  4,  8-23,  are  taken  by 
the  compiler  from  an  Aramaic  source  ;  4,  24  is  generally  thought 
to  have  been  added  by  him  partly  as  a  comment  on  his  ii.ter- 
pretation  of  their  contents  (Schrader,  p.  474  ;  Ryssel ;  Kticnen), 
partly  for  the  purpose  of  connecting  4,  1-5  with  5,  i  ff. 

2^  i_6,  18  is  another  extract  from  an  Aramaic  source,  the 
same,  probably,  as  that  from  which  4,  8-23  is  derived. 

What  the  nature  of  this  Aramaic  source  may  have  been,  can,  of  course, 
only  be  conjectured  ;  Be-theau,  p.  6  (=  Ryssel,  p  xiii),  supposes  it  to  have 
been  a  narrative  of  the  troubles  which  arose  between  the  returned  exiles  and 
their  neighbours,  down  to  the  period  of  Artaxerxes.  Stade  (ii.  iSS)  thinks  it 
may  have  been  a  more  comprehensive  history  of  the  restored  community.  It 
certainly  appears  to  have  been  a  thoroughly  trustworthy  document  (cf.  Stade, 
ii.  J 00),  though  the  edicts  contained  in  it,  so  far  as  their  >r;;/  is  concerned, 


1  Of  course  there  would  be  no  occasion  for  this  reference  of  4,  6-23.  could 
it  be  shown,  or  even  rendered  probable,  that  Achashucrosh  and  Artachshasta 
were  other  names  of  Cambyses  and  Tseudo-Smerdis  respectively  (for  the 
second  reason  stated  above,  though  it  corroborates  the  first  would  not,  if  it 
stood  alone,  be  decisive;  the  expressions  in  .-.  12  f.  might  be  due  to  an 
exaggeration).  This  was  the  opinion  of  Ewald  [Hut.  v  '^5/-)  ;  l>"  U  has 
been  abandoned  by  later  writers  (see  Kdl  on  4,  24  ?  Ky^^el,  p.  6^  f.>  as  a 
hypothesis  insufficiently  warranted  by  the  tacts. 


5l6  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

are  open  to  the  suspicion  of  having  been  coloured  by  their  transmission 
through  Jewish  hands.  Notice  in  6,  9.  lo.  12  the  technical  expre>sions  of 
the  Jewish  law  ;  in  v.  10  "savour  of  satisfaction  ;  in  v.  12*  a  phrase  char- 
acteri>tic  of  Dt.  (p.  94,  No.  35).  The  dialect  in  M'hich  it  is  written  (including 
the  diets)  is  the  Western,  or  Palestinian,  Aramaic  (p.  471). 

6,  19-22  (where  the  Hebrew  recommences)  the  compiler  (as  is 
plain  from  the  phraseology)  speaks  again  in  his  own  person.^ 

The  second  section  of  the  book,  c.  7 — 10,  dealing  with  Ezra's 
own  age,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  is  throughout  either  written 
by  Ezra  or  based  upon  materials  left  by  him.  7,  27 — 9,  15 — 
with  the  exception,  as  it  seems,  of  occasional  glosses  or  slight 
additions  made  by  the  compiler — is  thus  an  extract  from  Ezra's 
own  memoirs.  But  7,  i-io  is  certainly  not  Ezra's  work,  though 
doubtless  composed  on  the  basis  of  Ezra's  materials  ;  it  is  mani- 
festly a  summary  account  of  Ezra,  prefixed  by  the  compiler  as  an 
introduction  to  the,  excerpt  from  Ezra's  memoirs  which  follows. 

In  7,  i-io  notice  {a)  the  omission  of  Ezra's  immediate  ancestors  (for 
Seraiah  w\as  contemporary  with  Zedekiah,  2  Ki.  25,  18.  21,  130  years 
previously  to  Ezra's  time)  ;  {b)  the  fact  that  vv.  7-9  anticipate  c.  8  ;  (<r)  the 
expressions  of  the  compiler  in  v.  10  (p.  503,  Nos.  6,  7  ;  esp.  2  Ch.  12,  14.  19, 
3.  30,  19).  The  ])hrase  in  vv.  6  end.  9  end  will  be  naturally  taken  from 
Ezra's  memoirs  (see  7,  28).  In  7,  27—9,  15,  the  clause  in  8,  20  "whom," 
iVc,  for  instance,  reads  like  an  explanatory  gloss  ;  notice  also  t^',  never 
besides  in  Ezr.  Nth.,  and  only  twice  in  Ch.,  I  5,  20.  27,  27  ;  the  last  clause 
of  the  verse  includes  a  phrase  of  the  compiler's  (p.  503,  No.  12).  And  8,  35  f. 
(unlike  the  context)  is  written  without  reference  to  Ezra  himself;  it  is  not 
improbable  therefore  that  it  may  have  been  condensed  by  the  compiler 
from  Ezra's  own  more  detailed  and  personal  description.  The  decree  of 
Artaxerxes,  7,  12-26,  as  is  evident  from  the  terms  of  7,  27,  must  aLo  have 
stood  in  Ezra's  memoirs,  though  it  may  have  been  cast  into  its  present  form 
by  one  faniiiiar  with  the  terminology  of  the  Jewish  sacred  books  (see  vv.  13'' 
[p.  504,  No.  23].  15.  16.  17.  24.  26;  comp.  Ewald,  i.  191).  The  dialect,  as 
before,  is  the  I'altstinian  Aramaic.  In  su''sta)iie,  it  is  undoubtedly  genuine 
(Slade,  ii.  153). 

C.  10,  though  the  immediate  sequel  of  c.  9,  is  distinguished 
from  it  by  the  use  of  the  third  person,  and  also  by  being  in  parts 
considerably  less  circumstantial  (see  especially  the  brief  and 
incomplete  notices  in  vv.  15.  16  f):  at  the  same  time,  in  other 

1  Perhaps,  indeed  (Schrad.  p.  477  ;  Ryssel,  pp.  xiv,  xix  ;  Kuen.  §  34.  9), 
vv.  16-18  are  also  due  to  the  compiler,  who,  designing  ihem  as  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Aramaic  narrative  of  the  building  of  the  Temple,  may  have 
written  them  in  the  same  hin'UKiLre. 


EZRA   AND   NEHEMIAH. 


517 


respects  the  particulars  are  full  and  graphic  {vv.  q''.  13);  so  that 
in  all  probability  the  narrative  has  merely  been  somewhat  altered 
in  form,  and  abridged,  from  the  memoirs  of  Ezra.^ 

Neh.  I,  1—7,  73^  is  an  excerpt,  to  all  appearance  unaltered, 
from  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah, — the  register,  7,  6-73*^  (relating 
to  the  time  of  Zerubbabel),  being,  of  course,  as  exjjressly  stated 
in  V.  5^  an  earlier  document  found  by  Nehemiah,  and  incor- 
porated by  him  in  his  memoirs. 

In  Neh.  7,  73''— c  10  Ezra  reappears;  and  both  E/ra  and 
Nehemiah  are  mentioned  in  the  third  person  (8,  1-6  d'c.  :  in  8, 
9.  10,  I  alone  Nehemiah  receives  the  Persian  title,  "the 
Tirshatha"  [cf.  7,  65.  7c.  Ezr.  2,  63  of  Zerubbabel]).  The  con- 
nexion of  the  section  with  i,  i — 7,  73*  is  also  imperfect ; 
for  7,  73^  c.  8  is  not  the  sequel  to  7,  4-5  (Neh.'s  puri)ose  to 
class  the  people  genealogically),  but  relates  to  an  entirely  different 
matter,  viz.  the  people's  engaging  to  observe  the  Mosaic  law. 
U  cannot  therefore  be  regarded  as  a  continuation  of  Nehemiah's 
narrative,  though  it  is  not  questioned  that  it  is  based  upon  a 
well-informed,  contemporary  source,  perhaps  here  and  there 
modified  by  the  compiler :  by  many  critics  this  source  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  memoirs  of  Ezra. 

So  Ewald,  Hist.  i.  192  ;  Berth,  p.  8  ;  Schradcr,  Eitil.  §  237  ;  Ryssel, 
pp.  xvi,  XX  ;  Oettli,  p.  150  ;  and  at  least  for  9,  6—10,  40  (except  the  li-t  of 
names,  10,  3-14  [2-13])  Stade,  GescJi.  ii.  153,  178,  179,  who  points  to  the 
great  similarity  of  the  prayer  in  c.  9  with  that  in  Ezr.  9  (in  Neh.  9,  6  ihe 
words  And  Ezra  spake  should  very  possibly  be  restored  from  the  LXX  :  so 
Berth.,  Ryssel,  Stade).  It  is  true,  the  section  exhibits  some  affinities  with 
the  style  of  the  compiler  ;  but  they  are  not  here  sufficiently  numen  us  or 
marked  to  indicate  identity  of  author  :  they  are  rather  (as  in  the  c.nse  oi  E/r. 
7^  27— c.  9)  due  to  the  fact  that  the  theme  is  in  nart  similar  (the  fimciions  of 
the  Levites,  theocratic  ordinances,  &c.),  and  that  some  of  the  expas^-ions 
used  by  the  Chronicler  were  already  current  in  Ezra's  time.  It  is  rcm.irkcd 
justly  by  Kuenen,  that  in  point  of  grammar  and  literary  style  Neh.  7.  7]>^— 
c.  10  stands  on  a  much  higher  level  than  the  narratives  which  proceed  from 
the  pen  of  the  Chronicler  :  so  the  prayer  in  c.  9,  for  instance,  shows  no  traces 
of  his  pecuhar  mannerisms.     For  details  of  the  style,  see  Kuenen,  §  34-  13- 

To  c.  11,  on  the  other  hand,  the  remark  in  7,  4  forms  a  natural 
introduction,-   though    the    narrative   is    hardly   continued    una 

1  Keil's  explanation  (^/«/.  §  146.  3)of  thechangeof  pcr.<on  ismosl  inadc«|nale. 

2  So  Evv.  V.  159  note:  Kuen.  §  29.  9 ;  Smcnd,  p.  23;  Stade,  ii.  9S,  174: 
Ryssel,  p.  xix. 


5r8  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

te?w?-e,  for  no  allusion  is  made  to  the  "assembly"  mentioned  in 
7,  5,  and  the  absence  of  all  notice  of  Nehemiah's  initiative,  so 
prominent  in  7,  1-5,  is  remarkable.  In  all  probability,  the  par- 
ticulrrs  contained  in  c.  11  are  based  upon  materials  left  by 
Nehemiah  himself,  or  dating  from  his  time,  but  not  strictly  a 
continuation  of  the  memoirs  of  i,  i — 7,  73^ 

In  c.  12  f.,  12,  27-43.  13,  1-31  (in  the  first  person)  are  two 
additional  extracts  from  Nehemiah's  memoirs,  the  former  pro- 
bably in  the  introductory  and  concluding  verses  (12,  27-30. 
42  {.)  somewhat  altered  in  form,  or  glossed,  by  the  compiler.^ 
The  lists  in  12,  1-7.  8  f.  12-21  may  be  regarded  as  derived  from 
other,  older  sources,  accessible  to  the  compiler :  it  is  a  plausible 
conjecture  of  Wellh.'s  that  the  "Book  of  Chronicles"  mentioned 
in  12,  23  is  one  of  them:  12,  10  f.  22-26  (relating  to  circum- 
stances after  the  age  of  Nehemiah),  12,  44-7  (in  which  "  the  days 
of  Nehemiah  "  are  referred  to  as  past)  will  be  due  to  the  compiler.^ 

It  is  manifest  that  we  pos-ess  the  memoirs  neither  of  Ezra  nor  of  Nehe- 
miah in  their  integrity.  Those  of  P^zra,  besides  showing  in  parts  (see  above) 
marks  of  condensation,  end  (as  it  seems)  in  ihe  midst  of  the  narrntive 
of  his  reforms  (of.  Kuenen,  De  Chroiiol.  Sec.  p.  42tif. )  :  in  those  of  Neh.,  7, 
5*  promises  v\hat  is  not  described,  and  the  account  of  the  dedication  of  the 
walls  is  introduced  abruptly,  and  without  mention  of  the  date  or  other  circum- 
stances which  Neh. 's  generally  careful  and  methodical  style  would  tntitle  us 
to  expect.  The  connexion  of  13,  I  (or  4)  with  what  precedes  is  also  imper- 
fect ;  comp.  Ryssel,  pp.  xvii,  346  ;  Kuen.  §  33.  13.^ 

On  the  style  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  much  need  not  be  said. 
From  a  literary  point  of  view,  Nehemiah's  memoirs  are  superior 
to  other  parts  of  the  two  books.  Nehemiah  writes  Hebrew  easily 
and  naturally.  As  might  be  expected,  his  memoirs  contain 
examples  of  late  words  and  idioms;*  but  they  are  much  less 
iiui^jcrDus  and  marked  than  those  which  occur  in  the  writings  ot 

^  Comp.  12,  43  with  2  Ch.  20,  27.  Ezr.  6,  22  (also  3,  13). 

*  Notice  also  the  resemi)]ance  of  12,  24''  with  2  Ch.  5,  13.  8,  14.  29,  25, 
and  wiih  i  Ch.  26,  16.  cf.  12  ("ward  against  ward")  :  the  absence  of  the 
verb  in  12,  44'' (p.  504,  No.  27);  12,  45^  2  Ch.  35,  15  (also  8,  14.  35,  4 
Solomon) ;  12,  46  the  infin.  as  subst.  p.  505,  No.  28,  and  2  Ch.  29,  30.  35,  15. 

'  That  13,  1-3  is  not  to  be  referred  to  the  compiler,  appears  both  from  the 
general  difference  of  tone  and  from  "1^^♦X  ^-  I,  and  "our  God"  v.  2  (see 
p.  519).     With  V.  i^  comp.  8,  14  f. 

*  As  2,  6  pt ;  4,  23  (II.  17)  px  with  the  nomin.  ;.  5,  7  *]^?r3  =  {0  consul/, 
as  in  Aram.  (Dan.  4,  24) ;  5,  15  dS'^  ;  13,  6  |*pS  (2  Ch.  18,  2.  Dan.  11,  6. 
13.     In  early  Hebrew,  '^'p^^i  ;   13,  24  Di*1  D^  (p.  505»  No.  35). 


EZRA  AND   NEHEMIAII. 


519 


the  Chronicler ;  his  syntax  also  is  more  classical  than  his.  Ezra's 
style  approaches  slightly  more  than  Neh.'s  does  to  that  of  the 
compiler;  this  may  be  partly  due  to  modifications  which  the 
compiler  has  allowed  himself  to  introduce  into  his  extracts  from 
Ezra's  memoirs :  partly  it  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  Ezra  was 
a  priest,  and  consequently  used  more  words  belonging  to  the 
priestly  terminology  than  Nehemiah  did. 

Examples  of  recurring  phrases  in  the  memoirs  of  Neh. : — 

My  Go.i,  2,  8.  12.  18.  5,  19.  6,  14.  7,  5.  13,  14.  22.  29.  31. 
D^'^^lDm  D"'"inn  nobles  and  deputies,  for  the  magnates  of  Judah  :  2,  16.  4, 
14.  19.  5,  7.  7,  5  :  cf.  the  nobles  of  Judah  6,   13.    13.   17  -^  the  "deputies" 

12,  40,  13,  II.  17.     (D''JJID  only  Ezr.  9,  2  in  this  sense  besides.) 
His  Ciyj  young  men  are  mentioned  :  4,  23.  5,  10.  13,  19. 

Remember  imto  uie,  O  viy  God,  for  good  (or  similar  phrases)  :  5,  19.  6,  14. 

13,  14.  22.  29.  31. 

God  of  heaven  I,  4.  5.  2,  4.  20  is  a  post-exilic  expression  often  used  in  con« 
verse  wiih  heathen,  or  placed  in  their  mouth:  Ezr.  I,  2  (=  2  Ch.  36,  23). 
5,  II.  12.  6,  9.  10.  7,  12.  21.  23.  Jon.  I,  9.  Dan.  2,  18.  19.  37.  44.  Only 
once  earlier,  Gen.  24,  7  J  (where,  however,  "and  God  of  the  earth"  has 
perhaps  fallen  out :  so  EXX,  cf.  v.  3). 

Neb.  is  also  fond  of  it>'X  =  that  ("3),  which  is  found  also  in  Dan.  Eccl. 
Est.,  and  occasionally  in  pre-exilic  writings,  but  is  not  used  by  the  Chronicler. 
See  Neh.  2,  5.  10.  4,  6.  7,  65  (=  Ezr.  2,  63).  8,  14.  15.  10,  31.  13,  i.  19.  22. 

Our  God  is  an  expression  occurring  frequently  in  the  parts  assigned  above 
to  the  memoirs  of  both  Ezr.  and  Neh. :  it  is  never  used  by  the  Chronicler 
when  speaking  in  his  own  person. 

Note. — In  the  Greek  Bible,  the  Book  of  Ezra  appears  in  two  forms: 
2  Esdras  representing — of  course  with  the  textual  variations  usual  in  LXX— 
the  Hebrew  "Ezra;"  and  i  Esdras-  incorporating  the  Hebrew  "Ezra" 
(with  variations)  with  other  matter,  as  exhibited  in  the  following  table  :— 

2  Ch.  35,  1—36,  21. 
=  Ezr.  I. 

,,     4,  7-24- 

_  ♦         ♦         ♦ 

=  Ezr.  2,  I— 4v  5. 

»     c.  5-6. 

„     c.  7-10. 
=  Neh.  7,  i:^-^^  '3*- 


I  Esdr. 

I 

2, 

I— 14 

0 

— , 

15-25 

3, 

1—5,  6 

5, 

7-70 

c. 

6-7 

8, 

1—9,  36 

9, 

37-55 

1  Dnn  is  an  Aramaic  word,  used  in  North  Israel  (p.  422  note  -),  but  never 


2  So  in  the  English  Apocrypha  ;  in  the  Vulgate  3  E-d.as  (i  E>dras  -  oui 
Ezra  ;  2  Esdras  =  Nehemiah  ;  4  Esdras  =  the  Engl.  2  E/ra). 


520  LITERATURE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT. 

The  termination  is  abrupt ;  probably  the  concluding  parts  of  the  book  have 
been  lost.  The  section  3,  i — 5,  6  has  been  borrowed  by  the  compiler  from 
some  independent  source  ;  it  describes  how  three  of  the  guards  of  Darius 
agreed  to  test  their  wisdom  by  writing  three  sentences  and  placing  them 
under  Darius'  pillow,  to  be  read  and  adjudicated  on  by  him  in  the  morning. 
One  wrote,  "Wine  is  the  strongest ;"  another,  "The  king  is  the  strongest;" 
the  third,  "  Women  are  the  strongest ;  but,  above  all  things,  truth  beareth 
away  the  victory."  In  the  morning,  each  defends  his  thesis  at  length  before 
the  king  ;  the  conclusion  of  the  third,  whose  name  was  Zorobabel  (4,  13), 
that  "truth  endureth,  and  is  strong  for  ever,"  is  greeted  by  the  people  with 
applause.  Darius  bids  him  ask  wlmt  he  will  ;  and  he  seizes  the  opportunity 
to  remind  the  king  of  a^  vow  made  by  him  at  his  accession  to  restore  the 
Jews.  Darius  thereupon  issues  a  decree,  permitting  the  Jews  to  return  from 
exile,  taking  back  with  them  their  sacred  vessels,  and  to  rebuild  the  Temple, 
and  granting  them  many  other  privileges.  This  representation,  attributing 
the  restoration  of  the  Jews  to  Daritcs,  is  evidently  in  direct  conflict  with 
Ezra  I.  The  position  assigned  to  Ezr.  4,  7-24  is  also  thoroughly  unsuitable. 
Different  motives  have  been  assigned  for  the  compilation  :  probably  the 
writer  wished  partly  to  stimulate  his  countrymen  to  a  more  zealous  observance 
of  the  Law  (note  the  transition  from  Ezr.  10  to  Neh.  7,  73  ff.),  partly  by  the 
example  of  the  munificence  of  Cyrus  and  Darius  to  gain  for  them  the  favour 
of  some  foreign  ruler — perhaps  one  of  the  Ptolemies.'  The  parts  which 
corre^pond  with  the  Heb.  Ezra  are  translated  in  a  freer  and  more  flowing 
st)le  than  in  the  LXX  ;  but  the  iranslation  is  important  for  the  criticism  of 
the  Hebrew  text  of  Ezra,  which  in  some  cases  may  be  restored  by  its  aid. 


^  C^mp.  Ewald,  Hist.  v.  p.  126  t. ;  Li.piou,  in  the  Sj>taker''s  Coiiiin.  on  ih* 
A^ocry^ha^  i,  p.  10. 


INDEX. 


Alphabetical  poems,  345  f.,  379,  428, 

431. 
Anthropomorphisms,  7,  114,  121,  133, 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  4616'.,  477  f. 
Aramaic,  239,  240,  427,  471-3,  512  «., 

514,  516. 

,,         parts  of  the  OT.  written  in, 

239,  458,  471-3.  482,  508,  515,  516. 
Aramaisms,  148,  227,  301,  352,  361,  379, 

404,  408,   421  f.,    426  f.,   444-6,  455, 

473-5-  502  ff.,  518,  519- 
Archaisms,  imaginary,  117,  499. 
Apocalvptic  literature,  482. 
Authorship   of   the  OT.,   according  to 

the  Jews,  xxviiiff. 


Babylon,  prophecies  relating  to,  201  f., 

265,   209,  217  ff.,  250-2,  316-8,    323; 

cf.  308-10. 
Book  of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of 

Israel,  176  f. 
Book  of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of 

Judah,  176  f. 
Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah, 

495  ff-.  499.  502. 
Book  of  the  Wars  of  Jehovah,  114. 


Canon  of  the  OT,,  xxiii  ff. 
Chaldee,  the  term  a  misnomer,  471. 
Chronicles,  term  explained,  177,  486. 
,,  sources  of,  495  ff. 

historical  view  of,  356,  493  f. , 
500-2. 
Chronology,  inexact,  xiv  note,  465  noie. 
Compilers,  method  of,  3f.,  12  ff.,  18-20 

50  ff. ,  62  f. ,  64. 
Covenant,  Book  of  the,  28,  33,  115. 
,,  Little  Book  of  the,  20,  36  f. 


D2,  symbol  explained,  97. 

David,  Chronicler's  view  of,  356,  500  f. 

Davidic  Psalms,  352-8. 

Day  of  Jehovah,  197,  287 1.,  296,  319 

Decalogue,  double  text  of,  30  ff. 


Deuteronomic  writers,  97  fF.,  loi,  106  f„ 
154-8,  168,  175,  180-4,  187-9,  190  ff. 
Deuteronomy    compared     with    earliel 
books  of  the  Pent.,  68-72,  75-7,  79, 
80  f. 

,,  relation   to    the    Priests' 

Code    of,    77-9,    130, 

137  f. 
,,  scope  of,  72  ff. 

style  of,  91  ff. 
Double   narratives,    7  f.,    13,    15.    16  f., 
21-4,  25  f.,  27,  29,  35,  58,  59  f.,  98  f., 
161  f. ,  165  ff.,  169  f.,  171. 
Dramatic  poetry,  338,  387,  416. 
Dramatic  style   of  representation,  222, 
310  f. 


E,  symbol  explained,  12. 
,,  characteristics  of,  1 10-18. 
Edom,     prophecies    directed    aic^ainst, 
213  f.,  222,  249,  269,  272,  297ff.  i  cf. 
206. 
Elegv,  form  of  the  Hebrew,  343,  428-30. 
Eloh'im    (God),    peculiarities   in  use  of 

term,  xx,  9,  11,  20,  349  f-.  503- 
Elohist,  term  explained,  9. 
Ezekiel,  relation  to  the  Priests'  Code  of, 

45  ff.,  123.  132  f.,  138  ff..  279. 
Ezra,  memoirs  of,  511  ft.,  518. 

did  not  close  the  Canon  of  the 
pp.,  xxvi-xxxi. 


Genesis,  mode  of  composition  of,  18  f. 
Greek  words  in  the  01\,  42J,  47°  f- 


H,  symbol  explained,  45. 

Has^iographa,  337- 

Hebrew,  dialects  of.  178,  421-3.  427.  5 »9- 
late,  characterised  ur  illus- 
trated. XX  f.,  227.  293.  301, 
336.  352.  361.  379.  404.  40^. 
426  f..  437.  444-7.  455. 
473-6,  483.  498  f..  502  n., 
513,  516,  518  f. 


Sa» 


522 


INDEX. 


Hexateuch,  term  explained,  4. 
Holiness,  the  Law  of,  43  ff.,  54-  138  ff. 

Incense,  altar  of,  35,  39. 
Inscriptions  quoted  or  referred  to — 

Aramaic,  xxi,    239  f.,    470,    472  f., 

512. 
Assyrian,  195,  202,  205,  315. 
Babylonian,  468,  470. 
Hebrew,  422. 
Persian,  512,  514. 
Inspiration  of  the  OT.,  xi  ff. 
Isaiah,  prophecies  incorrectly  attributed 
to,  201  f.,  208  ff.,  213  f.,  217,  223  ff. 
,,      historical   writings   referred    to, 
196,  496,  497  f. 

y,  symbol  explained,  12. 
,,  characteristics  of,  1 10-18. 
jasliar.  Book  of,  lor,  114,  182  (cf.  xx). 
JE,  symbol  explained,  12. 
,,    difficulties  in  the  analysis  of,  12,  14, 
15,  17  f. ,  36,  62,  109  f. 
Jeremiah,  prophecies  doubtfully  or  in- 
correctly attributed  to,  239  f.,  250-2. 
,,         double  text  of,  248,  253  f. 
Judges,  Deuteronomic  standpoint  of  the 
compiler,  154-8,  161. 

Kethubim,  x.xiii,  336. 
Kings,  date  of  Book  of,  188. 

,,       sources  of,  176  ff.,  192  f. 

,,       Deuteronomic  standpoint  of  the 
compiler,  175,  180-3,  189  ff. 

Laws,  groups  of,  26,  33  f.,  68  ff.,  84  f., 

135  f- 
Legislation,    Hebrew,    gradual    growth 

of,    33  f-.    35.    51  f-.    54.    80,    13s  f., 
144-6. 

Maccabaean  Psalms,  360,  363,  364  f. 

Maccabees,  age  of  the,  364  f.,  462. 

Megilloth,  409. 

Metre  in  Hebrew  poetr}',  339  f. 

Midrash,  497,  502. 

Mishnah,    language   of,    444   ff.,    455, 

474- 
Moab;  language  of,  422. 
Moses,  xix,  28,  117  note,  144-6. 

Nehemiah,  memoirs  of,  511,  517  ff"' 

,,  library   said    to   have   been 

founded  by,  xxv  f. 
New  Hebrew,  444,  447.  473.  474.  483. 


Old  Testament,  Christ's  use  of  the,  xiv  f. 
Order  of  Books  of  the  OT.  according  ta 

the  Jews,  x.xiii  f. 
Origins,  Book  of,  9. 

P,  symbol  explained,  g. 

Parallel  passages,  difficulty  of  determin- 
ing priority  from,  292,  318,  327  f., 
361,  408. 

Parallehsm  in  Hebrew  poetry,   340  ff., 

373- 
Persian  words  in  the  OT.,  422  f.,  446,^ 

455,  469  f-,  473.  474  f- 
Personification,  228,  366  f. 
Poetry,  Hebrew,  114,  338  ff. 
Priesthood,  stages  in  the  history  of  the, 

77'  130-3,  145-7- 
Priests'  Code,  term  explained,  g. 

,,  characteristics  of,  8,  10  f., 

118-28,  147  f. 
,,  probable  date  of,  128  ff. 

,,  synopsis  of,  150. 

Prophets,  the  Former,  96. 
F'rophets,  the  Latter,  195. 
Prophetical  narrative  of  the  Hexateuch, 

no,    III  ff. 

Prophetical  narratives  in  the  Book  of 

Kings,  178  f.,  184  f.,  187. 
Proverb,  the  Hebrew,  370. 
Psalms,  titles  of,  347-9,  351ft 

,,        dates  of,  359  ff. 

, ,       Temple,  356  f. 
Purim,  meaning  of  term  unknown,  455. 

Qoh^leth,  term  explained,  437,  cf.  xxi. 

Shaddai,  name  of  God,  119. 

Singers,  Temple-,  348,  356  f.,  502  (cf. 
xxi). 

Sirach,  Jgsus,  son  of  (Ben-Sira),  pro- 
verbs of  (Ecclesiasticus),  xxi,  xxiv, 
447,  483. 

Speeches  often  composed  or  expanded 
bv  the  compiler,  84,  158  n.,  i68,  181, 
182  f.,  184,  186,  498  f. 

Tdrah  (law),  28,  145,  285  f.,  296. 

Wisdom-Literature,   368-70,    385,    436, 

442. 
Wisdom,  personification  01,  370,  371  f. 
Wise  men  in  ancient  Israel,  368  f. 

Zechariah,  prophecies  incorrectly  attri* 
buted  to,  324-33. 


CHURCH   HISTORY. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  CHRISTIANITY.     With   a  View  of  tho 

State   of  the   Roman   World    at  the    Birth   of  Christ.     By 

GEORGE    P.    FISHER,   D.D.,   LL.D.,   Professor  of  Church 

History  in  Yale  College.    8vo,  $2.50. 

THE  BOSTON  ADVERTISER.— "  Prof.  Fislier  has  displayeci  In  this,  aa  In  his 

previous  published  writings,  that  cathoUcity  and  that  calm  judicial  quality  ol 

mind  which  are  so  Indispensable  to  a  true  historical  critic." 

THE  EXAMINER.— "The  volume  is  not  a  dry  repetition  of  weU-known  facts. 
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makes  it  one  of  the  most  useful  of  treatises  for  a  student  tn  philosopl^y  au 
theology,  and  must  secure  for  it  a  place  in  his  Ubrary  as  a  standard  authority.' 

HISTORY   OF   THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH.     By  GEORGE    P 
FISHER,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical   History  in 
Yale  University.    8yo,  with  numerous  maps,  $3.50. 
This  work  is  in  several  respects  notable.    It  gives  an  able  Pre^^enta- 
tion  of  the  subject  in  a  single  volume,  thus  -if  >'-8,  ^^^^^^^^^H    ,0^^ 
complete  and  at  the  same  time  condensed  survey  of  <-^"^^;^.  f^'^^^^y;. 
It  will  also  be  found  much  broader  and  more  co-prehensive  than  other 
books  of  the  kind.     The  following  will  indicate  its  aim  and  scope. 
FROM  THE  PREFACE.-"There  are  two  particulars  in  which  I  have  sought 

Church  to  contemporaneous  seculai  history.  ^J 

"It  has  appeared  to  me  better  to  express  Id  differences  of  opinion 

of  holiness  and  love, -wherever  it  is  manifest  excluslvelv.  but  for  Intel- 

..As  this  book  is  designed  not  for  ^^^^^^^f  ^  ^^^^^^^^^^^ed  undmrnateaiscuir 
ligent  reade>-s  generally,  the  temptation  to  '^^'^l'^''';^^^):' 
Bions  on  perplexed  or  controverted  topics  has  been  resisted. 


STANDARD    TEXT  BOOKS. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  By  PHILIP  SCHAFF, 
D.D.  New  Edition,  re-written  and  enlarged.  Vol.  I.— Apos* 
tolic  Christianity,  A.D.  1—100.  Vol.  II.— Antc-Nicene  Chris" 
tianity,  A.D.  100-325.  Vol.  Ill.-Nicene  and  Po3t-Nicene 
Christianity,  A.D.  311-600.  Vol.  IV.-Mediaeval  Christianity, 
A.D.  590-1073.    8vo,  price  per  vol.,  $4.00. 

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tian art,  hyranology.  accounts  of  the  lives  and  chief  works  of  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church,  etc.  The  great  theological,  christological,  and 
anthropological  controversies  of  the  period  are  duly  sketched  ;  and  in 
all  the  details  of  historj-  the  organizing  hand  of  a  master  is  distinctly 
Been,  shaping  the  mass  of  materials  into  order  and  system. 

PROF.  GEO.  P.  FISHER,  Of  Tale  College.— "Tir.  Scliaff  has  thorouglily  and 
Buccessfully  accompllslied  liis  task.  The  volumes  are  replete  witb  evidences  of  a 
careful  study  of  tlie  original  sources  and  of  an  extraordinary  and,  we  might  say, 
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CHARLES  SGRIBNER'S  SONS' 

LECTURES  ON  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWISH  CHURCH.  By 
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only),  per  set,  $9.00. 

LECTURES  ON  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  EASTERN   CHURCH. 

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By  ARTHUR  PENRHYN  STANLEY,  D.D.  New  Edition  from 
New  Plates.    12mo,  $2.00. 

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LAND.  By  ARTHUR  PENRHYN  STANLEY,  D.D.  8vo,  81.50. 

In  all  that  concerns  the  external  characteristics  of  the  scenes  and 
persons  described,  Dr.  Stanley  is  entirely  at  home.  His  books  are  noti 
dry  records  of  historic  events,  but  animated  pictures  of  historic  sceneL 
and  of  the  act^a-s  in  them,  while  the  human  motives  and  aspects  of 
events  are  broug-ht  out  in  bold  and  full  relief. 

THE  LONDON  CRlTiC— "Earnest,  eloquent,  learned,  Avlth  a  style  that  U 
never  monotonous,  but  luring  tlirough  ita  eloquence,  the  lectures  will  inaiutain 
his  fame  as  a-uthor.  scholar,  and  divine.  We  could  point  out  many  passages  that 
rlow  with  a  true  poetic  fire,  but  there  are  hundreds  pictorlally  rich  and  poet  leal. y 
true.  The  reader  experiences  no  weariness,  for  in  every  page  and  paragraph 
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grace  and  graphic  beauty  of  his  style.  The  felicitous  discrimination  in  the  uso 
of  language  which  appears  on  every  page  is  especially  required  on  th..e  topics 
Where  the  author's  position  might  so  easily  be  mistaken  ^^.^  o^^^^ 
statement.  Dr.  Stanley  is  possessed  of  the  prime  qualiry  o  au  ^»-^^^;  ;^'  f  f "' 
and  writer-namely,  the  historical  feeling,  or  sense,  by  -f  f /^f  ^l^^^f  J,'^° 
and  types  of  character,  remote  from  our  present  experience,  are  Mvld.y  con- 
ceived of  and  truly  appreciated." 

THE  N.  Y.  TiMES.-"The  Old  Testament  History  Is  ^^^^^f^j^f  ^^^,^^! 
never  was  presented  before  ;  with  so  much  clearness.  ^^«f  °,';^  °;J;f;';;,';^em. 
t«ric  and  literary  iUustration,  not  to  speak  of  Icarnmg  ^^^J^^^.^^^^  ^^^^'^^^^^ 
that  not  theologians  alone,  but  also  cultivated  ^^^f  ^^^^=,f.^,f  >^-  "  J^^^'J''^^ 
pages,    in  point  cf  style  it  takes  rank  with  Macaulay.  Uiitory  and  tixe 

Chapters  of  Froude.'' 


BIBLICAL   STUDY. 


B'BLICAL  STUDY.  Its  Principles,  Methods,  and  History.  B^ 
CHARLES  A.  BRIGGS,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew  and 
Cognate  Languages  in  Union  Theological  Seminary.  Crown 
8vo,  $2.50.  ' 

The  author  has.  aimed  to  present  a  guide  to  Biblical  Study  for  the 
mtelligent  layman  as  well  as  the  theological  student  and  minister  of 
the  Gospel.  At  the  same  time  a  sketch  of  the  entire  history  of  each 
department  of  Biblical  Study  has  been  given,  the  stages  of  its  develop- 
ment are  traced,  the  normal  is  discriminated  from  the  abnormal,  and 
the  whole  is  rooted  in  the  methods  of  Christ  and  His  Apostles. 

THE  BOSTON  ADVERTISER.— " 'ITie  principles,  methods,  and  history  of 
Biblical  study  are  very  fully  considered,  and  it  is  one  cf  the  best  works  of  its  kind 
in  the  language,  if  not  the  only  book  wherein  the  modern  methods  of  the  study 
of  the  Bible  are  entered  into,  apart  from  direct  theological  teaching." 

THE  LONDON  SPECTATOR.— "  Dr.  Briggs'  bookisoneof  much  value,  not  the 
less  to  be  esteemed  because  of  the  moderate  compass  into  which  its  mass  of  in- 
lormation  has  been  compressed." 

MESSIANIC  PROPHECY.  The  Prediction  of  the  Fulfilment  of 
Redemption  through  the  Messiah.  A  Critical  Study  of  the 
Messianic  Passages  of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  Order  of 
their  Development.  By  CHARLES  A.  BRIGGS,  D.D.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Hebrew  and  the  Cognate  Languages  in  the  Union 
Theological  Seminary.    Crown  8vo,  S2.50. 

In  this  work  the  author  develops  and  traces  "the  prediction  of 
the  fulfilment  of  redemption  through  the  Messiah  "  through  the  whole 
.•series  of  Messianic  passages  and  prophecies  in  the  Old  Testament. 
Beginning  with  the  first  vague  intimations  of  the  great  central  thought 
of  redemption  he  arrays  one  prophecy  after  another  ;  indicating  clearly 
the  general  condition,  mental  and  spiritual,  out  of  which  each  prophecy 
arises  ;  noting  the  gradual  widening,  deepening,  and  clarification  of 
the  prophecy  as  it  is  developed  from  one  prophet  to  another  to  the 
end  of  the  Old  Testament  canon. 

THE  LONDON  ACADEMY.— " His  new  book  on  Messianic  Prophecy  Is  a 
wcrtby  companion  to  his  indispensable  text-book  on  Biblical  study.  He  has  pro- 
duced the  first  English  text-book  on  the  subject  of  Messianic  Prophecy  which  a 
modern  teacher  can  use." 

THE  EVANGELIST.— "Messianic  Prophecy  is  a  subject  of  no  common  inter- 
est, and  thi-T  book  is  no  ordinary  book.  It  is,  on  the  contrary,  a  work  of  the  very 
first  order ;  the  ripe  product  of  years  of  study  upon  the  highest  themes.  It  is 
exegesis  in  a  master-hand.'- 


STANDARD   TEXT  JiOOKS. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  HISTORY.  According  to  the  Bible  ar  d 
the  Traditions  of  the  Oriental  Peoples.  From  t;.e  Creation 
of  IVIan  to  the  Deluge.  By  FRANCOIS  LENORMANT,  Pro- 
fessor of  Archaeology  at  the  National  Library  of  France,  etc. 
(Translated  from  the  Second  French  Edition).  With  an  in- 
troduction by  Francis  Brown,  Associate  Professor  in  Biblical 
Philology,  Union  Theological  Seminary.    12mo,  $2.50. 

THE  NEW  ENGLANDER.— "Mr.  Lenormant  is  not  only  a  believer  In  revc- 
iatlon,  but  a  devout  confessor  of  wbat  came  by  Moses  ;  as  well  as  of  what  came 
by  Christ.  In  this  explanation  of  Chaldean,  Babylonian,  Assyrian  and  Phenicla!i 
tradition,  he  discloses  a  prodigality  of  thought  and  skill  allied  to  great  variety  of 
pursuit,  and  diligent  manipulation  of  what  he  has  secured." 

THE  NEW  YORK  TRIBUNE.— "  The  work  is  one  that  deserves  to  be  studied 
by  all  students  of  ancient  history,  and  in  particular  by  ministers  of  the  Go3|»el, 
whose  office  requires  them  to  interpret  the  Scriptures,  and  who  ought  not  to  be 
ignorant  of  the  latest  and  most  interesting  contribution  of  science  to  the  elucida- 
tion of  the  sacred  volume." 

QUOTATIONS  IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT.  By  C.  H.  TOY, 
D.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew  in  Harvard  University.  8vo,  $3.50. 

THE  CONGREGATION  A  LIST.— "Textual  points  are  considered  carefully,  and 
ample  and  accurate  indexes  complete  the  work.  The  minute  and  patient 
thoroughness  of  his  examination  of  passages  and  the  clear  and  compact  arrange- 
ment of  his  views  render  his  book  remarkable.  The  difficulties  of  his  task  were 
great  and  he  has  shown  rare  skill  and  has  attained  noteworthy  success  in  meeting 
them." 

THE  CHRISTIAN  EVANGELIST.— "Prof.  Toy's  collection  and  comparison  of 
the  passages  quoted  in  the  New  and  Old  Testament  is  a  fine,  scholarly  piece  of 
work.  It  surpasses  anything  that  has  been  done  by  European  scholarship  in  this 
field." 

THE    CHALDEAN    ACCOUNT    OF    GENESIS.      By    GEORGE 
SMITH,  of  the  Department  of  Oriental  Antiquities,  British 
Museum.    A  New  Edition,  revised  and  corrected    with  addi- 
tions), by  A.  H.  Sayce.    8vo,  $3.00. 
T.-iE  N.  Y.  GUARDIAN.- "It  is  impossible  in  few  words  to  give  any  adequate 
impression  of  the  exceeding  value  of  this  work.    This  volume  is  sure  to  And  Its 
way  into  toe  public  libraries  of  the  country,  and  the  important  facts  which  it 
contains  should  be  scattered  everywhere  among  the  people." 

THE  CHRISTIAN  INTELLIGENCER.— " The  accompUshed  Assyrlologlst  Prof. 
Sayce  has  gone  over  the  whole  with  the  advantage  of  a  large  uumU-r  of  additional 
texts,  and  has  carefully  brought  the  book  up  to  the  level  of  the  present  knowl- 
edge of  the  subject.  The  book  as  it  stands  is  a  very  imp.irtaut  veriOcatiou  of 
the  early  Hebrew  records." 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS' 


THE  DOCTRINE  OF  SACRED  SCRIPTURE.  A  Critical,  Hi9 
torical,  and  Dogmatic  Inquiry  into  the  Origin  and  Nature 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments.  By  GEORGE  T.  LADD, 
D.D.,  Professor  of  IVlental  and  Moral  Philosophy  in  Yale 
College.    2  vols.,  8vo,  $7.00. 

J.  HENRY  THAYER,  D.D.— "It  is  the  most  elaborate,  erudite,  judicious  dis- 
cussion of  the  doctrine  of  Scripture,  in  its  various  aspects,  with  which  I  am 
acquainted.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that,  for  enabling  a  young  minister 
to  present  views  alike  wise  and  reverent  respecting  the  nature  and  use  of 
Sacred  Scripture,  nay,  for  giving  him  in  general  a  Biblical  outlook  upon  Chris- 
tian theology,  both  in  its  theoretical  and  its  practical  relations,  the  faithful  study 
of  this  thorough,  candid,  scholarly  work  will  be  worth  to  him  as  much  as  half 
the  studies  of  his  seminary  course." 

GEORGE  P.  FISHER,  D.D.,  LL.D.—"  Professor  Ladd's  work  is  from  the  pen  of 
an  able  and  trained  scholar,  candid  in  spirit  and  thorough  in  his  researches.  It 
is  so  comprehensive  in  its  plan,  so  complete  in  the  presentation  of  facts,  and  so 
closely  related  to  'the  burning  questions'  of  the  day,  that  it  cannot  fail  to  enlist 
the  attention  of  all  earnest  students  of  theology." 

WORD  STUDIES  INJ  THE  NEW  TESTAMANT.  By  MARVIN  R. 
VINCENT,  D.D.  Vol.  I.-The  Synoptic  Gospels,  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  and  the  tplstles  of  Peter,  James  and  Jude.  Vol. 
II.— The  Writings  of  John— The  Gospel,  the  Epistles,  the 
Apocalypse.    8vo,  per  vol.,  S4.00.     Vol.  III.  ready. 

,The  purpose  of  the  author  is  to  enable  the  English  reader  and 
student  to  get  at  the  original  force,  meaning,  and  color  of  the  signifi- 
cant words  and  phrases  as  used  by  the  different  writers.  An  intioduc- 
tion  to  the  comments  upon  each  book  sets  forth  in  compact  form  what 
is  known  about  the  author — how,  where,  with  what  object,  and 
with  what  peculiarities  of  style  he  wrote.  Dr.  Vincent  has  gathered 
from  all  sources  and  put  in  an  easily  coniprehended  form  a  great  quan- 
tity of  information  of  much  value  to  the  critical  expert  as  well  as  to 
the  studious  layman  who  wishes  to  get  at  the  real  spirit  of  the  Greek 
text. 

REV.  DR.  HOWARD  CROSBY.— " Dr.  Vincent's  'Word  Studies  in  the  New 
Testament '  Is  a  delicious  book.  As  a  Greek  scholar,  a  clear  thinker,  a  logical 
reasoner,  a  master  in  English,  and  a  devout  sympathizer  with  the  truths  of  reve- 
lation, Dr.  Vincent  is  just  the  man  to  interest  and  edify  the  Church  with  such  a 
"work  as  this.  There  are  few  scholars  who,  to  such  a  degree  as  Dr.  Vincent, 
mingle  scholarly  attiiinment  with  aptness  to  impart  knowledge  in  attractive  form. 
All  Bible-readers  should  enjoy  and  profit  by  these  delightful  '  Word  Studies.' " 

DR.  THEO.  L.  CUYLER,  in  IVie  X.  Y.  Evangelist.— "The  very  things  which 
a  young  minister— and  many  an  older  one  also— ought  to  know  about  the  chief 
words  in  hia  New  Testament  he  will  be  able  to  learn  in  this  afHuent  volume. 
Years  of  close  study  by  one  of  our  brightest  Greek  scholars,  have  been  condensed 
into  jt3  pages." 


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